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On the weekend of December 13, 2008, 4,000 House Meetings in our nation convened to plan service events. In Jacksonville, Florida, four such House Meetings were held. Of the four, two became official links in Organizing for America, President Obama's grassroots organization. Of the two, one strove to become a learning organization. At the heart of The Obama Family Network of Jacksonville, Florida (OFN-JAX), is an example of education outside of school. This network of Jacksonville leaders engaged systematic workshops embedded in monthly House Meetings to learn Peter Senge's fifth discipline framework for learning organizations. Also, the organization created teams to carry out strategic actions guided by a shared vision. Thus, this ethnographic story tells how a group of 2008 campaign volunteers for President Obama transformed into people preparing for the 2012 presidential campaign. (Contains 2 figures.)

In 2006, the George W. Bush Administration issued new Title IX regulations that allow for sex-segregated classrooms and schools in public, non-vocational elementary and secondary schools. These regulations provide schools with another condition that allows them to provide sex-segregated programs as long as they meet an "important governmental objective" (US Department of Education 2006). The Administration justified this policy by claiming that sex-segregated education programs met "important government objectives," including improving educational achievement of its students through a recipient's overall established policy to provide diverse educational opportunities and meeting the particular, identified educational needs of a recipient's students. Sex-segregated programs are also to be completely voluntary and implemented in an even-handed manner with regard to gender (US Department of Education 2006). On the surface, these regulations appear benign, but this author asserts that they actually allow schools to implement sex-segregated programs based on little evidence that such programs work, and this opens the door for future sex discrimination against women and girls in education. The author argues that the Bush Administration's regulations are not legal and Constitutional. This report provides an overview of the history of Title IX and then examines the arguments for and against sex-segregated education. It argues that the Obama Administration should work to repeal the Bush Administration's regulations because they violate the principle that separate programs are inherently unequal (established in Brown v. Board of Education), and thus threatens the availability of equal opportunities for women and girls in education. The report also emphasizes the fact that it would be imprudent to invest limited government funds in an untested program.

The next President will make decisions that determine our nation's place in the 21st century. We remain the world's military and economic superpower, yet at home and abroad we face economic and national security challenges to our leadership with serious consequences for future generations of Americans. During the 2008 presidential campaign, Americans will judge candidates on their ability to lead the nation in addressing these challenges. In this brief document, the Association of American Universities (AAU) offers Presidential candidates and the next administration a vision for science, technology, and education that can help ensure that the nation remains strong and capable of answering the daunting challenges we face. (Contains 1 footnote.)

There are numerous ways that the needs of infants and toddlers can be met through legislation and other policies considered by the Congress or the administration. The ZERO TO THREE Policy Center translates scientific research into language and tools that policymakers can use to develop more effective policies. This document outlines ways Presidential candidates can help support families meet the unique needs of infants and toddlers. (Contains 19 endnotes.)

Reflecting on her life as a teen growing up in the low-income neighborhoods of Washington, DC, Karen Pittman spells out why she is determined to have the Forum meet its goal of challenging national partners and state and local change makers to ensure that every young person is Ready by 2010. Pittman describes what she believes is the biggest challenge facing communities--not more programs or even more funding, but fundamental changes in the way they DO change that allow for long-term "capacity to sustain the Big Ticket, Big Tent changes needed to sustain Big Picture improvements in opportunities and outcomes for children and youth."

Boards often hire someone new to the presidency both to benefit from fresh thinking and to avoid tapping someone who has done the same thing in the same way at multiple institutions. And yet, the decision to take a chance on a rookie chief executive creates one of the riskiest situations in higher education. One reason it is fraught with risk is that the search and hiring process nearly always forces some unvoiced hopes into play. The board of trustees and the new president will have entered into collusion by tacitly agreeing to leave some of their mutual expectations unstated. And together, they have created a sure recipe for disaster. In this article, the authors explain how the practice of hiring a presidential mentor or an executive coach--with the president's blessing--can moderate or eliminate the negative force of these unvoiced expectations and produce a longer, healthier, and more productive presidency for an institution.

