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We have all heard that Latinos turned California blue. According to the familiar story, Governor Pete Wilson and California Republicans played nativist politics in the 1990s by supporting Proposition 187 [...]

En este trabajo se presenta el desarrollo de un sistema de adquisición de datos y control altamente interactivo, de bajo costo, y basado en un computador personal. El sistema está constituido por un hardware basado en un microcontrolador y un software basado en estándares abiertos. El software utiliza programación de diagramas de bloques como base para el diseño teórico e implementación de un sistema de control, con la finalidad de hacer que la programación sea sencilla y rápida. Una característica importante del sistema es la capacidad de ejecutar control embebido sin la intervención del computador personal, lo cual permite control en tiempo real. Adicionalmente, tiene capacidad de ampliación para crear un sistema de monitoreo y control distribuido por medio del Bus CAN, como interfaz de comunicación. En este trabajo también se expone la implementación del sistema desarrollado en diferentes plantas.

The author discusses national immigration reform efforts in the United States from 2005 to 2007. The new laws proposed during these three years ranged from enforcement strategies, which focused on removals and deterrence, to comprehensive reform, which would provide a pathway to citizenship for many existing unauthorised (also known as illegal) immigrants. While the Republicans controlled both chambers of Congress in 2005 and 2006, the party was split between pro-migration business interests and more sceptical grassroots constituencies. After 2007, the Democrats had majorities in the House and Senate but encountered their own internal divisions and electoral concerns. In addition, procedural issues-particularly the need for a sixty-vote supermajority in the Senate-helped prevent a compromise from emerging. Immigration sceptics opposed legalisation, which they termed 'amnesty', while others criticised enforcement-only approaches as unworkable as well as problematic for the economy. While President Bush favored a comprehensive approach, the only legislation to ultimately pass was a 700-mile extension of the border wall between the U.S. and Mexico. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Democratic and Republican parties both pursue a Downsian median voter strategy that has direct implications for the role of African Americans and Latinos in national politics. The driving force in much national politics is still the politically polarizing Black-White divide in the South, which provides the necessary foundation for a nationally competitive Republican Party. This Black-White racial divide also pushes the Democratic Party to deracialize its campaigns as guided by the strategy of the Democratic Leadership Council. Counterintuitively, however, the more recent strategy of the Republican Party also contains symbolic appeals to racial inclusion with a specific focus on Latinos and a consistent marginalization of African Americans. These are efforts to soften their social conservatism to appeal to moderate “swing” White voters. We conclude that the current politics of race and ethnicity in national party politics, by Republicans and Democrats, can serve to marginalize the interests of both African Americans and Latinos in substantive policymaking.

We examine whether survey interviewers are biased in their views of certain classes of respondents, thereby introducing unobserved bias into survey results. There has been a great deal of previous research on how racial and gender dynamics affect the responses given by respondents during face-to-face surveys. In this article, we turn this issue around and ask whether human interaction affects how the interviewer views the respondents, and if so, how this may systematically bias surveys. If interviewers are biased, this may impede their ability to conduct interviews in a consistent, nonjudgmental, and unbiased manner. Using three surveys that required the interviewer to evaluate how informed and intelligent the respondents appeared, we found that interviewers were more likely to evaluate respondents of lower socioeconomic status as less informed and less intelligent, even after controlling for objective levels of political information. There is also evidence that Blacks may be negatively evaluated.