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In the early nineteenth century, many in Britain believed that their conquests in India had a providential purpose, and that imperial Britain had been called by God to Christianize India through an alliance of Church and empire. In 1813, parliament not only opened India to missionary activity, but also provided India with an established Church, which was largely supported by Indian taxation and formed part of the established Church of England. Many hoped that this union of Church and empire would communicate to India the benefits of England's diocesan and parochial structures, with a settled pastorate, parish churches and schools, and a Christian gentry. As the century progressed, the established Church was steadily enlarged, with a growing number of bishoprics, churches, schools, colleges, missionaries and clergy. But it had only limited success in gaining converts, and many Indians viewed it as a form of colonization. From the 1870s, it was increasingly clear that imperial India would not become Christian. Some began reconceptualizing the providential purpose behind the Indian empire, suggesting that the purpose might be to promote dialogue and understanding between the religions of the East and West, or, through the selfless service of missionaries, to promote moral reform movements in Hinduism and Islam.

The theme of this fifty-fourth volume of Studies in Church Historyis ‘The Church and Empire’, and the twenty-three articles included here explore the complex and ever-evolving relationship of ecclesiastical and imperial power within a range of historical contexts. The articles represent plenary addresses and a selection of the communications presented at two highly successful Ecclesiastical History Society conferences during my presidential year – a Summer Conference held at the University of Edinburgh in July 2016 and a Winter Meeting held at Magdalene College, Cambridge, in January 2017. Both conferences attracted a large number of speakers and participants from across the world, and reflected the considerable scholarly interest in questions concerning the relations of Church and empire. These questions include the extent to which Christianity in the Western world became linked to the political power of large imperial states, the nature and extent of the connection of Christianity to the expansion of Western imperialism in the early modern and modern periods, and the manner in which the Church often came into conflict with imperial power, especially when Christians insisted on the spiritual independence of the Church and on maintaining an independent Christian moral witness against the wars of conquest, cruelty, racism, oppression and arrogance of power that too often have been associated with imperial rule.

In 1843, the established Church of Scotland was broken up by the Disruption, as nearly a third of the ministers and perhaps half the lay adherents left to form the new Free Church. Many predicted the ‘remnant’ established church would not long survive. This article explores the remarkable recovery of the Church of Scotland during the three decades after the Disruption, with emphasis on the church extension campaign and parish community ideal of James Robertson, the movement initiated by Robert Lee for the enrichment of public worship and ecclesiology, and the efforts, associated with Norman Macleod, John Tulloch, John Caird and Robert Flint, to provide greater theological freedom and openness to social and cultural progress, including a willingness to question the Reformed doctrinal standards of the Westminster Confession of Faith.

Across the British empire, public worship was important for sustaining a sense of community and connectedness. This was most evident in special acts of worship, when the peoples of imperial territories, and sometimes of the whole empire, were asked at times of crisis and celebration to join together in special days or prayers of petition or thanksgiving to God. These occasions, ordered by a variety of civil and ecclesiastical authorities, were an enduring feature of all colonial societies from the seventeenth to the mid-twentieth centuries. Although these special acts of worship have considerable potential for deepening our understanding of various themes in the history of the British empire, they have yet to receive sustained analysis from scholars. This article is concerned with the fundamental task of considering why and how special prayers and days of fasting, humiliation, intercession and thanksgiving were appointed across the empire. By focusing on the causes of, and orders for, these occasions, it indicates reasons for the longevity of this practice, as well as its varied and changing purposes.

The Reformation in Ireland has traditionally been seen as an unmitigated failure. This article contributes to current scholarship that is challenging this perception by conceiving the sixteenth-century Irish Church as part of the English Church. It does so by examining the episcopal career of John Bale, bishop of Ossory, County Kilkenny, 1552–3. Bale wrote an account of his Irish experience, known as the Vocacyon, soon after fleeing his diocese upon the accession of Queen Mary to the English throne and the subsequent restoration of Roman Catholicism. The article considers Bale's episcopal career as an expression of the relationship between Church and state in mid-Tudor England and Ireland. It will be shown that ecclesiastical reform in Ireland was complemented by political subjugation, and vice versa. Having been appointed by Edward VI, Bale upheld the royal supremacy as justification for implementing ecclesiastical reform. The combination of preaching the gospel and enforcing the 1552 Prayer Book was, for Bale, the best method of evangelism. The double effect was to win converts and align the Irish Church with the English form of worship. Hence English reformers exploited the political dominance of England to export their evangelical faith into Ireland.

This article focuses on the doctrine of divine favour and instrumentality as viewed from the emperor's own perspective, in relation to the early development of the ‘Arian controversy’ as far as the Council of Nicaea. While modern writers have focused on explicit statements by Constantine to suggest that unity was the emperor's highest priority, this article reveals a pattern by which he sought to manage divine favour and argues that doing so effectively was of primary importance to him. Such a shift in understanding the emperor's priorities adds to the range of explanations for his later apparent inconsistencies as the actual achievement of unity continually eluded him.

Charles Freer Andrews (1871–1940) was a close friend of Mohandas K. Gandhi and played a celebrated role in the Indian struggle for independence within the British empire. This article makes the case for understanding Andrews as a pioneering example of the evolution from nineteenth-century Christian Socialism to twentieth-century global ‘social Anglicanism’, as Andrews's career fits a form better recognized in later campaigners. The article draws attention to three beliefs or principles discernible in Andrews's life as a Christian Socialist in the 1890s: the incarnation as a doctrine revealing the brotherhood of humanity; the Church's need to recognize and minister to the poor; and the Church's call to send out its adherents to end ‘social abuses’ and achieve ‘moral victories’. These three core Christian Socialist beliefs were applied in Andrews's thought and achievements during the second half of his life, in the colonial contexts of India, South Africa and Fiji. By comparing his thought and activity with perceptions of empire traceable among contemporary Anglican Christian Socialists, Andrews's colonial career is found to have enabled Anglican social thought to take on a global frame of reference, presaging proponents of an Anglican global social conscience later in the century.

