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Through the examination of various points of Irish and Scots Irish settlement in the New World, a previously underrepresented portion of American history emerges to tell the story of a hearty and industrious people who literally went out into the wilderness and settled their own communities. Through their hard work and enterprising nature, they were able to not only survive in the face of extreme adversity on the frontier, but they preserved their culture for generations and contributed to the cultural, political, military, religious, and environmental influences that shaped the New World and the American nation. Their martial prowess and military ingenuity enabled them to survive through frontier warfare, and to emerge as highly valued soldiers in North America. In doing so, they created an identity that has come to be known as uniquely American. Through an understanding of the history of the Irish history and the evolution of Irish Indian Fighters in the New World, a unique perspective of American history comes to light.

Violent offenses are part of the history of humankind, and as such, both male and female violent offenders have perpetrated these acts, often with gender differences between male and female offenders present. As more women leave the home and enter the workplace, the gap in gender roles has narrowed, so it follows that this narrowing may also be reflected in the actions of violent offenders. Although there are various explanations for the narrowing of the gender gap in crime, understanding the differences between male and female offenders can help inform gender-based interventions. To address this idea, the type of weapon present during a violent offense and the demographic variables of the victim, including age and sex, were examined for differences between male and female violent offenders. Furthermore, these variables were examined for changes in the differences between male and female violent offenders over time. To provide a quantitative analysis, data collected by the Federal Bureau of Investigation through the National Incident-Based Reporting System was analyzed using SPSS. Although this data is not yet nationally representative, it remains a robust source of information that provides useful support for conclusions, even with its limitations. The analyses found that there were significant relationships between offender gender and weapon present, offender gender and victim age, and offender gender and victim sex. Additionally, the strength of these relationships increased over time.

The intention of the project is creating a weapon customization system that allows the user to personalize through attachments and modifications a set of weapons so that a wide amount of variations can be possible. As well as the generation of randomly created weapons. This can be achieved with a scripted prototype and several models taking into consideration modularity opportunities.

Die Group of Governmental Experts (GGE) diskutiert seit 2017 im Rahmen des Waffen­übereinkommens der Vereinten Nationen (VN) über Autonome Waffensysteme (AWS). Russland hat die jüngste Verhandlungsrunde im März in Genf boykottiert. Grund für dieses Verhalten Russ­lands ist sein seit dem 24. Februar 2022 dauernder Angriffskrieg gegen die Ukraine. Eine Regulierung von AWS ist damit in noch weitere Ferne gerückt. Staaten sprechen mit vorgehaltener Hand bereits von einem Scheitern der Genfer Ver­handlungen. Deutschlands Ankündigung im Koalitionsvertrag, die Ächtung von AWS aktiv voran­zutreiben, scheint nun zur Mammutaufgabe zu werden. Da die GGE auf dem Konsens­prinzip beruht und eine konstruktive Zusammenarbeit mit Russland in naher Zukunft nicht zu erwar­ten ist, müssen andere Foren für eine internationale Debatte zu AWS gefunden werden. Deutschland muss sich auf Optionen innerhalb der Nato, der Euro­päischen Union (EU) und der VN vorbereiten. Klar ist, dass nur ein kohärentes Vor­gehen mit den Nato-Bünd­nis­partnern auf sämtlichen Ebenen ziel­führend ist. Um dies zu erreichen, be­darf es einer klaren nationalen Positionierung Deutschlands zum Umgang mit AWS. (Autorenreferat)

Russia and China challenge the liberal order and rule of law on a global and regional level. The Trump administration has facilitated the support of the move away from the liberal international order and the "Westphalian" system of states that America had defended for centuries. Extremism is thriving around the world, including in sub-Saharan Africa, fuelled by the aftermath of colonialism, poverty and Islamist ideologies. Regions with limited statehood became failed states where violent conflicts threatened regional security and stability. Russia benefited from the resulting power vacuum. Moscow focused on countries that were formerly French and Portuguese colonies, which Moscow believed are easier to infiltrate. Under these conditions, Putin is free to exploit the political and social contradictions in Africa and destabilize the Western order, even at the risk of the rise of Islamic terrorism. Terrorist criminal pipelines and corrupt states have been exploited by Russian arms dealers across Africa for decades. These included notorious support for the Taylor regime in Liberia in the early 2000s, including the infamous Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout, dubbed the 'merchant of death'. The cooperation was based on state control of ports of entry and exit for criminal organizations to safeguard profit-sharing, diplomatic passports, including associated immunity, and the rule of law, which ensured the smooth marketing of these companies. Today, Russia benefits primarily from providing "security" to autocratic leaders, including arms sales, advice and training in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations against Islamic terrorism in exchange for access to African resources and markets. Aside from Al-Quida, the Islamic State (ISIS), Boko Haram other local Islamic organizations are fuelling terrorism in SSA. Moscow is particularly interested in the Horn of Africa to control important trade routes of global importance., La Russie et la Chine défient l'ordre libéral et l'État de droit au niveau mondial et régional. L'administration Trump a facilité le soutien à l'abandon de l'ordre international libéral et du système d'États "westphalien" que l'Amérique avait défendu pendant des siècles. L'extrémisme prospère dans le monde entier, y compris en Afrique subsaharienne, alimenté par les séquelles du colonialisme, de la pauvreté et des idéologies islamistes. Les régions à statut d'État limité sont devenues des États défaillants où des conflits violents ont menacé la sécurité et la stabilité régionales. La Russie a profité du vide de pouvoir qui en a résulté. Moscou s'est concentré sur les pays qui étaient autrefois des colonies françaises et portugaises, que Moscou croyait plus faciles à infiltrer. Dans ces conditions, Poutine est libre d'exploiter les contradictions politiques et sociales en Afrique et de déstabiliser l'ordre occidental, même au risque de la montée du terrorisme islamique. Les pipelines criminels terroristes et les États corrompus sont exploités par les marchands d'armes russes à travers l'Afrique depuis des décennies. Ceux-ci comprenaient un soutien notoire au régime de Taylor au Liberia au début des années 2000, y compris le tristement célèbre marchand d'armes russe Viktor Bout, surnommé le « marchand de la mort ». La coopération reposait sur le contrôle par l'État des ports d'entrée et de sortie des organisations criminelles afin de préserver la participation aux bénéfices, les passeports diplomatiques, y compris l'immunité associée, et l'état de droit, qui garantissait la bonne commercialisation de ces entreprises. Aujourd'hui, la Russie bénéficie principalement de la "sécurité" offerte aux dirigeants autocratiques, notamment par la vente d'armes, des conseils et une formation aux opérations de contre-insurrection et de contre-terrorisme contre le terrorisme islamique en échange de l'accès aux ressources et aux marchés africains. Outre Al-Quida, l'État islamique (IS

