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The article discusses the social and political relationship between Ottawa and Newfoundland, two provinces located in Canada. It discusses the history of the conflict in the federal system and relationship between the federal and provincial governments in the country. It also explains the ideals of social citizenship in Newfoundland and Labrador. Information is also given on their memorandum of agreement on offshore oil and gas resource management and revenue sharing.

Presents an historical review of the continuing struggle between the western Canadian provinces and those in central Canada. Consideration of how British Columbia joined the Confederation in 1871; Election of lawyer F.W.G. Haultain to the Territorial Assembly of the North-West Territories; How the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation was founded in Calgary in 1932.

The article focuses on politics and government in Canada. Ever-louder rumblings north of the border should not be dismissed as another Canadian nonevent. Potentially, they portend much greater consequences for American interests than many nationalist breakups around the world. Canada's dilemma, typically put, is the separation of Quebec. At least since the abortive rebellions of 1837-1838, Quebecers seemingly have been revolting against Canada. Quebecers, for their part, call partition dangerous, nonviable, undemocratic, and contrary to law. They regard it as a precedent that would threaten the geopolitical balance in North America. So the tensions increase. What starts as simple secession, or breakup, could end in a complex process of redefining the entire Canadian polity, rooted in nationalist stresses that turn out not to be restricted to former communist states and poor Third World countries but to affect all multi-ethnic states in the post-Cold War order. This more complicated picture of Quebec's separation and its consequences may be described as a worst-case scenario.

Focuses on the return of Prime Minister Mackenzie King to Canada after attending the Coronation and the Imperial Conference in Britain. Question of what Canada would do in the major war involving the British Empire; Assessment of racial composition, national self-consciousness, and North Americanism in Canada; Difficulty in the political maneuvers in some of the provinces.

The article discusses the Canadian Supreme Court case of Gérard Comeau of Tracadie, New Brunswick, versus the province of New Brunswick, a case regarding the transportation of beer across provincial lines and provincial taxation. It explores the Canadian Constitutional history of Section 121 related to interprovincial trade and the movement of goods, differing regulations between provinces, the original intent of Canada's Constitution, and the Constitution as a living document that grows over time.

Describes how Canada's Prime Minister Brian Mulroney suffered his worst blow yet, when his ally Environment Minister Lucien Bouchard and two other Tory members of Parliament from Quebec resigned. Protest to the refusal of three of the nation's provinces to ratify an agreement that would safeguard French-speaking Quebec's distinct identity within Canada; Information that Quebec is headed inexorably for much greater political and economic independence; Report that the Prime Minister's troubles are also exacerbating doubts about the health of the Canadian economy; Statement that regional tensions have prevented Mulroney from using cuts to attack Canada's $25 billion annual deficit.

The article discusses Canadian climate change policies in relation to a November 30 to December, 11 2015 Paris, France United Nations climate conference. Topics include the role of Canadian Environment Minister Catherine McKenna and her chief of staff, Marlo Raynolds, differences among Canadian provincial governments on climate policy, and the approach of Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau regarding carbon emissions and pricing. The article explains the role of the oil industry in Saskatchewan and Alberta.

The article discusses the involvement of individuals in the Canadian Conservative Party with similar political views to Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper in elections in various Canadian provinces. Topics discussed include the involvement of Jim Prentice and Brian Jean in the Alberta provincial election, the involvement of Patrick Brown in the Ontario provincial election, and the fact that while the candidates are all very different, they are still all similar to Harper.

The article offers the author's insights on his expectation from Canadian government and its provinces to begin the International Decade of People of African Descent.

The article discusses the prospect of abolishing the Canadian Parliament's upper house, or Senate, through referencing Canadian parliamentary history from 1867 through the early 2010s. Particular focus is given to the Canadian provincial legislative bodies, including Manitoba's decision to abolish its Senate in 1876.

In this article the author discusses Progressive Conservative party losses in Manitoba and Ontario in the 2011 Canadian provincial elections. He notes that the candidates Tim Hudak and Hugh McFadyen, though relatively inexperienced, did not have strong opponents, making their losses surprising. He complains that the Conservatives in Canada have lost confidence in themselves, which lost them voters. He believes that unless they take stronger positions on issues, they will not win.

