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El trabajo analiza el uso que ha realizado VOX de los medios de comunicación de pago desde su primera campaña en abril de 2014 hasta la actualidad (con cierre a 31 de diciembre de 2021). El objetivo es conocer el uso que hace el partido político de los diferentes medios de comunicación, cuantificar qué medios utiliza y analizar qué mensajes lanza a través de su publicidad política (propaganda). Se recoge el contexto competitivo, es decir el número de piezas y los medios de comunicación que han utilizado los partidos políticos y sindicatos en el periodo de estudio para establecer un marco de referencia. Se han visionado o escuchado de forma exhaustiva las 159 piezas publicitarias que VOX ha utilizado en el periodo objeto de análisis para posteriormente codificar y clasificar sus mensajes con el objeto de descubrir que temas son los más relevantes para la organización a la hora de hacer publicidad. Es decir, aquellos sobre los que quiere incidir o transmitir con mayor claridad a la ciudadanía. Además, se ha constatado qué personas son las referentes dentro de las piezas. Se concluye que Vox utiliza la radio de una forma más intensa que sus competidores, y que la formación comunica principalmente sobre temáticas relativas a la inmigración, a los impuestos y a la unidad de España., This paper analyses VOX’s use of paid media from its first campaign in April 2014 to the present (closing date 31 December 2021). The aim of this study to find out how the political party uses the different media, to quantify which media it uses and to analyse what messages it launches through its political advertising (propaganda). The competitive context is collected, i.e. the number of pieces and the media used by political parties and trade unions in the study period to establish a frame of reference. The 159 advertising pieces used by VOX in the period under analysis were viewed or listened exhaustively in order to subsequently code and classify their messages with the aim of discovering which issues are the most relevant for the organisation when it comes to advertising. That is to say, those that it wants to influence or transmit more clearly to the public. In addition, it has been established which people are the referents in the pieces. It was concluded that Vox uses the radio more intensively than its competitors, and that the party communicates mainly on issues related to immigration, taxes and the unity of Spain.

Gustavo Petro y Rodolfo Hernández se enfrentaron en la segunda vuelta de las elecciones presidenciales colombianas el 19 de junio de 2022, siendo Petro el vencedor (50,44% de los votos, frente al 47,31% de Hernández). Esta atípica campaña estuvo marcada por la difusión de fake news y la proliferación de discursos populistas en diferentes redes sociales. Este artículo emplea los datos de búsquedas de la plataforma Google Trends para averiguar las tendencias de popularidad por ambos candidatos calificados en Google y YouTube. Empleamos una metodología cuantitativa y cualitativa cuyos resultados reflejaron: 1) existió una correlación estadística entre las búsquedas por ambos candidatos en Google (R² =0,92) y en YouTube (R²=0,67) durante los 90 días antes de las elecciones de la segunda vuelta. 2) La afluencia global de las búsquedas por “Gustavo Petro” fue mayor que por “Rodolfo Hernández”, tanto en Google como en YouTube. 3) Las fechas con picos de interés más altos correspondieron con vídeos, noticias, tweets, o fotografías, donde ambos candidatos vertieron principalmente discursos populistas o asuntos relacionados con fake news. Concluimos que los datos de Google Trends anticiparon la victoria de Petro y al mismo tiempo nos indicaron cuales fueron los momentos con mayor repercusión en Internet., Gustavo Petro and Rodolfo Hernández faced off in the second round of the Colombian presidential elections on June 19, 2022, with Petro winning (50.44% of the votes, compared to 47.31% for Hernández). Fake news and populist discourses on different social networks marked the spread of this atypical campaign. This article uses search data from the Google Trends platform to reveal the popularity trends for both qualified candidates on Google and YouTube. We used a quantitative and qualitative methodology where the results reflected: 1) there was statistical reliability between the searches by both candidates on Google (R²=0.92) and on YouTube (R²=0.67) over the 90 days before the second round of the elections. 2)’Gustavo Petro’ had a greater global search volume than ‘Rodolfo Hernández’, both on Google and YouTube. The dates with the highest levels of interest corresponded to videos, news, tweets or photographs, where both candidates mainly delivered populist speeches, or issues related to fake news. We conclude that the Google Trends data anticipated the Petro victory and at the same time informed us of the moments with the greatest impact on the Internet.