Society suffers from the underutilization of more than half of the talents available to educational administration because of discriminatory attitudes against women which are reinforced in the school setting. Indeed, a 1970-71 nationwide survey showed that while 67% of all public school teachers were women, women held only 15% of the school principal positions. Similarly, a study of 37 randomly selected community colleges in six states (California, Illinois, Florida, Maryland, Texas, and Arizona) revealed that only 98 women held administrative positions at these colleges between 1973 and 1976. Of these, 51 were chairpersons and none were presidents. Most were in traditionally female disciplines, such as home economics and nursing, and only 20% held Doctorates of Philosophy. Discriminatory practices and attitudes contributing to this problem include invisible barriers, such as word-of-mouth recruitment techniques, and myths, such as the belief that women administrators are absent from their posts more often than males. Concrete steps should be taken to combat this situation at national, university, community college, and personal levels, e.g., support of legislation eliminating sex barriers, encouragement of women to attain advanced degrees, active recruitment of women for administrative positions, and encouragement of women to aggressively pursue administrative jobs. (JP)

Journalists play a central role in U.S. presidential debates, but their exact role is unclear. Unlike the news conference or interview, the situation of a debate does not favor an adversarial role because journalists who assume this role tend to shift attention away from the main issues and reduce exchanges between the candidates. To insure true debate, journalists must pose well-defined questions that set the discussion agenda, focus on a point of opposition, and clearly imply a debate resolution. With this idea in mind, the panelists' efforts in the two 1980 debates between Ronald Reagan and John Anderson and between Ronald Reagan and President Jimmy Carter can be examined in terms of seven criteria: (1) brevity, (2) single question, (3) continuity in follow-up questions, (4) focus on an area of disagreement between the candidates, (5) freedom from bias, (6) tone of goodwill rather than hostility, and (7) call for explanation and justification of significant policies. Results of this examination revealed that there were significant weaknesses in both of the 1980 debates, but that the panel for the Reagan-Carter debate performed much better than the panel for the earlier debate between Reagan and Anderson. The success of this later panel resulted from its ability to remove itself from the center stage, thereby allowing more exchanges between the candidates. (JL)

The presidency of John F. Kennedy is assessed. Considered are J.F.K's positions on, and national and world leaders' reactions to, such issues as oil depletion allowances, the Civil Rights Bill, the Vietnam situation, and the Cold War missile gap. (RM)

Most historians now widely agree that the concrete accomplishments of President Kennedy were modest and that his failures and misjudgments were considerable. Yet Kennedy's image continues to shine in our historical memories with a brightness that few other figures of this century can match. Reasons are discussed. (RM)

The changing role and selection procedures for college presidents in the United States, and the changing character of education generally, are traced historically. The information may also serve as a current guide for selection committee members. The discussion considers the traditional role of the college president and its evolution, forces for change, current selection procedures, establishing the qualifications for the college president, and finding the person. Forces for change included the secularization of education, democracy and egalitarianism, and the growth of professionalism. In considering appointment to the selection committee, extra-institutional influence, and the roles of the retiring president, the faculty, and students may be considered. Qualifications for the position which should be assessed include academic background, experience, personality, and special institutional needs. The selection process includes obtaining the names of candidates, the process of elimination, interviewing the top contenders, and making the right choice. (SW)

A discussion of Harvard University's ethical responsibilities by the college's president considers the reasons why universities have traditionally been reluctant to take formal positions on ethical and political issues arising in the outside world. These reasons include a belief that such positions will establish an orthodoxy that may inhibit intellectual freedom; a realization that universities cannot exert economic leverage to affect disputes beyond the campus without inviting outside pressure to influence academic policies; and a concern over the impropriety of diverting universitV resources away from the academic purposes for which they were entrusted. Universities are designed to achieve particular purposes; their special mission is the discovery and transmission of knowledge. Their institutional goal is not to reform society in specific ways. At the very least, individuals in the university will be offended by the creation of official doctrines that conflict with their personal convictions. Society respects the freedom of academic institutions only because it assumes that they will devote themselves to the academic pursuits for which that freedom was extended. Any loss of university funds can impair the academic enterprise, and ethical choice may involve the course of action that does least harm to legitimate human interests and important social goals involved in the university's mission. (SW)

The question of what the university should do when it purchases goods and services from firms that are said to have acted improperly is considered by the president of Harvard University. It has been proposed that Harvard join national boycotts to force companies to stop engaging in specific practices that are thought to be improper. Several objections can be made against refusing to buy from firms on social or ethical grounds. It would be difficult to develop consistent standards to determine when a company's behavior was sufficiently objectionable to merit this treatment. A university would also assume a heavy administrative burden if it decided to cease making purchases on moral grounds. Universities might endanger their independence and academic autonomy if they claim the right to use economic leverage to influence business policies. The risk of abuse in deciding what is morally right is so great that it seems wiser for private organizations to leave to public agencies the task of imposing standards of corporate behavior. There is, however, good reason for the university to encourage individual choice by offering an alternative source of supply when particular products raise serious ethical concerns. There are many ways that universities act collectively and make decisions in ways that observe a moral obligation not to inflict unjustifiable harm on others. Reasons for caution against the university making collective stands on external issues are discussed. (SW)