Russia and China challenge the liberal order and rule of law on a global and regional level. The Trump administration has facilitated the support of the move away from the liberal international order and the "Westphalian" system of states that America had defended for centuries. Extremism is thriving around the world, including in sub-Saharan Africa, fuelled by the aftermath of colonialism, poverty and Islamist ideologies. Regions with limited statehood became failed states where violent conflicts threatened regional security and stability. Russia benefited from the resulting power vacuum. Moscow focused on countries that were formerly French and Portuguese colonies, which Moscow believed are easier to infiltrate. Under these conditions, Putin is free to exploit the political and social contradictions in Africa and destabilize the Western order, even at the risk of the rise of Islamic terrorism. Terrorist criminal pipelines and corrupt states have been exploited by Russian arms dealers across Africa for decades. These included notorious support for the Taylor regime in Liberia in the early 2000s, including the infamous Russian arms dealer Viktor Bout, dubbed the 'merchant of death'. The cooperation was based on state control of ports of entry and exit for criminal organizations to safeguard profit-sharing, diplomatic passports, including associated immunity, and the rule of law, which ensured the smooth marketing of these companies. Today, Russia benefits primarily from providing "security" to autocratic leaders, including arms sales, advice and training in counterinsurgency and counterterrorism operations against Islamic terrorism in exchange for access to African resources and markets. Aside from Al-Quida, the Islamic State (ISIS), Boko Haram other local Islamic organizations are fuelling terrorism in SSA. Moscow is particularly interested in the Horn of Africa to control important trade routes of global importance., Russland und China fordern die freiheitliche Ordnung und Rechtsstaatlichkeit auf globaler und regionaler Ebene heraus. Die US-Regierung unter Trump hat die Abwendung von der liberalen internationalen Ordnung und dem "westfälischen" Staatensystem, das Amerika jahrhundertelang verteidigt hatte, noch unterstützt. Der Extremismus blüht weltweit auf, einschließlich Subsahara-Afrika, genährt von den Nachwirkungen des Kolonialismus, der Armut und islamistischen Ideologien. Regionen mit begrenzter Staatlichkeit wurden zu gescheiterten Staaten in denen gewalttätige Konflikte, die die regionale Sicherheit und Stabilität gefährdeten. Russland profitierte von dem daraus resultierenden Machtvakuum. Moskau konzentrierte sich dabei auf Länder, die früher französische und portugiesische Kolonien waren, die aus Sicht Moskaus leichter zu unterwandern seien. Unter diesen Bedingungen hat Putin freie Hand, um die politischen und sozialen Widersprüche auszunutzen und die westliche Ordnung zu destabilisieren, selbst wenn er den Aufstieg des islamischen Terrorismus dabei in Kauf nimmt. Terroristische kriminelle Pipelines und korrupte Staaten wurden bereits seit Jahrzehnten von russischen Waffenhändlern in ganz Afrika genutzt. Dazu gehörte die berüchtigte Unterstützung des Taylor-Regimes in Liberia in den frühen 2000er Jahren, einschließlich des verrufenen russischen Waffenhändlers Viktor Bout, der als "Kaufmann des Todes" bezeichnet wurde. Die Zusammenarbeit basierte auf der staatlichen Kontrolle von Ein- und Ausreisehäfen für kriminelle Organisationen um die Gewinnbeteiligung, Diplomatenpässen, einschließlich der damit verbundenen Immunität, sowie Rechtsstaatlichkeit, zu gewährleisten, welche die reibungslose Absatzpolitik dieser Unternehmen gewährleistete. Heute profitiert Russland hauptsächlich von der Bereitstellung von "Sicherheit" für autokratische Führer, einschließlich Waffenverkäufen, Beratung und Schulung in Anti-Aufstands- und Anti-Terror-Operationen gegen den islamischen Terror

What are the societal and political consequences of the recognition of armed non-state actors (ANSAs) in the context of asymmetric conflicts? Based on a discussion of diverse contemporary examples the three authors present the state of research on recognition dynamics. They shed light on the ambivalences of recognition practises and "thick recognition" in asymmetric conflicts, revealing dilemmas and unintended consequences. They recommend further empirical research and knowledge transfer among practitioners, researchers, and policymakers to better understand the dynamics and draw benefits for international security and conflict management.