The article examines government programs in Canada to encourage living organ donation. A pilot program begun by four provinces to compensate kidney donors by reimbursing them for costs associated with the donation such as lost work time and travel expenses is considered. The relatively small number of Canadians who agree to donate organs in the event of their deaths is discussed

The author reflects on the impact of Canadian federalism on the country's provinces, within the context of the Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau's federalism policies. An overview of the former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper's political leadership is discussed. An overview of the impact of Trudeau's climate change policies on the Canadian Provinces, including in regard to carbon taxes in the provinces, is provided.

The article focuses on Canada, a country that gained independence 140 years ago finding challenge in governing its vast land expanse. It notes that Canada's population is concentrated in Ontario and Quebec, leaving the other eight provinces feel that the Federal government's policies do not represent the needs of the nation as a whole. It describes the civilized way that Canadians have dealt with its strained federal system making it internationally admired and attractive for immigrants.

The article reports that the governments of the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan are at odds with elements in the Canadian federal government and with the United States. Alberta and Saskatchewan do not wish to share large budget surpluses, earned as a result of high global prices for natural resources, with the rest of the country. The U.S. is considering a ban on the petroleum produced from the oil sands found in the region.

This article discusses the political climate surrounding the upcoming provincial elections in Saskatchewan. And judging by the seven provincial elections held to date this year, Canadians are in a particularly grumpy mood. In Quebec, Ontario and last week in Newfoundland, long-standing governments of various political stripes were not only defeated, but thoroughly trounced. In New Brunswick, Premier Bernard Lord fared only slightly better, as public fury over skyrocketing auto insurance rates reduced his iron grip on power to a tenuous grasp. True enough, Manitoba's Gary Doer, Nova Scotia's John Hamm and Prince Edward Island's Pat Binns were all returned to office by comfortable margins. But in each case, there was a palpable lack of enthusiasm about the exercise -- as if, given better alternatives, voters might have also opted to topple and turf. Which brings us to Saskatchewan, where a party that didn't even exist seven years ago stands an excellent chance of defeating the province's 12-year-old NDP government. The Saskatchewan Party, an amalgam of disaffected Conservatives and Liberals who formed their own "unite-the-right" movement in 1997, was brimming with confidence last week as the Nov. 5 election date approached. For all of that, the NDP cannot be written off lightly. In power for 43 of the past 59 years, it is Saskatchewan's natural governing party -- and renowned for fielding a formidable cadre of campaign foot soldiers.

The author deals with the move by Canadian provinces to switch political sides as the 2015 federal election nears. He says Alberta, which is the most fiscally conservative province, has started to focus on socialism while the traditionally left-wing province of Quebec is now championing tax cutting and fiscal prudence. He mentions some of the political and policy errors made by Alberta Premier Jim Prentice. He discusses the zero-deficit plan unveiled by Quebec Premier Philippe Couillard.

Reports on an independent tribunal's suggestion in summer of 1998 that Alberta's Provincial Court judges get a pay raise. Rejection of the suggestion by Justice Minister Jon Havelock and the Alberta cabinet; Reason the Provincial Court judges mocked the rejection; Calgary Judge John James' reaction; Comment of Mark Milke, Alberta director for the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.

Discusses the decision by the Supreme Court of Canada about whether Quebec may legally and unilaterally declare independence. How other provinces benefit from this decision; Need for the federal government to establish negotiating rules regarding Quebec; Factor of the 1995 Quebec referendum; Summary of the court's decision; Pressure for the provinces to be given more power; Views of Reform Party leader Preston Manning.

The article offers news briefs as of March 10, 2014. Topics include efforts towards a deal between the Canadian federal and provincial governments on the Canada Job Grant program, U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel's announcement of plans to reduce the size of the U.S. Army, and debt from pension liabilities in Alberta, Canada.

The article discusses the efforts of the Manitoba Child Care Association (MCCA), a non-profit organization, to advocate for the early learning and child care profession in the Canadian province. It mentions the understanding of the MCCA on the province's parliamentary infrastructure. It states that the association's advocacy concentrates on the Legislative Arm of the government. It also emphasizes the positive relationship of the MCCA with the Manitoban government.

The article discusses the outlook as of October 2013 for the Cooperative Capital Markets Regulator (CMR) plan in Canada which unites the country's provincial and territorial securities regulators under one central agency and was proposed by Finance Minister Jim Flaherty. The article notes Ontario and British Columbia joined CMR and the Atlantic provinces are expected to join. It also notes Alberta, Quebec, and Manitoba harmonize some of their regulatory functions under a passport system.

