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The article focuses on the new insights gained from excavations at Tell es-Safi, the site of ancient Gath of the Philistines, and how they challenge previous interpretations of Philistine history. Topics include the revision of traditional views on Philistine origins and migrations, evidence of continuous local settlement and mixed cultural influences, and the significant discoveries that illustrate Gath's prominent role and eventual downfall in the region.

abstract:The Philistines have been the focus of considerable research over the last 150 years. For much of this time, until the most recent decades, the accepted explanation about the origins, arrival, and cultural development of this group was that of a uniform migrating group, which arrived in the southern Levant just after 1200 BCE, captured the region of "Philistia," and formed a unique culture, which slowly, throughout the Iron Age, intermixed with the local Levantine cultures. In recent decades, and in particular in the last 20 years, excavations at sites in Philistia produced rich finds that have been analyzed using a broad set of modern techniques and interpretative perspectives. The results led to major changes in the interpretation of the Philistines and their culture. In this article, I will review how the understanding of the Philistines and their culture has changed in light of recent research.

This paper presents two brief alphabetic inscriptions from Area D in the lower city of Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath, both deriving from Iron Age IIA contexts. The first is written in an Early Alphabetic script similar to an inscription previously published from the site (Maeir et al. 2008) and is interpreted as being related to the storage of wine. The second, written in later, “formalized” alphabetic script, is quite fragmentary and difficult to decipher, for which several possible interpretations are suggested. These two new inscriptions join the relatively large number of alphabetic inscriptions from Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath, second only in number to contemporaneous Tel Rehov, and provide additional evidence to the outstanding role of the site during the early Iron Age.

In this paper I suggest that the evolution of the control of natural resources and trade routes in the Arabah Valley and its environs was the basis for the formation of Edomite identity in the early Iron Age. Building on insights on ethnogenesis in Southeast Asia in the studies of Joseph Scott and James Warren, I attempt to align this with recent discussions on early Edom, and the role that this group played in the regional economic web of the Iron Age.

In 2006, we published in Near Eastern Archaeologya bone tool workshop dating to the Iron IIA destruction level at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath. We managed to reconstruct the chaîne opératoireof the production of this workshop and although we did not find a finished object, we suggested that bone arrowheads were manufactured here and that they may have been produced in connection with the Aramean siege and destruction of Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath in ca. 830 BCE. In the present article, we describe and discuss a bone arrowhead from the same destruction, but from Area M in the lower city of the site. We suggest that it may very well have been produced in this previously reported workshop (or in a very similar one).

Some scholars view Philistine settlement in the southern Levant as the dominant, colonizing imposition of a new urbanism following a period of small cities and structural realignment during the Late Bronze Age. Others view Philistine urbanism as a gradual process that marks emergent, rather than imposed, cities. Here we explore Philistine urban planning through magnetometer and excavation data from Tell es-Safi/Gath. Results show that the northern lower city has dense, symmetrical buildings bordering main streets, an industrial area, potential extra-mural settlement, and many burned structures. Comparing these results to planning in other Philistine cities, we argue that these cities were moderately planned because they have many shared features, an emphasis on ordered spaces, and possibly discrete locations for industrial activities, but spatial divisions and street widths were not rigidly enforced, and the relative location of specialized activities varies. This finding is consistent with the emergent model of Philistine urbanism.

ABSTRACTThe question under discussion is whether the dates of the Late Bronze (LBIIB)-LBIII (Iron IA) transitions in three sites in the southern Levant, namely Megiddo, Tell es-Safi/Gath and Qubur el-Walaydah occur at the same time, as has been proposed by Israel Finkelstein in his article in 2016 in Egypt and Levant. Here we respond to Finkelstein’s comments. We add some new data, clarify the issues that were raised, and conclude that the Late Bronze (LBIIB)-LBIII (Iron IA) transitions occurred at different times in northern and southern Israel.

•Plant species’ turnover at Tell es-Safi/Gath, southern Levant, during the Bronze and Iron Ages was continuous and gradual in terms of wild species, but the crops list remained relatively narrow and constant.•Wheat species dominated the cereals throughout the studied period.•Crops list’s general stability, along with the dominant role of wheat, mirrors the sustainable type of agriculture in the region.•Pomegranate and specific species of wheat are cultural markers in the Bronze and Iron Ages.