The churchmen who adhered to the established Church in Scotland during the years from 1661 to 1689, the last period in which it had bishops, have been overlooked by historians in favour of laymen and presbyterian dissenters. This article breaks new ground by examining the episcopalian clergy's attitude to the royal supremacy. To do so, it explores how Scottish episcopalians used the early Church under the Roman empire to illustrate their ideal relationship between Church and monarch. Three phases are evident in their approach. First, it was argued that conformists were, like early Christians, living in proper obedience, while presbyterians were seeking to create a separate jurisdiction in conflict with the king's. Later, Bishop Andrew Honeyman of Orkney tried to put some limitations on the royal supremacy over the Church, arguing that church courts had an independent power of discipline. This became politically unacceptable after the 1669 Act of Supremacy gave the king complete power over the Church, and, in the final phase, the history of the early Church was used to undermine the power of the church courts. The Church under the Roman empire, much like the royal supremacy itself, changed from an instrument to encourage conformity to a means of delegitimizing any clerical opposition to royal policy.

In the 1840s the Church of England, through the agency of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) and the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), established an official chaplaincy to emigrants leaving from British ports. The chaplaincy lasted throughout the rest of the nineteenth century. It was revitalized in the 1880s under the direction of the SPCK in response to a surge in emigration from Britain to the colonies. This article examines the imperial attitudes of Anglicans involved in this chaplaincy network, focusing on those of the 1880s and 1890s, the period of high imperialism in Britain. It compares these late nineteenth-century outlooks with those of Anglicans in the emigrant chaplaincy of the 1840s, in order to discern changes and continuities in Anglican imperialism in nineteenth-century Britain. It finds that, in contrast to the imperialist attitudes prevalent in Britain during the late nineteenth century, Anglicans in this chaplaincy network focused more on the ecclesiastical and pastoral dimensions of their work. Indeed, pro-imperial attitudes, though present, were remarkably scarce. It was the Church much more than the empire which mattered to these Anglicans, notwithstanding their direct involvement with the British empire.

This article focuses on the exegetical interpretation of Luke's narrative of the census (or registration) carried out at the time of Jesus's birth (Luke 2: 1–5). After some brief remarks on the juridical institution of the census (the so-called professio census) in ancient Rome, a selection of the exegetical interpretations of this pericope developed by various ancient and medieval authors is presented. Origen, Ambrose, Orosius, Bede and Bonaventure are discussed, among others. A number of medieval authors, including Dante Alighieri and Bartolus of Saxoferrato, are also considered. The analysis argues, on the one hand, that a spiritualization of the institution of the census occurred and led to the spiritual empire of Christ being seen as replacing the temporal empire of Augustus; on the other, that reference to this institution was used to legitimize political authority in the eyes of believers. This interpretative tradition is thus shown to offer a vivid example of the close intertwining of theological and juridical concepts and practices which has characterized the relationship between the Church and empire from the former's very beginning.

Modern historians have long argued that the early medieval Franks thought themselves to be the chosen people or new Israel, especially as they gained a great empire under the Carolingian dynasty in the late eighth century. The Opus Caroliof Bishop Theodulf of Orléans has often been cited as one of the clearest expressions of this self-conception as God's elect. A massive work attacking the legitimacy of the Byzantine empire in the context of the iconoclasm dispute during the early 790s, it does indeed contest the Byzantine claim to be the Christian empire. But Theodulf's repeated statement that ‘We are the spiritual Israel’ is best understood not as an assertion of ethnic election, but as a reference to the Christian tradition of Scripture exegesis which should (he argues) underpin both the Frankish and the Byzantine understanding of images. The Carolingian claim to empire rested on the Frankish championing of the universal Church, and its traditions of orthodoxy and correct biblical interpretation.

The Arctic has claimed much interest in both popular discourse and academic scholarship, most notably concerning the voyages of Sir John Franklin. However, the explorers of the British Navy were not the only representatives of imperial expansion in what is now the Canadian Arctic. During the second half of the nineteenth century, the Church Missionary Society (CMS), the evangelical missionary society of the Church of England, undertook a substantial programme of evangelism throughout the region, not just aiming to convert indigenous people, but also to claim the land for the British empire and establish a strong presence in the region as an integral aspect of the providential expansion of empire. This article contends that the CMS attempted to achieve those aims through the creation of permanent infrastructure which brought the region into the fold of empire in a way that exploration could not, as missionaries used buildings to transform the land and its inhabitants as part of the duty of empire and its agents towards all its inhabitants. In claiming the land for empire, architecture was not just a by-product of occupation but rather a vital and integral agent in securing northern territories for God and empire.

This study discusses relations between the Church and the emperor in the last two centuries of the Byzantine empire's existence, in the Palaiologan period (thirteenth to fifteenth centuries). It questions the accepted view that the Church rose in importance and status as imperial power and authority declined. According to this view, expressed by Steven Runciman and accepted by historians since, a strong Church was the legacy of the Byzantine empire to the Ottomans. In this article the ceremonies of the late Byzantine court, as represented by the mid-fourteenth-century text of Pseudo-Kodinos, are examined for indications of continuity in the emperor's dominant role in the Church in this later period. Gilbert Dagron's contrary perspective is considered. It is then argued that the writings of two late Byzantine churchmen, Symeon of Thessalonike and Makarios of Antioch, who insist on a lesser role for the emperor in the selection and the making of a patriarch, provide evidence for the contemporary performance of the promotion of a patriarch as described by Pseudo-Kodinos. While the two churchmen tried to show that the emperor was subject to the Church, practice shows something different.