La formación política Vox irrumpió electoralmente en el Parlamento de Andalucía en diciembre de 2018 y se expandió a todo el territorio nacional en las elecciones generales de abril de 2019, consolidándose en los comicios de noviembre de ese mismo año. El propósito de este estudio es comprobar hasta qué punto el partido presidido por Santiago Abascal ha adoptado desde entonces, a partir de 2020, un progresivo cambio en su estrategia política con la finalidad de incrementar su base social y electoral. Concretamente nos centraremos en la evolución de su populismo, que pasará de ser implícito a explícito, y en la búsqueda del voto obrero y de las clases populares. Se prestará especial atención, en este sentido, a la creación del sindicato Solidaridad, vinculado plenamente con Vox. Para conseguir nuestro propósito, metodológicamente, emplearemos el análisis del discurso dentro del marco temporal seleccionado que comprende desde 2013, año de la fundación de Vox, hasta finales de 2020, y para implementar este método aplicaremos el software de análisis cualitativo Atlas.ti., The political formation Vox entered the Andalusian Parliament in the December 2018 elections and expanded to the whole of the national territory in the general elections of April 2019, consolidating itself in the elections of November of the same year. The aim of this study is to examine how Santiago Abascal's party has since, from 2020, progressively changed its political strategy in order to broaden its social and electoral base. Specifically, we will focus on how its populism has evolved from implicit to explicit, and on seeking to win over the working and popular classes. In this sense, the creation of the Solidarity trade union, fully linked to Vox, will receive special attention. In order to achieve our goal, methodologically, we will use the qualitative analysis software Atlas.ti to carry out the discourse analysis within the chosen time frame, which includes from 2013, the year in which Vox was founded, until the end of 2020.

The Quran burnings in Sweden have made international headlines and have taken its place as one of the most controversial happenings of the year 2023. Due to this, the phenomena have made its way into the political arena of Sweden, being widely discussed by the main political actors of the country. This study aims to analyze Magdalena Andersson (Social Democrats) and Jimmie Åkesson’s (Sweden Democrats) communication regarding the matter with the key objective to analyze the usage of Populism as well as Blame and responsibility when the two actors speak about the Quran crisis. The thesis main method will be a rhetorical analysis. The study found that both Andersson and Åkessons communication regarding the Quran burnings contains populistic traits. Andersson uses more blame in her communication and Åkesson more accountability. Åkesson does unlike Andersson not construct the Quran burnings themselves as a crisis, but rather the sequence of events the phenomena consequently started as such. Due to the results in how blame is communicated, recommended suggestions of further studies could be analyzing if the Swedish political communication has become more hostile by doing a comparative analysis on the present and previous years of political actors communicating.

The subject of this bachelor thesis in political science has been to study how populistic rhetoric has evolved as a political phenomenon. The study has more specifically researched how presidential candidates have used populism in presidential debates. The bachelor thesis also studied if populistic rhetoric has changed over a time period between 1960 to 2016. To be able to study this, the essay has used critical discourse analysis to develop and understand how populism works. Ernesto Laclau’s On Populist Reason has also been used to create three models of understanding populism to develop the essays framework. Through this the study has found that populistic rhetoric has come to be used more frequently in presidential debates. The study has also found that populistic rhetoric has changed form into a more aggressive style of rhetoric targeting the opponent’s character instead of the individual’s style of politics.

This study examines trust in Swedish government agencies based on individuals’ left-right political ideology. Two theories, the Cultural backlash theory and the Economic insecurity thesis, traditionally used to explain the rise of right-wing populist parties, are applied to identify factors influencing trust. The Cultural backlash theory focuses on conflicts between social-liberal and social-conservative values, while the Economic insecurity thesis emphasises the impact of globalisation on economic winners and losers. The results reveal a trust gap between left- and right-wing voters, but other factors seem to play a more significant role in explaining trust levels. Factors associated with the economic insecurity thesis marginally surpass factors associated with political ideology in explanatory power, while those linked to the cultural backlash theory explain more of the variation. The study suggests that, despite the influence that political ideology has on trust in government agencies, the trust gap might be better characterised as a social-liberal/conservative gap. Overall, it highlights the nuanced interplay between cultural and economic factors in shaping trust dynamics within the Swedish context.