The proposal that Harvard University sell its stock in American corporations in South Africa is discussed by the university's president. The proposal is based on the desire that the university respond as part of a pressure group using the leverage of purchases, endowment, and prestige as a university to push for social or political ends. Many years ago, Harvard adopted a policy of not investing in companies doing business in South Africa. Quite different considerations apply to the recent proposals concerning Harvard's policy as a share holder in American firms that carry out a small portion of their business in South Africa. It is felt that total divestment is neither a justifiable course of action for Harvard or a very promising way to help put an end to injustice in South Africa. Those who urge total divestment can make a plausible case only if they can show that all of the following propositions are likely to be correct: the withdrawal of American companies will help materially in overcoming apartheid and will contribute more than an effort on the part of American companies to improve wages, employment opportunities, and social conditions of nonwhite workers; selling Harvard's stock has a strong probability of persuading American firms to leave South Africa; divestment is a more effective inducement to withdrawal than continuing to vote on shares and communicate with management in other ways; and it is permissible for the Harvard Corporation to divert university resources to combat apartheid. (SW)

The ethical problems of receiving funds and the objections raised by concerned members of the university community are discussed by the president of Harvard University. It is proposed that donations be rejected that force the institution to deviate from its chosen standards of admission, or permit the donor to determine the selection of professors or other academic personnel, or compel the university to promote a particular set of values or beliefs. An institution may consider it in bad taste to become involved with an objectionable benefactor and will wish to refrain from celebrating the gift in a manner that implies support for the donor's behavior. It is doubtful that universities have an ethical obligation to reject such gifts. In and of itself, the act of accepting a donation does not imply an endorsement of the views or actions of the benefactor. In certain cases, a gift may be designed, not merely to benefit the university but to achieve some other aim that is ethically objectionable. Examples of situations where gifts might be accepted or refused and the ramifications of the issues are discussed. (SW)

Because President Lyndon Johnson understood well the publicity value of the American news media, he sought to exploit them. He saw reporters as "torch bearers" for his programs and policies and used the presidential press conference chiefly for promotional purposes. Although he met with reporters often, his press conferences were usually impromptu, which discouraged thorough preparation by newspeople. Often he denied public access and scrutiny, which broadcast conferences afford. He was generally uncomfortable when reporters had him at a disadvantage. He overused the prerogative of the opening statement through excessive length and by narrowing the scope of possible news inquiry. He also limited his effectiveness because of his frequent unresponsiveness through controlling, fencing, and evading. While he was able to give useful answers, he usually failed to respond directly to news reporters and generally let his own purposes dominate in the news conference. In general, President Johnson was probably effective in using the press conference to satisfy his own aims--especially to gain publicity and promote his administration--but by pursuing his own ends in such calculated and extensive ways he reduced other potential values of the press conference, too often at the expense of the press and the American public. (Author/HTH)

The paper traces the period 1945-65 when scholars of the American presidency changed their emphasis from the study of individual presidents to examination of the presidency itself and the powers it encompassed. The change was prompted by events such as World War II, development of the atomic bomb, and the Cold War. Evidence that mankind was capable of self-destruction and the threat of nuclear war led scholars to examine the powers of the presidency in shaping policy and leading the public. Contrary to traditional thinking, it was observed that the Presidential Cabinet was not a unified group. Richard Fenno ("The President's Cabinet," 1959) found that each cabinet member fends for himself with little consideration for cabinet unity. Also, cabinet members tend to develop their own lines of power which may conflict with objectives of the administration. Several studies revealed that the President does not necessarily stand at the head of his party and that his leadership is not essential to the proper functioning of the party on all levels. Rather, it appears that both parties contain wings which support either the President or the Congress. One analysis of the relationship between the President and Congress showed that Congress initiated more legislation than did the President. In terms of foreign policy, the President became a figure of international leadership following World War II. (Author/AV)

Two articles and a transcript of a colloquium discussion by seven practitioners/experts on the topic of educational policy in the Carter years are presented. The discussion group considered Carter's first year, zero-based budgeting, dimensions of leadership, the fiscal year 1979 budget, reorganization and a Department of Education, and the prospects to 1984. An article by Samuel Helperin discusses salient features of American education, the federal government's roles in formulating educational policy, external social forces, influences on Congressional action on educational issues, and prescription for improving the system. An article by George R. Kaplan considers federal educational policy in the second year of the Carter Presidency. The federal government's influence over the jurisdictions through legislation, federal court action, and administrative regulation is noted. The federal government has had a dominant position regarding research and development, equal opportunity, and educational reform. Congressional involvement in education; the possibility of the creation of a Department of Education; and the influence of an inner cadre of 10 or 12 main educational policy-movers of the Executive Branch are considered. (SW)