A few years ago, a domestic donkey (Equus asinus), or ass, was discovered at Tell eṣ-Ṣafi/Gath in modern Israel and determined to have been sacrificed and buried as a foundation deposit beneath the floor of an Early Bronze III house. Since then, three additional complete domestic donkey burials have been revealed beneath the floors of another house in the same Early Bronze neighborhood. These animals were buried within a nonelite domestic neighborhood at the edge of the city. The authors suggest that this urban space may have been the location of the homes and work spaces of merchants who relied upon donkeys as “beasts of burden” to transport their goods regionally and interregionally.

In this paper, we propose an alternative analytical method for identifying vessel shaping techniques at the mesoscopic scale to complement current micro and macro methods in ceramic analysis. We demonstrate how this simple and low cost method permits clear and rapid identification of the signatures indicative of different pottery shaping techniques. The datasets that are generated using this method provide a new perspective on vessel structure for characterising neglected stages of the chaîne opératoire, with the analytical potential to shed further light on economic life, learning frameworks, and group identities. Material from the Early Bronze Age III of Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath, Israel are used to demonstrate the utility of the method on a site assemblage. We identify different combinations of coiling techniques used to make different vessel types and propose that potters are specialising in the production of specific parts of the repertoire.

During the first decade of the Tell e?-?âfi/Gath Excavation Project, various areas in the upper city were excavated. Based on the results of the surface survey, however, it was clear that there was extensive settlement in the area to the north of the upper city up until the Elah Valley riverbed. Ten years ago, the excavations were expanded to the lower city, commencing with Area D (fig. 1). Since then, Area D has been extensively excavated, with a broad range of finds mainly from the Iron Age (for additional excavations in Area K of the lower city, see Welch in this issue). Here we will describe some of these finds, with a particular focus on the Philistine cultic remains.

Even though the arrival of the Philistines in the southern Levant is an event that happens “off camera,” that is, before the appearance of their settlement remains, it is an event that was narrativized in the recent past by archaeologists working in Philistia who interpreted the local production of Aegean style pottery as evidence of a massive colonization by Mycenaean migrants (Hitchcock and Maeir 2016a). By and large, the understanding of the Philistines and their culture was centered around the biblical and Egyptian images of the Philistines, and their continued reception and interpretation until modern times.

Referring to the dearth of historical archaeological research in Israel, in Between Past and Present: Archaeology, Ideology, and Nationalism in the Modern Middle East, author Neil Silberman states: “Just as the story was beginning to get interesting—when the modern cultures of the region were in the process of formation—the archaeological picture went blank” (1989:233). Since Silberman published his book, the status of historical-archaeological research—notably of the Islamic and Ottoman periods in Israel—has certainly improved. To a large extent, the same cannot be said of archaeological research—either on objects, sites, or historic landscapes—relating to the British Mandate and the early years of the State of Israel.

After Philistine Gath fell to the Arameans in the late ninth century B.C.E. (Maeir 2008; 2012: 47–48) the huge city atop Tell e?-?âfi/Gath was a ghost town for several decades. Some structures had been burnt or otherwise destroyed, but many were simply abandoned to the elements. As years passed, winter storms and the processes of nature eroded the roofs and walls of hundreds of ownerless houses and other buildings. The devastation was alluded to by the Judahite prophet Amos when he predicted the eventual demise of Samaria: “Go down to Gath of the Philistines,” he challenged the Israelites, to behold what complete desolation is like (Amost 6:2; Maeir 2004). Aside from the presence of a few squatters who settled in the north lower-city ruins near the Elah riverbed, the forlorn ghost town of Gath slowly decayed away, until a cataclysmic earthquake shook the entire region somewhere around 760 B.C.E. (Chadwick and Maeir, forthcoming; Maeir 2012:49–50).