This article explores the degree to which the rule and style of the bishops of Rome after the deposition of the last Roman emperor in the West in 476 had any imperial elements, in the light of the evidence contained within the Liber pontificalis. Papal rule in Rome was cast as a replacement of imperial rule in religious matters, an opportunity for the bishop to assume political responsibility and also a deliberate emulation of imperial behaviour. This is manifest above all in the textual record in the Liber pontificalisof the papal embellishment of Rome, and in the physical evidence of the extant basilicas of the city. The deliberately imperial elements of papal self-presentation and the importance of Rome's primacy, apostolic succession and orthodoxy, all articulated so emphatically within the Liber pontificalis, indicate the multitude of strands by which the papacy wove the fabric of its own imperiumor power.

Reflecting on the theme of ‘Empire and Christianity’, this article compares two periods in the Catholic mission to China. The first period, between 1583 and 1800, was characterized by the accommodation of European missionaries to the laws, culture and customs of the Chinese empire during the Ming and Qing dynasties. The work of the Jesuits, in particular, demonstrated a method of evangelization in which Christian teachings could be accommodated to the political realities of Late Imperial China as exemplified by the work of Matteo Ricci, Ferdinand Verbiest, Tomas Pereira, Joachim Gerbillon and many generations of Jesuits and missionaries of other religious orders. The Chinese Rites Controversy, however, disrupted this accommodation between Christianity and empire in China. Despite tacit toleration in the capital, Christianity was outlawed after 1705. After the suppression of the Society of Jesus in 1773, Catholicism in China became increasingly indigenized. In 1842, after the defeat of the Qing empire by the British in the First Opium War, the prohibition of Christianity was lifted. Both Catholic and Protestant missionaries entered China, backed by Western diplomatic and military power. This led to the confrontation between China and Christianity, culminating in the 1900 Boxer Uprising. A concerted effort to indigenize Christianity in the early twentieth century ultimately failed, resulting in the separation of Christianity in China from global Christianity after 1950.

The idea that the churches became agents of empire through their missionary activity is very popular, but it is too simple. Established Churches, such as those of England and Scotland, could certainly be used by government, usually willingly; so could the Roman Catholic Church in the empires of other countries. But the position of the smaller churches, usually with no settler community behind them, was different. This study examines the effects of the Chilembwe Rising of 1915 on the British Churches of Christ mission in Nyasaland (modern Malawi). What is empire? The Colonial Office and the local administration might view a situation in different ways. Their decisions could thus divide native Christians from the UK, and even cause division in the UK church itself, as well as strengthening divisions on the mission field between different churches. Thus, even in the churches, imperial actions could foster the African desire for independence of empire.

The attempts of Pope Pius IX to restrict the ecclesiastical rights of the Armenian Catholics with his bull Reversurus(1867) led to the Armenian schism in 1871. A factor which was decisive for the development of the relationship between the Armenian Catholic Church and the Ottoman empire, under whose rule the Church existed, was the influence of other powers. This article analyses the background of this relationship and its significance for the Armenian schism. For this purpose, first, the ecclesiastical rights of the Armenian Catholic Church during the period before the publication of Reversurusand their relation to the internal policy of the Ottoman empire are outlined. Second, the influence of the domestic and foreign policy of the Ottoman state on its relationship with its Armenian Catholic subjects is elucidated. In this way, it is shown that the historical background of the Armenian Catholic Church and the internal political circumstances of the Ottoman empire were intertwined and shaped the relationship between the Armenian Catholics and the Ottoman state. Despite this, relations between the Ottoman empire, the Holy See and other European empires came to exercise a predominant influence, leading by the end of the 1870s to the Armenian Catholic Church's enforced acquiescence in ecclesiastical change.

This article looks at the ways in which the Panacea Society – a heterodox, millenarian group based in Bedford during the inter-war years – spread its ideas: through personal, familial and shared belief networks across the British empire; by building new modes of attracting adherents, in particular a global healing ministry; and by shipping its publications widely. It then examines how the society appealed to its (white) members in the empire in three ways: through its theology, which put Britain at the centre of the world; by presuming the necessity and existence of a ‘Greater Britain’ and the British empire, while in so many other quarters these entities were being questioned in the wake of World War I; and by a deliberately cultivated and nostalgic notion of ‘Englishness’. The Panacea Society continued and developed the idea of the British empire as providential at a time when the idea no longer held currency in most circles. The article draws on the rich resource of letters in the Panacea Society archive to contribute to an emerging area of scholarship on migrants’ experience in the early twentieth-century British empire (especially the dominions) and their sense of identity, in this case both religious and British.

This article examines the late-seventeenth-century Church of England's understanding of rulers’ ecclesiastical imperiumthrough analysing a pamphlet debate about Julian the Apostate and Church-state relations in the fourth-century Roman empire. In 1682 an Anglican cleric, Samuel Johnson, printed an account of Julian's reign that argued that the primitive Christians had resisted the emperor's persecutory policies and that Johnson's contemporaries should adopt the same stance towards the Catholic heir presumptive, James, duke of York. Surveying the reaction to Johnson, this article probes the ability of Anglican royalists to map fourth-century Roman onto seventeenth-century English imperium, their assertions about how Christians should respond to an apostate monarch, and whether these authors fulfilled such claims when James came to the throne. It also considers their negotiation of the question of whether miracles existed in the fourth-century imperial Church. It concludes that, despite Rome's territorial dimensions, imperiumremained a fundamentally legal-constitutional concept in this period, and that the debate over Julian highlights the fundamentally tense and ambivalent relationship between Church and empire.