The article discusses the relationship between the Canadian politicians Christy Clark of the province of British Columbia and Alison Redford of the province of Alberta as of June 2013. Topics include their disagreements over oil pipelines originating in Alberta and the political ramifications of Clark's reelection in May 2013.

The article offers information regarding the Canadian House of Commons. It states that Members of the Parliament (MPs) constitute the House of Commons and are elected all over Canada's provinces and territories. It mentions that the Commons functions as a national forum for conflicts that involve political ideas and priorities. It adds that since House of Commons is Canada's chief legislative body, its approval is the basis of law creation and tax enforcement.

The article discusses the province of Ontario, Canada, examining the impact of Canada's equalization program is having on the different provinces in Canada. Also discussed are payments that Newfoundland has had to make into the program and the transition Ontario has made in going from a province that had to pay into the program to a province that receives money from the program.

In this article the author discusses financial conditions in a number of Canadian provinces. He comments on a report that indicated that Ontario, long thought to be Canada's most financially-favored province, lagged behind others in public services. The author is critical of the government policy that promoted financial equality for all the provinces.

The article reports on decision made by the government of the Canadian province of Manitoba that resulted in the closing of a business specializing in medical imaging. In 2008 the provincial government reversed the decision that permitted the operator of the business, Randy Spielvogel, to do see clients outside the boundaries of Canada's health act. Spielvogel is quoted claiming that the reversal was politically motivated.

This article comments on the competition of Canadian provinces for federal money. Since last summer, John McCallum, the federal revenue minister, has been scouring the federal budget for billions of dollars he can shift from old programs toward more productive new programs. McCallum has met 17 times with members of the Liberal caucus to get their input. As it turns out, the same concerns that obsess Liberal MPs -- regional jealousy and the federal-provincial divide -- are starting to drive provincial politics to an unprecedented extent. Two weeks ago, I wrote about the hornets' nest Paul Martin stirred up by handing Newfoundland Premier Danny Williams a $2-billion cheque to compensate for shrinking equalization payments. So three classic Liberal obsessions -- cities, immigration and federalism -- are interacting in dangerous and unpredictable ways. Very little of this is Paul Martin's fault.

This article comments on the issue of national unity in Canada. It is our destiny that national unity will forever be an issue. But we are in a rare spell of relative peace. The provinces are doing their bit for unity, too. Early last month, premiers and territorial leaders put the finishing touches on their Council of the Federation, which will bring them together twice a year and create an Ottawa-based secretariat. "The provinces know they are being dragged apart by the pressures of north-south trade between different regions of Canada and the U.S. This is a way to strengthen some of the social and political east-west ties." But there will always be strains in any federation: if not Quebec, Alberta may be tugging at its ties. Perhaps all we can do is relish the fact that we have a break. And not expect it to last.

This article describes the sense of unpredictability that characterizes current Canadian politics. "It's a strange time," an Ontario Liberal MP said. "People kind of feel, 'Whoa, all this stuff's gonna happen,' right? But they don't know what's gonna happen." Precisely. A new prime minister is about to take office. He will face a new, merged Conservative opposition. A strong new New Democrat leader is already campaigning for what everybody in Ottawa expects will be a spring election. Everybody except me. Just in case I'm wrong, I called a few dozen MPs from every party and asked what the mood is. The answer is that everybody expects some stuff to happen. They just aren't sure what. In Saskatchewan and Manitoba, New Democrats are worried that the new grand chief of the Assembly of First Nations, Phil Fontaine, is putting the sizable Aboriginal vote behind the Grits. In urban Ontario, meanwhile, higher support for Layton's NDP will come at the expense of the Liberals--allowing Conservatives to pick off some seats.

Reports on provincial elections in Quebec. In 2002, political pundits were preparing obituaries for the Parti Québécois (PQ) and even for its goal, the peaceful democratic secession of Quebec from Canada. But as campaigning for the provincial election on April 14, 2003 was drawing to a close, all of that looked a little premature. The Quebec Liberals had secured a small, but constant, lead in the opinion polls. But many of the pundits were betting that the PQ would sneak back for a third successive term, becoming the first party for half a century to do so. It would be a consequence of Canada's first-past-the-post electoral system--and of a plateful of bread-and-butter issues. However, the main reason the PQ looks likely to be re-elected is Quebec's thriving economy. The polls show that a solid 40% continue to support independence in principle. But far fewer want another divisive referendum on the issue in the near future.