The widespread signs of destruction and fire seen at Tell e?-?âfi/Gath in the upper and lower parts of the city (Namdar et al. 2011; Zukerman and Maeir 2012) include the charred skeletal remains of three women found in Area D, Stratum D3, and five individuals found in Area A, Stratum A3. All appear to have been victims of the same event, namely, the destruction of the city at the end of the ninth century B.C.E. by Hazael of Aram (Maeir 2012). We provide here a detailed description of these remains and the circumstances surrounding their deaths using standards published in Bass 1995 to determine their age and sex, and the Munsell color chart (Ellingham et al. 2015) to estimate the extent and pattern of burning on the bodies.

The story of Canaanite Gath begins with the el-Amarna texts (Na'aman 1979; Rainey 2012; Levin, this issue), where it appears that the city was a major contender in the Shephelah power plays of the fourteenth century B.C.E. While some have contended the connection between Gath, Tell e?-?âfi and the Amarna period ruler Šuwardatu (Moran 1992: 384), the petrographic examination conducted on the tablets create a strong link between them (Goren, Finkelstein, and Na'aman 2004: 280–86). In this light, the results of the surface survey prior to the onset of the excavations noted the existence of a large settlement at Tell e?-?âfi/Gath (ca. 27 ha; see:Uziel and Maeir 2005: 56). Yet, the survey results did not allow identification of differences within the Late Bronze Age (LB) between the subphases of the period.

The Early Bronze Age city at Tell e?-?âfi/Gath was among the largest urban centers in Canaan, or whatever they called their land at that time (Maeir 2012b: 13; Shai et al. 2016). The city and its people are still mostly a mystery to us. We do not know what they called themselves, or their city (but it was almost surely not “Gath”). They did not write, and we are not sure what language they spoke—perhaps an early Canaanite dialect. We do not know the names of any of their kings, as we do in most other periods at the site. But our excavations have taught us some things about them, their architecture, their pottery, and their diet. And we also know a good deal about the massive and extensive fortification wall that they built around their city, and that it must have taken a remarkable amount of organization and resources to accomplish it.

The Tell e?-?âfi/Gath Archaeological Project commenced in 1996 and is one of the largest and longest continuously running archaeological projects in Israel. As the year 2017 marks twenty-two years of research and excavations, it is an apt opportunity to present an overview and reflection on the project in general, and various aspects of the research in particular. The opportunity to do this in two special issues of NEAis an excellent occasion, as this provides an expertly produced medium, read by many interested in the field of ancient Near Eastern history, archaeology, and culture.1In this, first article of this special issue, I would like to provide an overview of the project and its primary accomplishments.

In 1899, Bliss and Macalister launched a brief but intensive campaign of excavation at the site of Tell e?-?âfi/Gath and uncovered evidence for a large-scale fortification system and thick deposits from various time periods. While they argued that the majority of remains, including the fortifications, were of Iron Age or later origin, some Early Bronze Age remains also appeared in their reports and collections.

Worldwide, human impact on natural landscapes has intensified since prehistoric times, and this is well documented in the global archaeological record. The period between the earliest hominids and the Industrial Revolution of the late 18-19thcenturies is known as the Paleo-Anthropocene. The current study reviews key geoarchaeological, floral and faunal factors of the Paleo-Anthropocene in Israel, an area that has undergone human activities in various intensities since prehistoric times. It discusses significant human imprints on these three features in the Israeli landscape, demonstrating that its current form is almost entirely anthropogenic. Moreover, some of the past physical changes still dynamically shape Israel’s zoological, archaeological and geomorphic landscape today. It is hoped that insights from this article might aid in guiding present-day management strategies of undeveloped areas through renewal of human activity guided by traditional knowledge.

Pebble stone installations are commonly found at various Early Bronze Age sites in the southern Levant. However, their function is often assumed or unknown. Thirteen circular pebble installations were found scattered throughout a residential neighbourhood dating to the Early Bronze Age III at Tell es-Safi/Gath. Five such installations were recently studied by implementing an integrated micro-archaeological approach by which all micro- and macro-artefacts were analysed using various analytical techniques. Based on the analysis of ash-micro remains identified in the sediments, associated plant remains, flint and pottery, we suggest that these installations were used for food-processing, cooking and/or other domestic low-heat tasks. The installations first appear at Tell es-Safi/Gath during the Early Bronze Age III, and seem to disappear during later periods. The functional roles of these installations are discussed in comparison to finds from other Early Bronze Age sites, and of other food preparation traditions known from other periods and cultures.