The report captures the recommendations to the CCW States Parties.

Broadening the scope of regulatory options (here: outside of the CCW), this working paper links iPRAW's existing recommendations on human control in the use force to deliberations on export controls for LAWS (i.e. weapon systems with 'autonomy' in their targeting functions) and technological components relevant to LAWS. We highlight some effects of the diffusion or transfer of LAWS and the potential role of national and multilateral export control regulations as a means of mitigating the challenges related to the development and use of LAWS. We also explore the special challenges to the effective implementation of export controls on software based, data-driven technologies, in particular with regard to the general-purpose use of many of the enabling components. With that in mind, we identify and discuss how export control regimes could provide guidance to the participating states on the issue of LAWS.

This paper summarizes the recommendations by the International Panel on the Regulation of Autonomous Weapons (iPRAW) on steps towards a regulation of lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS) within the Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW).

This report focuses on the impact of ethical considerations on the principle of human control over weapon systems.

The report focuses on the underlying techniques behind what is popularly known as Artifical Intelligence (AI), and how they are relevant to LAWS.

The report looks at the implications of technological capabilities and limitations for the use of autonomous weapon systems. From that it derives elements that are important for a definition of LAWS.

This report picks up considerations on human control from previous iPRAW reports, links them to IHL requirements and identifies remaining conceptual questions. In particular, we discussed requirements for human control from IHL, the link between human decision making and the IHL concept of "attack" and the influence of the operational context on the implementation of human control.

From a ban to a soft-law mechanism, any potential international regulation of LAWS could not be implemented without the support of national regulatory frameworks. Also, the creation of a multilateral regulation could benefit from understanding national challenges and solutions. To facilitate the discussion of implementable governance options for the UN Convention on Certain Conventional Weapons (CCW) debate on LAWS, this report provides an analysis of national regulations on LAWS and its enabling technologies. Rather than providing an exhaustive account of all relevant policies of States Parties to the CCW, the report focuses on the regulatory approaches of five States Parties (China, Japan, Russia, the United States, and Germany in conjunction with the European Union), highlighting common challenges as well as possible solutions. National regulations, reviewed by this report, include general strategies on (military) AI, rules on development and procurement, e.g. weapon reviews, rules on the deployment of LAWS and military AI, and export control. Moreover, the report also considers whether and how states shape and formulate regulations on human control and similar concepts in the use force.

This iPRAW publication is a brief overview of the matter of verification for a legally binding, potential regulation of LAWS, e.g. a new protocol to the CCW. It does not aim to present a verification regime but strives to inform policy makers about potential challenges and solutions regarding this issue.

iPRAW has identified three larger buildings blocks that can guide the creation of the normative and operational framework for a regulation of LAWS. These blocks are (1) challenges to be addressed by a regulation, (2) the human element at the core of any regulation of LAWS, and (3) actual elements of the framework. iPRAW maintains the approach that a future regulation of LAWS should focus on the human element, especially human control in the use of force.

The report finds that the leading characteristic of human-machine interaction should be that of human control and machine dependence on humans in the execution of the targeting cycle. The control exercised by the operator must be sufficient to reflect the operator's intention for the purpose of establishing the legal accountability and ethical responsibility for all ensuing acts.

This article analyses the ethical debate over the use of lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS) by exploring, from a Catholic perspective, how Christian ethics can position itself in this discussion. Since humanity will not be able to avoid wars in the future, ideas of justified use of armed force (in self-defense), but also of appropriateness of defensive weapon systems, remain important issues. Based on the so-called 'protection rationale,' proponents hold that autonomous weapon systems (AWS) can shield one’s own forces while reducing the damage inflicted upon the enemy. Opponents seek to ban AWS categorically, especially LAWS. The moral dilemmas and ethical dimensions involved make LAWS a genuine subject for technology assessment in terms of the technology's consequences for humanity, dignity, and coexistence., Dieser Artikel analysiert die ethische Debatte um den Einsatz tödlicher autonomer Waffensysteme (LAWS), indem er aus einer katholischen Perspektive der Frage untersucht, wie sich eine christliche Ethik in dieser Diskussion positionieren kann. Da sich Kriege auch in Zukunft nicht vermeiden lassen werden, bleiben Vorstellungen über den gerechtfertigten Einsatz von Waffengewalt (zur Selbstverteidigung), aber auch über die Angemessenheit defensiver Waffensysteme wichtige Themen. Basierend auf der sogenannten 'Schutzbegründung' vertreten die Befürworter die Auffassung, dass autonome Waffensysteme (AWS) die eigenen Streitkräfte schützen und gleichzeitig den Schaden beim Feind verringern können. Opponenten wollen AWS kategorisch verbieten, insbesondere LAWS. Die damit verbundenen moralischen Dilemmata und ethischen Dimensionen machen LAWS zu einem genuinen Gegenstand der Technikfolgenabschätzung im Hinblick auf die Folgen der Technik für Menschlichkeit, Würde und Zusammenleben.