In early fifth-century Roman Africa, Augustine faced pagan opponents who thought that the Roman empire was at risk because Christian emperors banned the worship of its gods, and that Christian ethics were no way to run an empire. He also faced Christian opponents who held that theirs was the true Church, and that the Roman empire was the oppressive power of Babylon. For Augustine, Church and empire consist of people. Everyone belongs either to the heavenly city, the community of all who love God even to disregard of themselves, or to the earthly city, the community of all who love themselves even to disregard of God. The two cities are intermixed until the final judgement shows that some who share Christian sacraments belong to the earthly city, and some officers of empire belong to the heavenly city. Empire manifests the earthly city's desire to dominate, but imperium, the acknowledged right to give orders, is necessary to avoid permanent conflict. Empire, like everything else, is given or permitted by God, for purposes we do not know.

British Anglo-Catholic and high church Anglicans promoted a new set of foreign missionary initiatives in the Pacific and South and East Africa in the 1860s. Theorizing new indigenizing models for mission inspired by Tractarian medievalism, the initiatives envisioned a different and better engagement with ‘native’ cultures. Despite setbacks, the continued use of Anglican sisters in Hawai‘i and brothers in Melanesia, Africa and India created a potent new imaginative space for missionary endeavour, but one problematized by the uneven reach of empire: from contested, as in the Pacific, to normal and pervasive, as in India. Of particular relevance was the Sandwich Islands mission, invited by the Hawaiian crown, where Bishop T. N. Staley arrived in 1862, followed by Anglican missionary sisters in 1864. Immensely controversial in Britain and America, where among evangelicals in particular suspicion of ‘popish’ religious practice ran high, Anglo-Catholic methods and religious communities mobilized discussion, denunciation and reaction. Particularly in the contested imperial space of an independent indigenous monarchy, Anglo-Catholics criticized what they styled the cruel austerities of evangelical American ‘puritanism’ and the ambitions of American imperialists; in the process they catalyzed a reconceptualized imperial reformism with important implications for the shape of the late Victorian British empire.

This article examines the Society in Scotland for Propagating Christian Knowledge (SSPCK) and its missions in the Highlands and Britain's American colonies. Constituted in 1709 and operating as an auxiliary arm of the Church of Scotland, the SSPCK aimed to extend Christianity in ‘Popish and Infidel parts of the world’. It founded numerous Highland charity schools, and from 1729 sponsored missions to Native Americans in New England and Georgia. Missions were increasingly important in British overseas expansion; consequently, historians have viewed the society as a civilizing agency, which deployed religious instruction to assimilate ‘savage’ heathens into the fold of Britain's empire. This article suggests that the SSPCK was equally concerned with Christianization: missionaries focused on spiritual edification for the salvation of souls, indicating a disjuncture between the society's objectives and the priorities of imperial expansion. It also challenges the parity assumed by historians between the SSPCK's domestic and foreign missions, arguing that the society increasingly prioritized colonial endeavours in an attempt to recover providential favour. In doing so, it sheds new light on Scottish ideas of mission during the first half of the eighteenth century, and reassesses the Scottish Church's role in Britain's emerging empire.

Papal relations with monarchs in the later eleventh and twelfth centuries have often been characterized as ‘feudal’, as indicative of some sort of papal dominium mundi, or as an effort to advance papal ‘empire’ over the kingdoms of Christendom. More recent scholarship has drawn a distinction between ‘protection’ and ‘feudal’ relationships with kings. However, the supposed distinction between the papacy's temporal overlordship of rulers and its spiritual protection may have obscured more than it has revealed. It was only after the disputes over lay investiture of bishops in the period 1078–1122 that a distinctive protective relationship began to emerge. Previously, rulers had been willing to ‘accept their kingdom from the pope's hand’ or to participate in ceremonies of investiture. In the twelfth century these relationships became more codified and any suggestion that the papacy actually gave kingdoms to kings faded. Thus, the nature of papal ‘empire’ – or, at least, temporal authority over kings – changed markedly during this period.

This article explores the links between the assertion of British imperial identities and the anti-Catholic discourse and practices of a network of evangelical societies which existed and flourished in Britain and in the dominions from the halcyon days of the empire to the late 1920s. These bodies shared a broad evangelical definition of Protestantism and defended the notion that religious beliefs and their political implications formed the basis of a common British heritage and identity. Those who identified themselves as Britons in Britain and in the dominions brought forward arguments combining a mixture of pessimistic interpretations of British history since the passing of the Catholic Emancipation Act with anxieties about ongoing Irish Catholic immigration and an alleged global papist plot. They were convinced that Protestantism was key to all civil liberties enjoyed by Britons. Inspired by John Wolffe's pioneering work, the article examines constitutional, theologico-political and socio-national anti-Catholicism across Britain and its dominions.

On a visit to Malta in 1838, Queen Adelaide expressed severe disappointment that the British colony did not possess a purpose-built Anglican place of worship. She determined to fund the building of one at her personal expense and within six years the grandiose neoclassical church of St Paul's, Valletta, was completed. This imposing structure occupied an ambiguous position in a colony where the British government was pledged to maintain Roman Catholicism. St Paul's was ostensibly intended for the existing Anglican population in Malta. However, the church was perceived by both evangelicals and Roman Catholics as a potential instrument of propagating Protestantism. In examining the basis for these perceptions, this article suggests that St Paul's was part of a larger effort, driven by high church clergy connected with the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK), to influence the Maltese towards greater sympathy with the Anglican tradition, while avoiding overt proselytizing. The concomitant establishment of the diocese of Gibraltar in 1842 was, it is argued, key to this enterprise. The analysis advanced here has important implications for our understanding of Anglicanism in an imperial context, the contribution of royal patronage to this process and the conflict between religious and governmental imperatives.

