Search

Businesses and governments may have been overconfident in their ability to react efficiently to black swan consequences. COVID-19 levied unforeseen isolation and border closings threatening the survival of global supply chains and the bankruptcy of governments and organizations alike. As a response to this challenge, our proposal takes a real options approach to mitigate supply chain disruptions by developing regional partnerships outside of densely populated areas. Its inherent novelty is twofold: (1) it anticipates survival uncertainties by securing the continued production of goods and services worldwide and (2) it recognizes a change in the relationship's dynamic between global and regional actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently there have been several examples of different regional integration systems intervening to prevent unconstitutional events. The interventions can be based on explicit powers or be developed in response to events. This happens despite most regional integration systems having economic cooperation rather than explicit democratisation aims. Organs that issue laws or take constraining decisions must have a clear right to do this and a basis for exercising power-in other words, be legitimate. Where legitimacy comes from is debated, but as most countries today are democracies or purport to be, it somehow emanates from the people. National governments have a higher degree of legitimacy than regional integration organisations, possibly except the European Union. Regional integration organisations have to prove their legitimacy. The article examines if, to what extent, and on what basis regional integration systems have the right to exercise an independent role on the global stage. Legitimacy is a precondition for effective application of decisions of the organisation. Given the frequent lack of strong enforcement mechanisms, the question of legitimacy becomes even more important. With strong legitimacy, decisions taken by the regional integration organisation will be followed to a large extent even despite absence of effective enforcement mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nueva Sociedad is the property of Nueva Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nueva Sociedad is the property of Nueva Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Nueva Sociedad is the property of Nueva Sociedad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

And what if the opinion of the richest were always the best one? The breaking down of FortLamy Consensus makes true such a paraphrase of the French writer La Fontaine. This article analyses the CEMAC subregion as a sphere of power relations determined by the wealth of the hegemon. The recent enrichment of one of the CEMAC member states has implied a change of the whole sub-region. This tendency of relating power position to the wealth can give way to hegemonic war, since the tentative efforts to modify the aspect of the power sharing by the rising hegemon oppose the latter to the outgoing hegemon. As far as CEMAC case is concerned, the war hasn't occurred like Gilpin put it in his theory of hegemonic change. Yet, one can consider that there is a strong link between the regional integration process conducive to peace, and the struggle for power authorized by the change of wealth from one state to another Therefore, these two aspects are at the core of entities like regional and sub-regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 70's, an institutional framework aiming at creating an area of free movement of people has been formulated mainly under the auspices of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). However, to date, very few studies have examined the recent dynamics of the regional management of migration in West Africa. This article therefore aims to fill this gap by analyzing these dynamics in the context of changes in relations between Europe and Africa regarding the immigration issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]