Denna studie undersöker huruvida maskulinitet är sammankopplat med, samt om det upprätthålls inom, det diskursiva fältet vapen. Genom att använda metoden multimodal kritisk diskursanalys ämnar denna studie att nå ökad förståelse för hur och om Alex Jones, Andrew Tate och Ted Cruz legitimerar och upprätthåller maskulinitet inom diskursen kring vapen. Studien ämnar även att undersöka vilka likheter, skillnader och kopplingar diskurserna har. Studien utgår från teorier kring diskurs, ideologi, makt, hegemonisk maskulinitet och socialsemiotik. I analysen identifieras tre diskursiva teman – maskulinitet, maskulinitet och status, samt vapen. Resultaten visar att det finns en stark koppling mellan dessa teman samt att det pågår en ständig maktkamp gällande maskuliniteter inom det diskursiva fältet vapen. Analysen genomsyras även av deras positiva inställning till vapen. Även om samtliga är tre heterosexuella män med kontroversiella agendor, skiljer sig deras verklighetsbild samt syn på maskulinitet. Det mönster som genomsyras hos männen är att de försöker positionera sin ideala maskulinitet som den dominerande. Genom en ständig avvikelse från andra kön och maskuliniteter upprätthåller således männen en form av hegemonisk maskulinitet., This study examines whether masculinity is connected to, as well as maintained, within the discursive field of weapons. Through the use of a multimodal critical discourse analysis, the study aims to reach a greater understanding regarding how and if Alex Jones, Andrew Tate and Ted Cruz legitimize and maintain masculinity within the discourse around weapons. The study aims to examine which similarities, differences and connections the discourses have. The study is based on theories around discourse, ideology, power, hegemonic masculinity and social semiotics. In the analysis three discursive themes are identified – masculinity, masculinity and status, and weapons. The results show that there is a strong connection between these themes, and that there is a continuous power struggle regarding masculinity within the discursive field weapons. The analysis is also permeated by their positive attitude toward weapons. Although they are all three heterosexual men with controversial agendas, their perception of reality and view of masculinity differ. The pattern that permeates among the men is their attempt to position their ideal masculinity as the dominant one. Through a continuous deviation from other genders and masculinities, the men thus maintain a form of hegemonic masculinity.

Denna studie undersöker huruvida maskulinitet är sammankopplat med, samt om det upprätthålls inom, det diskursiva fältet vapen. Genom att använda metoden multimodal kritisk diskursanalys ämnar denna studie att nå ökad förståelse för hur och om Alex Jones, Andrew Tate och Ted Cruz legitimerar och upprätthåller maskulinitet inom diskursen kring vapen. Studien ämnar även att undersöka vilka likheter, skillnader och kopplingar diskurserna har. Studien utgår från teorier kring diskurs, ideologi, makt, hegemonisk maskulinitet och socialsemiotik. I analysen identifieras tre diskursiva teman – maskulinitet, maskulinitet och status, samt vapen. Resultaten visar att det finns en stark koppling mellan dessa teman samt att det pågår en ständig maktkamp gällande maskuliniteter inom det diskursiva fältet vapen. Analysen genomsyras även av deras positiva inställning till vapen. Även om samtliga är tre heterosexuella män med kontroversiella agendor, skiljer sig deras verklighetsbild samt syn på maskulinitet. Det mönster som genomsyras hos männen är att de försöker positionera sin ideala maskulinitet som den dominerande. Genom en ständig avvikelse från andra kön och maskuliniteter upprätthåller således männen en form av hegemonisk maskulinitet., This study examines whether masculinity is connected to, as well as maintained, within the discursive field of weapons. Through the use of a multimodal critical discourse analysis, the study aims to reach a greater understanding regarding how and if Alex Jones, Andrew Tate and Ted Cruz legitimize and maintain masculinity within the discourse around weapons. The study aims to examine which similarities, differences and connections the discourses have. The study is based on theories around discourse, ideology, power, hegemonic masculinity and social semiotics. In the analysis three discursive themes are identified – masculinity, masculinity and status, and weapons. The results show that there is a strong connection between these themes, and that there is a continuous power struggle regarding masculinity within the discursive field weapons. The analysis is also permeated by their positive attitude toward weapons. Although they are all three heterosexual men with controversial agendas, their perception of reality and view of masculinity differ. The pattern that permeates among the men is their attempt to position their ideal masculinity as the dominant one. Through a continuous deviation from other genders and masculinities, the men thus maintain a form of hegemonic masculinity.

Teen dating violence (TDV) is associated with a variety of delinquent behaviors, such as theft, and health- and delinquency-related risk behaviors, including alcohol use, substance abuse, and weapon carrying. These behaviors may co-occur due to shared risk factors. Thus, comprehensive TDV-focused prevention programs may also impact these other risk behaviors. This study examined the effectiveness of CDC’s Dating Matters®: Strategies to Promote Healthy Teen Relationships (Dating Matters) comprehensive TDV prevention model compared to a standard-of-care condition on health- and delinquency-related risk behaviors among middle school students. Students (N = 3301; 53% female; 50% black, non-Hispanic; and 31% Hispanic) in 46 middle schools in four sites across the USA were surveyed twice yearly in 6th, 7th, and 8th grades. A structural equation modeling framework with multiple imputation to account for missing data was utilized. On average over time, students receiving Dating Matters scored 9% lower on a measure of weapon carrying, 9% lower on a measure of alcohol and substance abuse, and 8% lower on a measure of delinquency by the end of middle school than students receiving an evidence-based standard-of-care TDV prevention program. Dating Matters demonstrated protective effects for most groups of students through the end of middle school. These results suggest that this comprehensive model is successful at preventing risk behaviors associated with TDV. clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT01672541

The safety and reliability of electric explosive device, as the most sensitive initiating energy for igniting powder and explosive, directly impact those of weapon system. The safety and reliability of the electric explosion device were determined by the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device. Based on the conservation of energy and Fourier's law, a mathematical model was built for the relationship between the temperature rise of the bridge line and the amplitude of the electromagnetic pulse. In the experiment, the semiconductor band gap temperature measurement technology was used, and the correctness of the mathematical model was verified by altering the amplitude of the pulse signal. Then, the 50% ignition excitation of the device was determined with the Bruceton method and the statistical theory. According to the built mathematical model, the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device was determined as 412 ℃. In this paper, the measurement method of the ignition temperature of the electric explosive device was developed, which could act as a technical means for the safety assessment of the electromagnetic environment of the weapon system. Moreover, this method is critical to improve the safety and survivability of the weapon system in the complex electromagnetic environment.