A summary of the information contained in the American Association of Community and Junior Colleges' 1978 publication, "The Presidents," is made difficult by the plethora of terms used to identify chief executive officers and by statistical inconsistencies, which included information on only 890 of the 1,200 two-year college heads, presentation of tenure data for only two-thirds of the entries, and the lack of complete information for all entries. However, if one disregards the semantical confusion caused by the use of 28 discrete titles and accepts the assumption that what is presented is representative of college presidents in 1978, the following observations can be made: (1) while presidents ranged in age from 33 to 78 years, their average age was 52; (2) while the sex of some presidents could not be determined by their names, 29 (3%) were obviously women; (3) the highest degree title earned by the greatest number of presidents was the Doctor of Education (held by 46% of the presidents), followed by the Doctor of Philosophy (28.5%), the Master of Arts (11%), and the Master of Education (4%); (4) the length of tenure ranged from less than one year to 44 years and averaged 8.5 years; (5) the presidents were equally divided between those who headed institutions in the same state in which they earned their highest degree and those who did not. Age and tenure data are graphically illustrated in the report. (JP)

The primary goal of presidential crisis rhetoric appears to be the unification of the people of the United States in support of presidential policy. John F. Kennedy's crisis speaking corresponded both to his conceptions of presidential leadership and to those of the people. If the President of the United States is seen as the personification of the people, no more illustrative example of this kind of identification can be found than in Kennedy's crisis rhetoric. In both the Berlin crisis and the Cuban missile crisis speeches, Kennedy joined the idea of his will and wishes for resolution of the crises with those of the people. He put himself in the position of moral leader and spokesman for the nation by casting the issues under discussion in the mold of basic democratic ideology. He fulfilled his role as public educator while simultaneously urging support for his policies. An analysis of his rhetoric reveals that it performed well in moments of crisis. His speeches succeeded in securing the approval of the people and he triumphed in demonstrating the courage he admired in great leaders. (FL)

While numerous authors have addressed the subject of the college presidency, the literature does not contain an up-to-date job description of the community college president or the school district superintendent. A job description for the Superintendent/President as Executive Officer for the Board of Trustees would need to include a general statement of administrative relationships; the President/Superintendent will enforce all rules and regulations adopted by the Board, be subject only to the Board, have authority over all other Board employees, and represent the Board in all matters involving law and legal procedure. The description would also state the powers and duties of the office in the following areas: advisement to the Board, execution of Board policies, keeping informed of college programs, interpretation of college/district needs, improvement of instruction and programs, development of community relations, participation in community activities, and nomination of candidates for staff positions. Additionally, he has responsibility for operating costs, facility construction and repair, annual budgets, fiscal operations, information dissemination, regulations governing students, and instructional methods. (DR)

When President Reagan took office in January 1981, the federal government had a four-fold function in public secondary and elementary education that included financing high-cost programs of overriding national significance and advancing the cause of civil rights throughout the nation. According to Reagan's "new federalism," the role of the federal government in education would allegedly stay substantially as it had been under the previous four presidents. In fact, however, such Reagan administration proposals as a 50 percent cut in the federal budget's support of school programs from 1980 to 1983 and the dismantling of the United States Department of Education suggest that Reagan's "new federalism" may merely represent a return to the "old federalism" that existed in 1917 before enactment of the United States Vocational Education and Child Nutrition Acts. The federal role in education is not likely to diminish as a result of Reagan's policies. Instead, the weight of federal involvement will be transferred increasingly from the executive branch to the legislative and judicial branches. School board members and administrators have a responsibility to communicate the importance of education as a national investment and to encourage sound partnership among federal, state, and local governments. (JBM)

The author presents his political stand regarding education, vocational rehabilitation, health care, employment, housing, and transportation for the disabled and their families. (SBH)

William L. Shirer, author of Rise and Fall of the Third Reich, discusses a wide variety of subjects, including the personalities of Roosevelt and Hitler, why the Germans succumbed to Nazism, McCarthyism in the United States, and the heroic resistance of the Russians to German invasion. (CS)

Lists the presidents of the National Art Education Association (NAEA) since its founding and describes their messages in "Art Education." Many messages dealt with NAEA activities or with attempts to increase membership. The latest president, Edmund B. Feldman, has issued a call for getting "art into the mainstream of education." (CS)

Discussed are why the United States has just about the lowest percentage of voter turnout among the democracies of the world and what can be done to reverse that trend. (RM)

Both Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Adolf Hitler came to power in 1933. This 50th anniversary issue contains articles analyzing the two men, and the different political, social, moral, and artistic directions taken by the United States and Germany in the 1930's. American youth have much to learn from what occurred. (CS)

The author, a major candidate for the presidency, presents his views on issues related to the quality of life for individuals with disabilities and their families. (SBH)