On-going excavations at the Early Bronze Age III settlement of Tell es-Safi/Gath, Israel have recovered a small assemblage of basalt ground stone objects in a residential neighbourhood. As high quality basalt is not found within the Shephelah(the Judean foothills), the occurrence of basalt artefacts at settlements in this region has frequently been cited as evidence of movement of raw material or the exchange of commodities within the southern Levant. However, only a limited number of studies have connected basalt artefacts with sources through geochemical provenance from this area of Israel. Using the geochemical fingerprints from previous studies and an XRF analysis, we attempt to identify the source of origin of nineteen basalt grinding stones using a meta-analysis of previously identified geological sources in the region and surrounding areas. The results demonstrate that the basalt artefacts originated from a wide variety of sources, including the eastern Dead Sea, Jezreel Valley, and Galilee-Golan regions, thereby supporting previously held hypotheses about the movement of basalt commodities from sources within the immediate region. No artefacts were linked to more distant sources (e.g. Egypt, Sinai). These data provide evidence that EB urban centres, such as Tell es-Safi/Gath, were socio-economically connected even for quotidian commodities to other regions of the southern Levant through some kind of system for the non-local exchange of traditionally domestic commodities.

A total of thirty-eight beads, including one pendant securely dated to the Early Bronze Age III, were recently unearthed at Tell es-Safi/Gath, Israel. The beads were subjected to analysis by FTIR spectrometry in order to identify the mineralogy and materials used for their making. Among the various materials identified, such as carnelian, steatite and shells, twenty-five were made of faience. The microstructure and chemical composition of two faience beads were analyzed by electron microscopy and are the focus of this short report. Results show that cementation glazing was most likely used for one, whereas efflorescence glazing was most probably used in the production of the other. These preliminary results shed light on the variability that existed in manufacturing procedures and choice of raw materials for the production of early vitreous materials during this period.

Despite over a century of research conducted on the Philistines and their material culture, a very small quantity of finds relating to their burial customs has been reported. This has led to quite a lot of speculation on Philistine mortuary customs, with little evidence in support. At a number of sites, suggestions to distinguish “Philistine” burials were attempted, most notably, the erroneous attribution of the anthropoid coffins to the Philistines (Dothan 1982), the suggested cremation burials found at Azor (Dothan and Dothan 1992; Ben-Shlomo 2008, 2012; Buchennino and Yannai 2010), and the burial caves yielding Philistine bichrome pottery at Tel Eton (Edelstein and Aurant 1992). However, the problematic interpretations of these finds, coupled with the fact that none of this evidence was found at the main urban sites of the Philistines, calls into question their centrality within the Philistine realm, and their attribution on a whole to the ethnic group that populated the southern Coastal Plain.

By 1899, Frederick J. Bliss was already a well-known archaeologist when he was asked by the Palestine Exploration Fund (PEF) to excavate the Shephelah mounds. Previously, he dug with William Flinders Petrie at Maidon and then replaced Petrie at Tell el-Hesi (1891–1893). Subsequently, Bliss excavated with Archibald Dickie in Jerusalem on behalf of the PEF (1894–1897). R. A. Stewart Macalister served as Bliss's assistant field director. He had some experience in archaeological excavations in England, considered himself a photographer, and was “engaged with the architectural profession” as he claimed (Bliss 1894: 2; Albright 1956: 24; Moorey 1991: 26–27; Tubb 2015: 6–7). The site of Tell e?-?âfi/Gath had been known to scholars for many years prior to the three seasons of excavations conducted by Bliss and Macalister from 1899 as part of the Shephelah mounds (Smith 1894: 142–43; Rey 1871: 123–25; Conder 1879: 153; Petrie 1891: 62; Waston 1915: 117).