Redesign of two building on Campus North in the Hembrug, Zaandam area. The design focusses on creating a low-tech and stimulating environment for children. Where parents can have workspaces and maintain a connection with their children (visual and physical)., Revitalising Heritage: Hembrug Peninsula, Heritage & architecture, Revitalising heritage: Hembrug, Revitalising Heritage, Heritage and Architecture

Line-ups can be a useful criminal justice tool - but line-ups can also contribute to miscarriages of justice. Cases of misidentification are known from all over Europe and North America. Here we present findings from legal psychology research on the nature and operation of factors that affect the accuracy of identification decisions. Based on hundreds of studies conducted over the past 50 years, we are now in a position to make reliable recommendations on how to construct, administer and evaluate line-ups. The application of this knowledge in practice is crucial to ensure a high evidential value of line-ups. Because then - and only then - is eyewitness identification a useful instrument of criminal justice.

Measuring militarisation is complex. Since 2003 and retrospectively up to 1990, BICC has been measuring militarisation worldwide with the Global Militarisation Index (GMI). The GMI’s approach is resource-based and measures the level of militarisation of a society by its allocation of resources by the state to the military in relation with other areas of society. By measuring the level of militarisation and the resulting time series annually, processes of militarisation or demilitarisation of societies and regions can be mapped. In this Working Paper, for the first time, the authors present the Codebook which underpins the GMI. They also discuss the current methodology and possible additions in view of the changing framework conditions and new data sources. In particular, they discuss the inclusion of novel weapons systems but also the vision of a multi-dimensional concept of militarisation.

Die Messung von Militarisierung ist ein komplexes Unterfangen. Seit 2003 und rückwirkend bis 1990 misst das BICC über den Globalen Militarisierungsindex (GMI) Militarisierung weltweit. Der GMI verfolgt einen ressourcenzentrierten Ansatz, der den Militarisierungsgrad einer Gesellschaft über die Ressourcenzuweisung von Seiten des Staates an das Militär relational zu anderen Gesellschaftsbereichen misst. Über die jährliche Messung des Militarisierungsgrades und die dadurch entstehenden Zeitreihen lassen sich Prozesse der Militarisierung bzw. Demilitarisierung von Gesellschaften und Regionen abbilden. Das vorliegende Working Paper stellt den Index anhand seines Codebooks erstmals vor und diskutiert sowohl die aktuelle Methodik als auch mögliche Ergänzungen angesichts sich verändernder Rahmenbedingungen und neuer Datenquellen. Dabei wird insbesondere die Aufnahme neuer Waffensysteme, aber auch die Entwicklung eines multidimensionalen Konzeptes von Militarisierung diskutiert.

Menschliche Kontrolle ist das zentrale Element, das ferngesteuerte, unbemannte Waffensysteme von sogenannten letalen autonomen Waffensystemen (LAWS) unter­scheidet. Während ein recht breiter Konsens besteht, dass der Mensch auch weiterhin eine maßgebliche Rolle bei der Entscheidung über eine Tötung mit militärischen Mitteln haben muss, gibt es nach wie vor Unklarheit darüber, wie dieses Prinzip der menschlichen Kontrolle konkret ausgestaltet, sprich operationalisiert werden kann. Dies ist ein Grund, warum die internationalen Verhandlungen über LAWS stocken. Die ausbleibende Verständigung über ein Regelwerk hat Folgen für internationale Rüstungsprojekte wie das Future Combat Air System (FCAS), für die Vergabe von Gel­dern aus dem Europäischen Verteidigungsfonds (EDF) und für die Zusammenarbeit in der Nato. Deutschland kann die Operationalisierung des Grundsatzes der mensch­lichen Kontrolle sowohl national als auch international stärker vorantreiben. (Autorenreferat)

The German government claims to pursue a restrictive arms export policy. Indeed, there are ample laws, provisions and international agreements for regulating the trade of weapons, other military equipment and product licences. However, this dense and complicated web of norms has not led to a responsible practice of German arms trade. Taking a look back over the past three decades, this report refers to numerous examples in which Germany grants licences and exports weapons of war and military equipment to countries that violate international humanitarian law in armed conflicts, but also to countries that severely violate the human rights of their citizens and to regions of tensions. The author suggests the adoption of an arms export control law in order to turn the existing web of norms into a more effective legal basis.