Argues for the re-federation of Canada. Comments of historian Michael Bliss regarding Canadian government in Ottawa; Discussion of a power block existing in Ontario that drives the country regardless of what is thought in the other areas of the country; View of Canada as four separate nations, the West, Ontario, Quebec and the Atlantic; How re-federation would make provinces responsible for what the federal government is now in charge; Discussion of Canadian history and distinctions among the four separate regions of Canada.

Discusses the retirement of Prime Minister Jean Chretien of Canada. Idea of former Alberta premier Peter Lougheed that Chretien will try to expand federal power at the expense of Alberta; Support of Alberta in the controversy over the National Energy Program by all provinces except Ontario; Outlook for a challenge against laws proposed by the government to implement the Kyoto protocol for environmental protection.

Reports on politics and government in Quebec. Decreasing support for secession from Canada; Political goals of Quebec Premier Bernard Landry; The effect of economic conditions in Quebec on support for secession.

Focuses on the debate over the future of factory farms in Alberta, Canada. Demands by landowners and municipalities for clear rules on manure disposal; Creation of a central board by the government to approve and monitor hog barns and beef feedlots; Response to the board, including the view that final approval should lie with communities; Drawbacks of the legislation, including its failure to fully address human and animal health.

Reports on elections for public office that are either underway or imminent in Canada. How deficit elimination tops the political agenda in these races; Tax cut issues in Saskatchewan; Fiscal issues in Manitoba's elections.

Comments on two provincial referendums in Quebec. How the initiatives show a division in political direction; Reasons why the author views Quebec province as an adolescent in Canada.

Reports that Canadian federal Justice Minister Anne McLellan has publicly stated that the province of Alberta is within its constitutional rights to decline to accept the ruling of the Canadian Supreme Court regarding a redefinition of marriage to include homosexuals. Questions about whether Alberta Premier Ralph Klein will fight the court if it changes the definition of marriage.

Discusses the upcoming provincial elections in Nova Scotia that are scheduled for July 27, 1999. Nova Scotia Tory Leader John Hamm's refusal to vote for the budget; The tight race that is expected to take place; Why many analysts believe the Liberals had engineered their own defeat.

Examines how Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chretien has been able to effectively stifle his opponents and critics among the provincial premiers by offering increased federal spending. The control that Chretien has been able to secure for his Liberal party in Canadian politics; Why Chretien was receiving criticism from several provincial premiers; Outlook for the Liberal party.

Editorial. Discusses the importance of addressing the equality of all Canadians, counterbalancing Quebec and Ontario with provinces having economic and political clout, and destroying interprovincial trade barriers instead of operating by tenets that divide. Negotiation of the Charlottetown accord; Absence of interprovincial trade barriers.

Reports the results from the 39th annual Premier's Conference in Saskatoon, Canada. Attendance of Quebec Premier Lucien Bouchard; What the premiers agreed upon, especially in relation to the federal government; Plans for future talks; Bouchard's strategic position; Consideration of the federal budget surplus; Federal government set on unilateralism regarding the provinces; Views of Roger Gibbins of the Canada West Foundation in Calgary.

Opinion. Comments on the proposal from the Canadian federal government to give distinction to the province of Quebec above and beyond other provinces; How the Reform Party believes that all the provinces must be equal; The provincial inequality built into the Canadian constitution; How the provincial premiers reacted to the proposal; Concern that the premiers may not be accurately representing the public.

Editorial. Examines the timing for the formation of provincial Reform parties in Canada. Why 1997 is a good year to begin the process; Reform leader Preston Manning's reversal in position and current support of the idea; Tory and Liberal politics in Canada creating the proper climate for Reform provincial politics; Provincial power.

Presents a rating of the ten premiers of the Canadian provinces as of August of 1997. Pat Binns of Prince Edward Island; Glen Clark of British Columbia; Brian Tobin of Newfoundland; Gary Filmon of Manitoba; Frank McKenna from New Brunswick; Ralph Klein from Alberta; Mike Harris from Ontario; Russell MacLellan of Nova Scotia; Roy Romanow of Saskatchewan; Lucien Bouchard of Quebec.