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There is no doubt that the discourse around climate change has matured over the years and has become one of the central features of international relations. We all know of the international legal regime that has developed to deal with climate change, starting from the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change and finishing with the Paris Agreement. Climate change is also either at the core or on the fringes of many other international debates, from international security to international economic relations. In 2018, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change released a (yet again) stark warning alerting to the risks of not moving towards a 1.5 degrees goal, rather than a 2.0 degrees as the Paris Agreement seems to be suggesting. The truth is that the trend countries are moving toward with their pledges in their nationally determined contributions is not going to meet the 2.0 objective, let alone the 1.5 degrees objective. Against this background, it is not surprising that sectors of society interested in pursuing stronger climate change policies have explored multiple governance routes to take forward their agenda. This has led to the emergence of a polycentric and multilevel governance in the field of climate change. It is within this greater picture that climate change litigation has become a key facet in the fight against climate change.

John J. Kirton and Michael J. Trebilcock (eds.), Hard Choices, Soft Law: Voluntary Standards in Global Trade, Environment and Social Governance, Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing, 2004, ISBN 0754609669, 372 pp.

DNA nuclear content was evaluated on 46 paraffin-embedded blocks of vulvar cancer by means of flow cytometry. Fifteen of 44 evaluable samples (34%) were found to have an aneuploid DNA pattern. Aneuplody showed a statistically significant relationship with tumor grading (P= 0.0004) and defined a subset of patients who have pathological characteristics of high risk, such as advanced stage of disease, deepest stromal invasion, or positive inguinal nodes. However, when a multivariate regression model was used, ploidy status did not have any prognostic role, while FIGO staging system was confirmed to be the strongest independent prognostic factor (P= 0.009). The integration of a panel of cell kinetic parameters with traditional features is worth investigating on a larger population.

In the Latin American context there are few regions which defy the commonly accepted idea of dependent development and the late start of the process of industrial growth following the great crisis of 1929. Among these few, Northeastern Mexico, with its industrial capital Monterrey, appears to offer the best example of a large industrial spurt occurring towards the end of the nineteenth century. During the two decades from 1890 to 1910 important industrial complexes, basically metallurgic and siderurgic factories, began to operate in this region, creating an impressive network of related activities and making possible considerable growth in the local demand for both consumption goods and semi-manufactured items. The statistics on industrial production reveal the importance of the process: during the years 1897,1898 and 1899 the metallurgic sector in Nuevo León produced goods worth 50,847,178 pesos. This represented 23.5% of total Mexican production, making it the most important state in the nation. By 1902, Nuevo León was also in first place as far as total industrial production was concerned, accounting for 13.5% of the national production.