Measured in terms of licenses issued, Arab states will again be among the main recipi­ents of German military equipment exports in 2020. This continues a trend that has been evident since the early 2000s and especially since 2010, all despite Germany’s recently extended ban on arms exports to Saudi Arabia. From 2018 to 2020, the value of export licences for the five most important Arab buyer countries has decreased compared to the previous period. However, their share of total export licences is still over 25 percent. In view of regional developments, this is problematic. The foreign policies of the biggest customers have changed in recent years as they become less predictable and more willing to use military means to assert their interests. Military equipment exports could thus contribute to further escalation of the numerous inter­state conflicts in the Middle East and North Africa, thereby posing great risks to Ger­many and the EU. Against the backdrop of Germany and the EU’s own export gui­de­lines, it is therefore advised to halt exports of military products to these countries. (author's abstract)

Gemessen an den erteilten Exportgenehmigungen werden auch 2020 arabische Staa­ten wieder zu den Hauptempfängern deutscher Rüstungslieferungen gehören. Damit setzt sich trotz des kürzlich verlängerten Exportstopps für Saudi-Arabien ein Trend fort, der sich seit den frühen 2000er Jahren, vor allem aber seit 2010 beobachten lässt. Angesichts der regionalen Entwicklungen ist dies problematisch. Denn in den vergan­genen Jahren hat sich die Außenpolitik der wichtigsten Abnehmerstaaten gewandelt. Sie sind weniger berechenbar und eher bereit, militärische Mittel zur Durchsetzung ihrer Interessen zu nutzen. Rüstungsexporte könnten somit dazu beitragen, die zahl­reichen zwischenstaatlichen Konflikte in Nahost und Nordafrika weiter eskalieren zu lassen, mit hohen Risiken für Deutschland und die EU. Auch vor dem Hintergrund der eigenen Exportrichtlinien ist daher für diese Länder ein Ausfuhrstopp anzuraten. (Autorenreferat)

The safety and reliability of electric explosive device, as the most sensitive initiating energy for igniting powder and explosive, directly impact those of weapon system. The safety and reliability of the electric explosion device were determined by the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device. Based on the conservation of energy and Fourier's law, a mathematical model was built for the relationship between the temperature rise of the bridge line and the amplitude of the electromagnetic pulse. In the experiment, the semiconductor band gap temperature measurement technology was used, and the correctness of the mathematical model was verified by altering the amplitude of the pulse signal. Then, the 50% ignition excitation of the device was determined with the Bruceton method and the statistical theory. According to the built mathematical model, the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device was determined as 412 ℃. In this paper, the measurement method of the ignition temperature of the electric explosive device was developed, which could act as a technical means for the safety assessment of the electromagnetic environment of the weapon system. Moreover, this method is critical to improve the safety and survivability of the weapon system in the complex electromagnetic environment.

The safety and reliability of electric explosive device, as the most sensitive initiating energy for igniting powder and explosive, directly impact those of weapon system. The safety and reliability of the electric explosion device were determined by the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device. Based on the conservation of energy and Fourier's law, a mathematical model was built for the relationship between the temperature rise of the bridge line and the amplitude of the electromagnetic pulse. In the experiment, the semiconductor band gap temperature measurement technology was used, and the correctness of the mathematical model was verified by altering the amplitude of the pulse signal. Then, the 50% ignition excitation of the device was determined with the Bruceton method and the statistical theory. According to the built mathematical model, the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device was determined as 412 ℃. In this paper, the measurement method of the ignition temperature of the electric explosive device was developed, which could act as a technical means for the safety assessment of the electromagnetic environment of the weapon system. Moreover, this method is critical to improve the safety and survivability of the weapon system in the complex electromagnetic environment.

The caste-system encapsulates the agony, misery and helplessness of a low-caste group called the Untouchables. The upper class uses various means of violence, not necessarily the physical violence always and dominates these people who have a voice but are not allowed to speak. In this journey, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, became a ray of hope. Through the spectacles of Bhimayana: Incidents in the Life of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, this paper will try to analyse that Education, Money, Posts, etc lose its glory in front of the Caste-based Discrimination. This paper will try to sensitize how being born in a low-caste becomes a sinful offence. It will try to analyse how simply experiencing the trauma of a Dalit, being a Non-Dalit, is different from the harrowing experiences of being born as an Untouchable, who is compelled to face it at every step. This paper will also try to decode and justify the word “Agitation” which acts as an important weapon against the injustice.

Archaeological research on iron industry in the upper Barito river basin in 2017-2019, show 19 iron ore smelting sites called buren in the local language. Based on radiocarbon dating, the buren was used from 16th to 19th CE. This paper aims to explain correlation between the peak of iron industry in 19th CE and the Banjar War in the upper Barito river, based on a comparison of chronology, type of weapons, and location of buren. Through the historical-archeology approach, the authors suggest that the types of weapons used in the Banjar War have similarities with the inherited weapons of upper Barito people. Several known buren locations also recorded in historical data of the Banjar War. The location of buren shifted from the banks of main river to the banks of tributary river., Penelitian arkeologi di hulu DAS Barito pada tahun 2017-2019 menghasilkan 19 situs peleburan bijih besi yang disebut buren dalam bahasa lokal. Berdasarkan pertanggalan radiokarbon diketahui bahwa situs buren digunakan dari abad ke-16 hingga abad ke-19 M. Tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui korelasi antara puncak industri besi pada abad ke-19 M dengan peristiwa Perang Banjar di hulu Sungai Barito, berdasarkan perbandingan kronologi, jenis senjata yang digunakan, dan pemilihan lokasi buren. Melalui pendekatan arkeologi kesejarahan, diketahui bahwa jenis senjata yang digunakan dalam Perang Banjar mempunyai kesamaan dengan senjata warisan milik penduduk hulu Barito. Diketahui pula bahwa sejumlah situs buren berada di lokasi yang disebutkan dalam sumber sejarah Perang Banjar. Lokasi buren tersebut bergeser dari tepi aliran sungai utama ke tepi aliran anak-anak sungai.