Using a succinyl ester linker, a terthiophene bearing a pendant biotin hydrazide in the 3′ position 4-N′-5-4,6-dioxo-hexahydrothieno3,4-cpyrrol-3-yl-pentanoylhydrazino-4-oxo-butyric acid 2-2,2′:5′,2″terthiophen-3′-yl-ethyl ester, 4 has been prepared in three steps from 2-2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophen-3′-yl-ethanol, 2, viasuccinic acid mono-2-2,2′,5′,2″-terthiophene-3′-yl-ethyl ester, 3. Using the ‘oligomer as monomer’ approach, polyterthiophene copolymer films have been generated, on Pt, Au and ITO-coated glass working electrodes, by repetitive scan cyclic voltammetry of solutions of 2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene, or either 3or 4along with 2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene itself. These films have been characterized by cyclic voltammetry CV, electrochemical impedance spectra EIS and in situreflectance FTIR spectroscopy. FTIR spectroscopy suggests that the 2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene : 4copolymer contains intact biotin moieties. The incubation of poly-2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene and 2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene : 4copolymer with aqueous buffer solutions, followed by transfer back to CH3CN0.1 M TEAT, results in only small changes in the film CV, whereas exposure of the biotin-functionalized 2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene : 4copolymer to avidin causes drastic changes to its CV and its EIS, consistent with the binding of avidin by biotin resulting in restricted ion transfer to and from the polymer. The minimum amount of avidin which causes a detectable change in the electrochemistry of a 0.03 cm22,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene : 4copolymer-modified electrode is 5 × 10−14moles. Exposure of the 2,2′:5′,2″-terthiophene : 4copolymer to excess bovine serum albumin in buffer causes only the same small changes in its electrochemistry as exposure to buffer alone, ruling out nonspecific adsorption as a cause of the electrochemical changes on avidin exposure.

The bright berries of an island: Jamaican poetry nowWings of the Evening: Selected Poems of Vivian VirtueA L McLeod, ed Ian Randle Publishers, Kingston, Jamaica, Sterling Publishers, New Delhi, India, 2002, hb 230pp ISBN 9 7663 7073 7It Was the SingingEdward Baugh Sandberry Press, Toronto and Kingston, Jamaica, 2000, pb 99pp ISBN 18945 2800 XCertifiablePamela Mordecai Goose Lane Editions, Fredericton, Canada, 2001, pb 104pp ISBN 0 8649 2295 7Midland: PoemsKwame Dawes Ohio University Press, Athens, USA, 2001, hb/pb 104pp ISBN hb o 8214 1355 4 ISBN pb o 8214 1356 2Abandoning Dead Metaphors: The Caribbean Phase of Derek Walcott's PoetryPatricia Ismond The University of The West Indies Press, Jamaica, 2001, pb 309pp ISBN 97664 01071 £20Left‐Hand‐SpeakHima Raza Alhamra, Islamabad, 2002, pb 122pp ISBN 9 6951 6083 2Sunshine at MidnightPinkie Mekgwe Watermark Press, Owings Milts, USA, 1999, pb 63pp ISBN 15755 3980 2The Hybrid Muse: Postcolonial Poetry in EnglishJahan Ramazani University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London, 2001, pb, hb 224pp ISBN pb 02267 0343 6 £12.50 ISBN hb 0 2267 0343 8 £35Derek Walcott: Politics and PoeticsPaula Burnett University Press of Florida, Gainesville, 2000, hb 381pp ISBN 081301882 XThe Flight of the Vernacular: Seamus Heaney, Derek Walcott and the Impress of DanteMaria Cristina Fumagalli Cross/Cultures 49, Rodopi, Amsterdam/New York, pb 303pp ISBN 9 04201476 8The Age of Maggots: PoemsDavid Odinaka Nwamadi Spectrum Books Ltd, Ibadan, Abuja, Benin City, Lagos, Owerri, African Books Collective, 2001, pb 85pp ISBN 97802 9293 4 £5.95Prayer of the PowerlessRomanus Egudu Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu, Nigeria, African Books Collective, 2002, pb 120pp ISBN9 7815 6465 2Farting Presidents and Other PoemsTope Omoniyi Kraft Books, Ibadan, Nigeria, African Books Collective, 2001, pb 101pp ISBN 9 7803 9043 XA Carnival of LootersTayo Olafioye Kraft Books Limited, Ibadan, Nigeria, African Books Collective, 2000, pb 97pp ISBN 9 7820 8178 7The Word is an EggNiyi Osundare Kraft Books Limited, Ibadan, African Books Collective, 2000, pb 92pp ISBN 9 7803 9019 7Skin FolkNalo Hopkinson Warner Books, New York, 2001, pb 255pp ISBN 04466 78031 £18.95