An archaeological site is an integral part of its surrounding landscape. This is one of the main novel approaches in the long-term archaeological project of Tell e?-?âfi/Gath. The site has interacted with its surrounding for more than three thousand years. It was impacted by the ancient environment, but also had an impact on both the ancient environment and current conditions. The following is a summary of environmental research that has been carried out at the Tell e?-?âfi/Gath environs from 1999 through 2012. This case study provides important information regarding the ancient landscape and interactions between climate, the environment, and humans.

This contribution offers comparative evidence to the previous contribution on Philistine feasting. During a visit to Papua New Guinea, I documented and participated in a traditional feast in a remote village in the Finisterre Mountain Range. Although the cultural manifestations seen were very different from those of ancient Near Eastern cultures, various aspects which I witnessed provide interesting analogies for understanding ancient feasting in general, and archaeological evidence of feasting from the ancient Near East in particular.

This paper presents evidence for feasting in the late Iron Age I Philistine culture from a circumscribed locale in Area A at the site of Tell es-Safi/Gath. The remains are characterized by architectural features, installations and rubbish dumps containing a rich array of animal bones, symbolic objects, and a series of unique installations all dating to the tenth and eleventh centuries b.c.e.These activities are informed by paral lels from Mycenaean Late Bronze Age feasting events, though at Tell es-Safi/Gath they may have served a different purpose, specifically, the maintenance and promotion of Philistine cultural identity through the adoption of behaviors and symbols from the Aegean past by portions of the Philistine population.

The paper presents the preliminary results of the analysis of the Iron Age finds from Tel Nagila. The excavations, which took place in the early 1960s under the direction of R. Amiran and A. Eitan, revealed three Iron Age strata. Through the lens of these finds, we reflect on Tel Nagila as an Iron Age settlement on the border between Judah and Philistia, on the ethnic and political affiliations of its population, and how these affiliations may have changed over time.

In the southern Levant, metal technology was first represented by exotic and prestige items during the Chalcolithic. Later, in the Early Bronze Age, metal implements were gradually adopted for domestic tasks. Since metal tools are rare in the archaeological record, the spread of metal technology can be traced through proxy measures, such as butchering marks on faunal remains. This study tests whether the marks made by metal and stone implements on a soft-stone medium can be distinguished from one another. It further examines a sample of manufacture marks on soft-stone artifacts from the Early Bronze Age site of Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath, Israel in order to determine whether metal technology had been integrated into the manufacture of ground stone objects. The results indicate that manufacturing marks on soft-stone objects can indeed be used as a proxy for tracking the spread of metallurgy, but also that metal implements had not been utilized in the manufacture of ground stone objects at EB III Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath.

In this paper, a late Iron Age I/early Iron Age II Old Canaanite inscription from Tell e?-?âfi/Gath is presented and discussed. The inscription derives from a clear archaeological context and is written on a fragment of a chronologically indicative, red-slipped and hand-burnished ceramic bowl. We suggest reading the inscription as two personal names, ?alwt and wlt[...], which we believe are Philistine names of Greek or Anatolian origin. The significance of this inscription is discussed with several points in mind, including the ramifications for dating the typological development and sequence of the alphabet during the early Iron Age; the implications for understanding the origin and development of the Philistine culture; and the problem of the relationship of the personal names in question to the onomasticon of the biblical Philistines.

The article focuses on the issue of the captured Ark of the God and its plague to the Philistines. According to I Samuel 5-6, the Ark of God was captured by the Philistines during their battle with the Israelites. It highlights the events happened when the Ark was in the hands of the Philistines including the tumbling down of the statue of Dagon, their god, and a disease occurred in their manhood. Moreover, they returned the Ark to the Israelites with five golden mice and opalims.

This study presents an analysis of various aspects relating to the changes in cooking vessels during the Iron Age in Philistia and the southern Levant, with particular emphasis on the morphology, manufacturing technology, and regional distribution of cooking jugs. We have combined archaeological data and petrographic analyses to evaluate the technological aspects of these vessels. It is argued that cooking jugs, while first appearing in Philistia, subsequently spread to other regions and cultures. The relationship of this process of dissemination to other factors, such as economic and social changes in the southern Levant, is discussed, and it is argued that the possible incorporation of Philistine cooking practices into the neighboring Iron Age cultures may have implications for understanding the multifaceted, if at times ambiguous, relationships between the Philistines and their neighbors.