The caste-system encapsulates the agony, misery and helplessness of a low-caste group called the Untouchables. The upper class uses various means of violence, not necessarily the physical violence always and dominates these people who have a voice but are not allowed to speak. In this journey, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, became a ray of hope. Through the spectacles of Bhimayana: Incidents in the Life of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, this paper will try to analyse that Education, Money, Posts, etc lose its glory in front of the Caste-based Discrimination. This paper will try to sensitize how being born in a low-caste becomes a sinful offence. It will try to analyse how simply experiencing the trauma of a Dalit, being a Non-Dalit, is different from the harrowing experiences of being born as an Untouchable, who is compelled to face it at every step. This paper will also try to decode and justify the word “Agitation” which acts as an important weapon against the injustice.

Line-ups can be a useful criminal justice tool - but line-ups can also contribute to miscarriages of justice. Cases of misidentification are known from all over Europe and North America. Here we present findings from legal psychology research on the nature and operation of factors that affect the accuracy of identification decisions. Based on hundreds of studies conducted over the past 50 years, we are now in a position to make reliable recommendations on how to construct, administer and evaluate line-ups. The application of this knowledge in practice is crucial to ensure a high evidential value of line-ups. Because then - and only then - is eyewitness identification a useful instrument of criminal justice.

Redesign of two building on Campus North in the Hembrug, Zaandam area. The design focusses on creating a low-tech and stimulating environment for children. Where parents can have workspaces and maintain a connection with their children (visual and physical)., Revitalising Heritage: Hembrug Peninsula, Heritage & architecture, Revitalising heritage: Hembrug, Revitalising Heritage, Heritage and Architecture

Teen dating violence (TDV) is associated with a variety of delinquent behaviors, such as theft, and health- and delinquency-related risk behaviors, including alcohol use, substance abuse, and weapon carrying. These behaviors may co-occur due to shared risk factors. Thus, comprehensive TDV-focused prevention programs may also impact these other risk behaviors. This study examined the effectiveness of CDC's Dating Matters (R): Strategies to Promote Healthy Teen Relationships (Dating Matters) comprehensive TDV prevention model compared to a standard-of-care condition on health- and delinquency-related risk behaviors among middle school students. Students (N = 3301; 53% female; 50% black, non-Hispanic; and 31% Hispanic) in 46 middle schools in four sites across the USA were surveyed twice yearly in 6th, 7th, and 8th grades. A structural equation modeling framework with multiple imputation to account for missing data was utilized. On average over time, students receiving Dating Matters scored 9% lower on a measure of weapon carrying, 9% lower on a measure of alcohol and substance abuse, and 8% lower on a measure of delinquency by the end of middle school than students receiving an evidence-based standard-of-care TDV prevention program. Dating Matters demonstrated protective effects for most groups of students through the end of middle school. These results suggest that this comprehensive model is successful at preventing risk behaviors associated with TDV. clinicaltrials.gov Identifier: NCT01672541.

The safety and reliability of electric explosive device, as the most sensitive initiating energy for igniting powder and explosive, directly impact those of weapon system. The safety and reliability of the electric explosion device were determined by the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device. Based on the conservation of energy and Fourier's law, a mathematical model was built for the relationship between the temperature rise of the bridge line and the amplitude of the electromagnetic pulse. In the experiment, the semiconductor band gap temperature measurement technology was used, and the correctness of the mathematical model was verified by altering the amplitude of the pulse signal. Then, the 50% ignition excitation of the device was determined with the Bruceton method and the statistical theory. According to the built mathematical model, the ignition temperature of the electric explosion device was determined as 412 ℃. In this paper, the measurement method of the ignition temperature of the electric explosive device was developed, which could act as a technical means for the safety assessment of the electromagnetic environment of the weapon system. Moreover, this method is critical to improve the safety and survivability of the weapon system in the complex electromagnetic environment.

Seit Jahren wird eine politische und technische Diskussion über die Ausrüstung der Bundeswehr mit Drohnen und deren Bewaffnung geführt. Die Bewaffnung der bereits geleasten Heron TP erscheint für sich genommen eher unproblematisch, hätte jedoch weitreichende Auswirkungen. Insbesondere können bewaffnete Drohnen der erste Schritt sein in Richtung autonomer Waffensysteme. Hier ist auch der Bundestag ge­fragt: Er kann die Entwicklungsrichtung bestimmen, muss sich aber in naher Zukunft mit Einsatzszenarien und weiteren Drohnen-Projekten auseinandersetzen. (Autorenreferat)

The German government frequently stresses that it pursues a “restrictive arms export policy”. And yet, some of the biggest customers of German arms manufacturers are countries in the Middle East (MENA region) in particular. In their comments Simone Wisotzki (HSFK) and Max Mutschler (BICC) criticise in particular German arms exports to states which–as in the case of Libya–violate UN arms embargoes.

Suspend the transfer of weapons, ammunition and military equipment to secondary conflict parties, such as Turkey and Saudi Arabia, to stop illegal re-transfers to the Syrian war zone. Existing national agreements to suspend certain arms exports to Turkey (2019) by Norway, Finland, the Netherlands, France, the United Kingdom and Germany, as well as the export moratoria of limited duration for Saudi Arabia (2018), should be extended to a comprehensive, not time-limited EU arms embargo. Many of the weapons that are re-exported to Syria are old arms, produced in former Yugoslavian countries or the Soviet Union. To date, partially uncontrolled and illegal stocks of old arms exist on the Balkans and in eastern European states. To prevent further proliferation of these weapons to Syria and other war zones, the European Commission should set up an initiative to buy and destroy these weapons. To stop the cycle of mass displacement and attacks against civilians, a UN-mandated no-fly zone must be established in northern Syria. If a no-fly zone is not successful in protecting civilians in northern Syria, a UN-mandated safe zone must also be considered and ultimately implemented. EU member states must call on the UN Security Council to vote for continuing humanitarian cross-border aid (UNSCR 2165) and to reopen the al-Yarubiyah border crossing with Iraq in north-eastern Syria to prevent the humanitarian situation from deteriorating further.