Windrush: Portrayal, Betrayal, Stereotype and StigmaWindrush: The Irresistible Rise of Multi‐Racial Britain Mike Phillips and Trevor Phillips London: HarperCollins, 1998, hb, 422pp ISBN: 0002559099, £16.99Empire Windrush: Fifty Years of Writing About Black Britain Onyekachi Wambu ed London: Victor Gollancz, 1998, pb, 437pp ISBN: 0575065990, £10.99Chris OfiliTouring Exhibition*The Fire People: A Collection of Contemporary Black British Poets Lemn Sissay ed Edinburgh: Payback Press, 1998, pb, l68pp ISBN: 0862417392, £9.99Bigistong Mark Angelo de Brito London: Darengo Publications, 1996, pb, 48pp ISBN: 1871266211, £7.00Aelred's Sin Lawrence Scott London: Allison & Busby, 1998, pb, 447pp ISBN: 074900374X, £7.99Lara Bemardine Evaristo Tunbridge Wells: Angela Royal Publishing, 1997, pb, 147pp ISBN: 1899860455, £7.99The Sandglass Romesh Gunesekera London: Granta, 1998, bb, 278pp ISBN: 1862070849, £9.99When Memory Dies A Sivanandan London: Arcadia Books, 1997, pb, 411pp ISBN: 190085001X, £9.99Strategic Transformations in Nigerian Writing Ato Quayson Oxford: James Currey, 1997, 180pp ISBN: 0852555431. £12.95.Infinite Riches Ben Okri London: Phoenix House, 1998, 338pp ISBN: 1861591209, £16.99Blessed is the Fruit Robert Antoni London: Faber, Faber Caribbean Series, 1998, pb, 399pp ISBN: 0571195377, £7–99Double Play Frank Martinus Arion London: Faber, Faber Caribbean Series, 1998, pb, 371pp ISBN: 0571194214, £7.99Incomparable World S I Martin London: Quartet Books, 1996, pb, 178pp ISBN: 0704380293, £9.00Hullabaloo in the Guava Orchard Kiran Desai London: Faber, 1998, hb, 209pp ISBN: 0571193366, £14.99Difficult Daughters Manju Kapur London: Faber, 1998, pb, 262pp ISBN: 0571192890, £9.99Bittersweet: Contemporary Black Women's Poetry Karen McCarthy ed London: The Women's Press, 1998, pb, 255pp ISBN: 0704346079, £8.99Haunted by History Joan Anim‐Addo London: Mango Publishing, 1998, pb, 112pp ISBN: 1902294033, £6.99Post‐colonial Literatures in English: History, Language, Theory Dennis Walder Oxford: Blackwell, 1998, pb, 232pp ISBN: 0631194924, £14.95Albino Gecko Debjani Chatterjee Salzburg: University of Salzburg, 1998, pb, 100pp ISBN: 3705201611, £7.95Off Colour Jackie Kay Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1998, pb, 64pp ISBN: 1852244208, £6.95Sir Vidia's Shadow: A Friendship Across Five Continents Paul Theroux London: Hamish Hamilton, 1998, hb, 384pp ISBN: 0241140463, £17.99

Of War, Exile and Liars: Recent Nigerian Poetry The Poet Lied, Odia Ofeimun What the Madman Said, Obiora Udechukwu Wednesday is a Colour Femi Oyebode*English, August: An Indian Story. Upamanyu Chatlerjee (Faber & Faber, 1989), pb. £4.99The Shadow Lines. Amitav Ghosh (Black Swan, 1989), pb. £4.99Resistance in Postcolonial African Fiction, Neil Lazarus (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)Guyana Dreaming: the Art of Aubrey Williams, compiled by Anne Walmsley*Jasmine: Bharati Mukherjee (Virago, 1990) pb. £12.95.Navigation of a Rainmaker, Jamal Mahjoub (Heinemann African Writers 1989) £4.95.Women and Revolution in Nicaragua, ed. Helen Collinson (Zed Books, 1990), hb. £26.95, pb. £7.95.

Post‐Nationalists BluesHeroes and Other StoriesKarim Raslan Singapore: Times Books international, 1996, pb, 131pp ISBN: 981204695X, £6.99Aubrey WilliamsWhitechapel Art GalleryThe Politics of (M)Othering: Womanhood, Identity, and Resistance in African LiteratureObioma Nnaemeka ed. London: Routledge, 1997, pb, 233PP ISBN: 041513790X, £13.99Womanism and African ConsciousnessMary E. Modupe Kolawole Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1997, pb, 216pp ISBN: 0865435413, US$19.95Mauritian Voices: New Writing in EnglishRon Butlin ed. Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne: Flambard, 1997, pb, 192pp ISBN 1873226241, £7.99The Lava of This Land: South African Poetry 1960–1996Denis Hirson ed. Evanston, Illinois: TriQuarterly Books/Northwestern University Press, 1997, pb, 355PP ISBN: 0810150697, £12.99The Nature of BloodCaryl Phillips London: Faber, 1997, hb, 224PP ISBN: 0571190731, £15.99The Expansion of England: Race, Ethnicity and Cultural ValuesBill Schwarz ed. London: Routledge, 1996, pb, 272pp ISBN: 0415060265, £14.99.Colonialism/ PostcolonialismAnia Loomba London: Routledge, 1998, pb, 289PP ISBN: 0415128099, £8.99So That You Can Know Me: An Anthology of Pakistani Women WritersYasmin Hameed and Asif Aslam Farrukhi eds Reading: Garnet Publishing, 1997, pb, 162pp ISBN: 1859641148, £6.95Hot Death, Cold Soup: Twelve Short StoriesManjula Padmanabhan Reading: Garnet Publishing, 1997, pb, 241pp ISBN: 1859641113, £6.95Kicking up DustAzra Abbas Lahore: ASR, 1996 ISBN: 9698217150Novel Histories: Past, Present and Future in South African HistoryMichael Green Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1997, pb, 3P7PP ISBN: 1868143139, £15.99Salman RushdieCatherine Cundy Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1996, pb, 137PP ISBN: 071904409X, £8.99Going SoloHope Keshubi Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 1997, pb, 7opp ISBN: 9970021249, £3.95The First DaughterGoretti Kyomuhendo Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 1996, pb, 113PP ISBN: 997002119X, £3.95Fate of the BanishedJulius Ocwinyo Kampala: Fountain Publishers, 1997, pb, 136pp ISBN: 997002101X, £3.95Postcards from GodImtiaz Dharker Newcastle‐upon‐Tyne: Bloodaxe, 1997, pb, 159pp ISBN: 1852244070, £8.95Conversations with V.S. NaipaulFeroza Jussawalla ed. Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 1997, pb, 174PP ISBN: 0878059466, US$17