Notched animal scapulae (shoulder blades) are one of the most enigmatic aspects of the material culture of the Iron Age Levant. Discussions of their chronology, regional distribution, function, and cultural significance appear frequently in studies concerning the culture of the Sea Peoples in Cyprus and the southern Levant. However, the available data has never been analyzed in a comprehensive manner, and many of its aspects remain obscure. This article was prompted by the recent discovery of a group of these objects in a ninth-century B.C.E. level at Tell e?-?âfi/Gath, Israel. Alongside the detailed description of the objects and their findspots, they are discussed in relation to the above-mentioned topics, and a new hypothesis concerning their function and place in the Philistine cultural assemblage is proposed. We further conclude that the notched scapulae from Tell e?-?âfi/Gath shed valuable light on the evolution of Philistine culture, especially with regard to the retention of its Iron Age I characteristics during the early Iron Age II.

Following the excavations at Tel Ashdod, a class of Iron Age II decorated pottery was identified that became known as "Ashdod Ware." In the present study, this pottery is defined as Late Philistine Decorated Ware. Based on its typology, decoration, distribution, chronology, and provenience, it is suggested that this class of vessels, which first appears in Iron IIA and continues through at least the Iron IIB period, is typical of Philistia and was most probably produced at a limited number of Philistine sites (e.g., at Ashdod and Tell eṣ-Ṣâfi/Gath). It is also demonstrated that the decorative style of this group represents a development of Iron I Philistine decorative traditions and the influence of late Iron I/early Iron IIA Phoenician decorated ceramics. Although the overall function and significance of this group cannot be definitively determined, it appears to have served as local "prestige ware" in Iron II Philistine culture.

Discusses the possible discovery of Gath, the fifth city of the Philistine Pentapolis. Archaeological excavations at Tell es-Safi in Palestine; Biblical reference to Gath as the hometown of the giant Goliath; Assumption that Gath was one of the largest and most important Philistine cities; Archaeologically-based reconstruction of the history of the site. INSET: 2001 Update: The Dig Goes On..

•Plant ecology indicates types of land-use at this EB city.•Plant list indicates existence of self-subsistent agro-pastoral economy.•Plant biogeography indicates human inter-regional connectivity.•Comparative analysis shows shared patterns of diet in the EB southern Levant.

•Smelting experiments were used to infer on ancient ironworking installations.•Minimal penetration of heat altered clay and intense surface vitrification in experiment.•Iron experiments improved resolution for interpreting ancient technical ceramics.•Ceramic-rich slag are most likely the remains of iron smithing installations.•Ancient ceramic produced from varied fabrics conscious of pyro-tech. function.

Since its infancy, archaeological research has used survey as a major tool in both regional studies (see, e.g., Conder and Kitchener 1881) and as a tool for project planning. In the former, survey flourished—despite certain critiques as to the validity of the data collected (e.g., Waelkens and Poblome 2004)—whereas the latter was often used minimally in the interpretation of an individual site's history. In this sense, the survey at Tell e?-?âfi/Gath was groundbreaking in its approach— not only as a tool for planning the project, but as the basis for determining aspects of the history of the site (Uziel and Maeir 2005, 2012). The survey was planned by the division of the site into separate fields, based on discrete micro-topographical features. As opposed to an arbitrary grid, the use of the topography of the site considered that these features may have been formed by the changing settlement of the site over time. For example, the eastern slopes (Areas A and E), which have been extensively excavated, each had its own local phasing, which was determined through their separate survey. Had we used a random grid, it is likely the parts of each of these terraced steps would have been lumped together, making the survey a tool for overall evaluation of the site, but not determining differences in the various areas. This proved critical in the planning of the project, which later, through the implementation of the survey results, managed to determine excavation areas according to the research design of the project.

The author offers an additional perspective on the mending of ancient pottery, suggesting that breakage and repair are part of the normal life cycle of an object and that mending can in some cases lead to an enhancement of the original object and to a valuing of the repaired vessel.