Die Berliner Libyen-Konferenz vom Januar 2020 sollte die Friedensbemühungen der Vereinten Nationen (VN) in dem eskalierenden Konflikt unterstützen. Unter den Beschlüssen erzeugte das Bekenntnis der teilnehmenden Staaten zum bestehen­den VN-Waffenembar­go besondere Aufmerksamkeit. Da dieses schon kurz nach der Konferenz wieder gebrochen wurde, geriet der Ansatz schnell in die Kritik. Tatsächlich gibt es bei Um- und Durchsetzung solcher Embargos der VN etliche Herausforderungen, die im Falle Libyens besonders ausgeprägt sind. Ein genauer Blick auf alle bestehenden VN-Waffen­embargos in Konflikt­kontexten zeigt aber auch Ansatzpunkte auf, wie diese am häufigsten verhängte Form von VN-Sanktionen besser genutzt werden kann. Gewiss wird kein noch so gut überwachtes Waffenembargo allein einen Friedens­prozess retten. Als Teil eines Gesamtpakets von Maßnahmen zur Kon­flikt­lösung kann das Instrument aber wirkungsvoller eingesetzt werden. (Autorenreferat)

Die deutsche Bundesregierung betont stets ihre "restriktive Rüstungsexportpolitik". Doch gerade die Staaten im Nahen und Mittleren Osten (MENA-Region) zählen mit zu den größten Kunden deutscher Rüstungsproduzenten. In ihrem Kommentar kritisieren Simone Wisotzki (HSFK) und Max Mutschler (BICC) insbesondere deutsche Rüstungsexporte an Staaten, die - wie im Falle Libyens - gegen UN-Waffenembargos verstoßen.

Artificial intelligence (AI), especially AI driven by machine learning, is on everyone’s lips. Even in armaments such systems are playing an increasingly important role: Some weapons systems are already able to identify targets independently and engage in combat with them. This poses problems for traditional forms of arms control originally designed to monitor physical objects such as mines and small arms and their internal function. In addition, important additional effects of reliable control such as confidence- building and stabilization of diplomatic relations are not addressed. It is important for arms control to address such risks as well. At the same time, the deployment of Machine Learning-powered Artificial Intelligence (MLpAI) as a tool offers tremendous potential for improving arms control processes. Here, more precise and comprehensive data processing can engender more trust between states in particular. This tension between the risks and the opportunities connected with the use of MLpAI in arms control is highlighted in this report.

The Council of the European Union and the member states have failed to counter the substantial weaknesses of EU arms export controls. It is now the European parliament’s turn to take the debate forward by developing its own concept of restrictive EU arms export controls. A communitisation of arms export controls under the authority of the European Commission is unrealistic and undesirable. While it would offer the possibility of formal sanctions, it might lead to an even less restrictive control system than the existing one. Instead, the European parliament should build on the regulatory potential of social sanctions and naming and shaming-effects within the current division of competencies. Arms exports to non-EU countries should not be permitted on principle. An exemption to this exclusion would have to be specifically justified. Therefore, member states should agree on a ‘White List’ of recipient countries for European arms, which are assessed unanimously as acceptable. If member states nevertheless grant licences to non-EU countries that are not listed on the White List, they would be obliged to justify these decisions on COARM or Council level. To stimulate the debate on these instruments, the European parliament itself should work on a ‘White List’ and assess the member states’ export practices against this background. The European parliament should create a subcommittee on arms export controls to discuss improvements of EU arms export controls and to act as a supervisory body. The subcommittee would publish an annual report assessing member states’ export practices. An advisory body that ensures exchange between members of the European parliament, national parliamentarians and societal actors should assist this subcommittee.

The Berlin Conference on Libya in January 2020 was held to support United Nations (UN) conflict-resolution efforts. The participating states’ commitment to the existing arms embargo garnered particular attention. But hopes of meaningful progress were quickly dashed, with the embargo violated yet again shortly after the conference. Indeed, the implementation and enforcement of UN arms embargoes is fraught with challenges, especially prominently in the case of Libya. But closer examination of existing embargoes in the context of armed conflict also reveals opportunities for mak­ing better use of the measure, which is the most frequently used form of UN sanc­tions. It goes without saying that no arms embargo can save a peace process on its own, however tightly it is monitored. But the instrument can be applied to greater effect as part of an overall package of conflict resolution measures. (author's abstract)

On 19 January 2020 a high-level conference was held in Berlin to find solutions to the conflict in Libya between the unity government under Fayez al-Sarraj and the troops led by General Khalifa Haftar. A central agreement in the final declaration aims to stop the unimpeded influx of weapons that external actors are making available to the warring parties. The conference participants committed themselves to "unequivocally and fully respect and implement the arms embargo established by United Nations Secu­rity Council Resolution 1970 (2011) and the Council's subsequent resolutions, including the proliferation of arms from Libya, and call on all international actors to do the same". The declaration thus reaffirms the existing resolutions, revealing its basic problem: So far, the United Nations (UN) has not been able to effectively enforce the current embargo for a variety of reasons. (author's abstract)