The C.L.R. James Reader. (ed.) Anna Grimshaw, (Blackwell, 1992, pb. £13.99).American Civilisation. by C.L.R. James, (eds.) Anna Grimshaw and Keith Hart, with an afterword by Robert A. Hill, (Blackwell, 1993, hb. £37.50, pb. £12.99).Essays on the History of Blacks in Britain. (eds.) Jagdish S. Gundara and Ian Duffield, (Averbury, 1992, hb. £38.00).Naguib Mahfouz: The Pursuit of Meaning. Rasheed El-Enany, (Routledge, 1993, hb. £35.00, pb. £12.99).Hanging by her Teeth Bonnie Greer, (Serpent's Tail, pb. £7.99).To Lay These Secrets Open. Evaluating African Writing. Brenda Cooper, (David Philip, 1992, pb).Woman and Nation in Irish Literature and Society, 1880-1935. C.L. Innes, (Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993. pb., £12.95).The Faber Book of Contemporary South Pacific Stories. (ed.) C.K. Stead, (Faber and Faber, 1994, hb. £14.99).Readings in Pacific Literature. (ed.) Paul Sharrad, (New Literatures Research Centre, University of Wollongong, 1993 pb. $Aus 12.00).The Colonial Rise of the Novel. Firdous Azim, (Routledge, 1993, hb. £35.00, pb. £10.99).Colonial Discourse and Post-Colonial Theory: A Reader. (eds.) Patrick Williams and Laura Chrisman, (Harvester Wheatsheaf, 1993, pb. £13.95).Comes the Voyager at Last. Kofi N. Awoonor, (Africa World Press, 1992).Jogging in Havana. Cyril Dabydeen, (Mosaic Press, 1993, pb).The Man Who Loved Attending Funerals and Other Stories. Frank Collymore, (Edited by Harold Barratt and Reinhard Sander, Heinemann, 1993, pb. £5.99).Trespasses. Martin Turner, (Faber & Faber, pb. £5.99).Crimson Rain. Stephen Chan (The Edward Mellon Press, pb).The Pan Beaters. Stephen LandriganWhen People Play People: Development Communication Through Theatre. Zakes Mda, (Zed Books, 1993, hb. £32.95, pb. £14.95).Make Man Talk True: Nigerian Drama Since 1970. Chris Dunton, (Hans Zell Publishers, 1992, hb. £45).The Quiet Chameleon: Modern Poetry From Central Africa. Adrian Roscoe and Mpalive-Hangson Msiska, (Hans Zell Publishers, 1992, hb. £45).

Two S-adenosyl-ʟ-methionine:furanocoumarin O-methyltransferases of R . graveolens, acting at the 5-and 8-hydroxyls of the psoralen nucleus, were completely resolved by adsorption on a general affinity ligand, 5 -(3-carboxypropanamido) xanthotoxin, followed by specific desorption by bergaptol and xanthotoxol, respectively. The 5-O-methyltransferase was purified 450-fold by this procedure, the 8-O-methyltransferase 112-fold, and both enzyme fractions were electrophoretically homogeneous. No resolution could be achieved of the activity against two 5-hydroxypsoralens or of the activity against two 8-hydroxypsoralens, and conclusive evidence is presented for the existence of only one 5-O-methyltransferase and only one 8-O-methyltransferase acting on linear furanocoumarins.

Shoots of Daphne mezereum synthesized daphnetin (7,8-dihydroxycoumarin) more efficiently from [2-14C]umbelliferone (7-hydroxycoumarin) than from [2-14C]p-coumaric acid, and [2-14C]caffeic acid was more poorly utilized still. These findings do not support the idea of derivation of daphnetin via hydroxylation of the caffeic acid ring at the 2 position, followed by lactone ring formation; instead they are consistent with the concept of daphnetin formation by an additional hydroxylation of umbelliferone at C-8. Umbelliferone was recovered with little l4C dilution from emulsin-hydrolysed extracts of shoots fed labelled umbelliferone, and TLC of extracts from untreated shoots revealed two substances yielding umbelliferone on hydrolysis. Evidence is presented from TLC and HP LC analysis that one of these is skimmin (7-O-β-ᴅ -glucosylumbelliferone), not previously reported from Daphne. The tracer experiments further support the theory that umbelliferone is the general precursor of coumarins bearing two or more hydroxyl functions on the aromatic ring.

While there have been considerable efforts over the past 30 years to improve productivity in scientific computation through the creation of subroutine libraries, much of the mundane, error-prone work in developing simulation codes has remained. This situation has spurred the development of specialized efforts in both the numerical and symbolic computation domains. For instance, numerical software like PDECOL, L1SODE, and UNPACK will solve large classes of partial differential equations, ordinary differential equations, and linear equations, respectively. On the symbolic side of this issue, a few basic tools for developing simulation codes were created by Wirth in the late 1970s. We introduce more advanced uses of symbolic techniques, including two strategies that link the symbolic and numeric computing approaches in the context of simulation codes.

Surface extracts of the leaves of five species in the Umbelliferae,Citrus limon (Rutaceae), andPsoralea bituminosa (Leguminosae) were examined for the presence of coumarins, after a previous study had shown the presence of three psoralens. In the current investigation eight more coumarins were identified by mass spectrometric techniques: the simple coumarins scopoletin, scoparone, and osthol, the linear furanocoumarins imperatorin and phellopterin, the angular furanocoumarins angelicin and pimpinellin, and the pyranocoumarin seselin. Five of these occur inApium graveolens, and scopoletin, scoparone, and imperatorin were each found in three of the species examined. The co-occurrence of all these coumarins on the surface may be significant in communication between the plant and its environment.

Concentrations of three furanocoumarins, psoralen, xanthotoxin, and bergapten, were measured on the surface and within mature whole leaves of two groups ofRuta graveolens L. late autumn plants, 2 and 6 years old, which contained green, yellow, and dry yellow leaves. Upper green leaves contained higher concentrations of these coumarins than lower green leaves, green leaves contained several times as much as yellow leaves, and dry leaves contained even smaller amounts than yellow ones. The dry yellow leaves contained only a very small percentage of furanocoumarins on the surface, suggesting that extrusion to the surface of yellow leaves was slower or had stopped, while loss from the surface continued. The loss of psoralen was the most dramatic in and on the dry leaves. Bergapten's ratio to the other cournarins increased during senescence. Xanthotoxin was always the predominant furanocoumarin in this species.

Concentrations of three dermatitis-inducing furanocoumarins— xanthotoxin, bergapten and psoralen—were measured in whole leaves ofHeracleum lanatum and in extracts of the leaf surface over an entire vegetative season. The concentrations of surface furanocoumarins, localized by extraction involving brief dipping in almost-boiling water followed by HPLC quantitative analysis, increased until the middle of May and decreased until maturity. The concentration on autumn leaves (new growth) was 20–100 times as high as the ones in May, or those of similar size in April. Furanocoumarin concentrations in the whole leaf at different stages of leaf development varied, being the highest April 25, then decreasing sharply with rapid leaf enlargement. Again, in the small autumn leaves the coumarin concentration was two to three times that in April. Seasonal changes in surface furanocoumarins may be important in that these compounds are postulated to form the first defense barrier of the plant.

Exposure ofRuta graveolens leaves to low intensity 366-nm radiation led to a ca. 20% increase in concentrations of the furanocoumarins psoralen, xanthotoxin and bergapten, as compared to leaves kept in darkness. Both direct and, even more, scattered UV radiation produced increases in total concentrations. Changes in the concentrations of individual coumarins were generally parallel. Extrusion to the surface was increased, especially in lower, older leaves exposed to the scattered radiation, where it exceeded the control by factors of eight or nine. It is suggested that this response could enhance shielding of leaves against penetration of UV into the cells and that irradiation, by exciting the furanocoumarins, could augment protection against potential microbial invaders.

Eight species of Rutaceae or Umbelliferae, known to cause or suspected of causing photophytodermatitis, had the linear furanocoumarins psoralen, bergapten, and xanthotoxin on their leaf surfaces, in concentrations varying from 0.014 to 1800 /gmg/g fresh weight, equivalent to 0.17–56% of the total leaf concentration. The higher percentage generally observed for spring leaves compared to autumn leaves suggests a higher rate of transfer of these furanocoumarins to the surface in the younger leaves. Among the plants studied,Ruta graveolens had the highest surface concentrations of all three furanocoumarins. The relatively high effectiveness in causing dermatitis of some species with low surface concentrations may be explained by a more effective mechanism of transfer of the furanocoumarins to the skin. A role in the defense of the plant is suggested by their accumulation on the plant surface.

Many elements in contemporary leadership and management convey contempt for employees. “Thinly disguised contempt,” a concept introduced by Peters and Austin in A Passion For Excellence, explains many barriers to the achievement of excellence in corporations across disciplines.1Health care executives and managers can learn from the errors of corporate management and avoid replicating these errors in the health care industry.

For several years tensions in the former British colony of Guyana have been running high. Since the late 1960s Prime Minister Forbes Burnham and his party, the Peoples National Congress, have been accused of keeping power through a combination of fraudulent elections, the sponsoring and equipping of private armies of thugs (often linked to religious cults such as that of the notorious Rev Jim Jones and, currently, the ‘House of Israel’ led by the self-dubbed' Rabbi Washington'), the manipulation of the ugly racial divisions between those of African and Indian origin, and the harassment of the opposition. This last has included restrictions on the press, by interrupting newsprint supplies and intimidating printers, and outright murder.A number of recent events have brought the situation to a head. On 14 February 1980 the PNC-dominated National Assembly approved a new constitution which gives Burnham the position of Executive President and virtually unlimited powers. At the beginning of June the trial finally began, after two postponements, of three leading members of the left-wing opposition Working Peoples Alliance - academics Drs Walter Rodney, Rupert Roopnaraine and Omawale - accused of burning down the PNC headquarters in Georgetown in July 1979. Such were the doubts about the fairness of the trial, which the authorities had decided should be held summarily before a judge rather than by jury, that several international human rights agencies, including Amnesty International, the UK Parliamentary Human Rights Group and the United States National Council of Churches, sent observers. In the event, lack of evidence and radical inconsistencies in that which was presented, resulted in a further adjournment until August. The trial was accompanied by widespread arrests in various parts of the country, the erection of roadblocks, house searches and heavy-handed police operations to prevent demonstrations.Finally, on the evening of 13 June, days after the trial was adjourned, Walter Rodney was killed when a bomb exploded in his brother's car in Georgetown. Despite official denials all the indications were of assassination by a government-sponsored death squad. There was world-wide outrage, including statements by Commonwealth leaders Michael Manley and Robert Mugabe. Rodney's death deprives Guyana of one of the world's foremost specialists in African and Caribbean history, as well as of an able political leader, whose young and growing party has made considerable strides in overcoming racial antagonism.In the article which follows, Stewart Brown, an English specialist in Caribbean literature and himself a poet, looks at the writing of Guyana's leading poet, Martin Carter, and, through his work, at the general situation of the writer in the post-independence Caribbean.