This study aims to examine the existence of populism in campaign speeches held by the Swedish party the Social Democrats in the election years 2010, 2014, 2018 and 2022 in Almedalen. By attempting to answer if there is any populism in the party´s speeches, and if the populism has increased over the years, the essay will analyze the speeches using a qualitative text analysis and a descriptive idea analysis. Based on the study of the theory, ideal types have been created to be applied to the speeches. The study´s definition of populism is created by Mudde and Kaltwasser (2017).They mean that populism is a communication style used in politics. This study’s results show that there is populism in the Social Democrats speeches held in Almedalen. The results also show that various amounts of populism have existed in the speeches over the years.

Andrés Manuel López Obrador generated great expectations prior to his arrival to power in 2018, having participated in the elections of 2012 and 2006, becoming a fierce critic of the governments in turn during those years. He finally got overwhelming support in the electoral contest in which he won the victory. The "fourth transformation", as his government has named itself, was considered at the international level as a resurgence of Latin American progressive governments and stated the end of neoliberalism in Mexico, putting social justice, the fight against inequality, and corruption as the standards of their public policies. Five years after coming to power, this article presents an analysis of the performance of government decisions in terms of economy, foreign policy and social development. It’s introduced by a brief account of the neoliberal policies prior to his government, then an approximation to the definition of Latin American progressivism is presented, followed by an analysis of foreign policy, economics, and social development policy. It is observed that far from representing a turnaround of neoliberal policies, the government of the "fourth transformation" has aligned itself with the requirements of the US. and has not affected the interests of Mexican elites, so the fight against inequality has been addressed only through the redistribution of government spending without generating a transcendental impact on Mexico’s social development., Andrés Manuel López Obrador generó grandes expectativas con su llegada al poder en 2018, habiendo participado en las elecciones de 2012 y 2006, convertido durante esos años en un férreo crítico de los gobiernos en turno y con un apoyo abrumador en la contienda electoral en la que obtuvo la victoria. La “cuarta transformación”, como se ha denominado a su gobierno, fue considerada a nivel internacional como un resurgimiento de los gobiernos progresistas latinoamericanos y planteó desde un inicio el final del neoliberalismo en México, poniendo como estandarte de sus políticas públicas la justicia social, el combate a la desigualdad, y a la corrupción. A cinco años de su llegada al poder este artículo presenta un análisis del desempeño de sus decisiones gubernamentales en cuanto a economía, política exterior y desarrollo social. En primera instancia se ofrece un breve recuento de las políticas neoliberales previas a su gobierno, posteriormente se presenta una aproximación a la definición de progresismo latinoamericano, se continúa con un análisis de la política exterior, la política económica y de desarrollo social. Se observa que lejos de haber concretado un rompimiento con las políticas neoliberales el gobierno de la “cuarta transformación” se ha alineado a los requerimientos de los EE.UU. y no ha afectado a los intereses de las élites mexicanas, por lo que el combate a la desigualdad se ha abordado tan sólo a través de la redistribución del gasto gubernamental sin generar un impacto trascendente en el desarrollo social de México.

Die hier vorgelegte kumulative Dissertation befasst sich mit der Frage des emotionalen Sprachgebrauchs als Teil der öffentlichen politischen Kommunikation in abendländischen Demokratien. Durch die Anwendung etablierter Erkenntnisse und Ansätze aus den Bereichen der affektiven Neurowissenschaften und der Neurolinguistik zu emotionalem Sprachgebrauch, wird versucht neue Perspektiven und Analysetechniken für die Sozial- und Politikwissenschaften herauszuarbeiten, die sich mit der rhetorischen Gestaltung und Funktion öffentlicher politischer Kommunikation befassen. Im Rahmen dieser Bemühungen habe ich einen sequenziellen Mixed-Methods-Ansatz entwickelt, eine neopragmatische Diskursanalyse (NPDA), die auf der bestehenden Methodologie der Pragmatischen Soziologie der Kritik (PSC) basiert. Diese Methode ermöglicht es, die Argumentationsstrategien und -muster von Akteuren abzuleiten und ihre Verwendung von hochgradig erregender emotionaler Sprache (via HAEWWörterbuch) nachzuzeichnen. In zwei separaten Fallstudien habe ich diesen neu entwickelten Ansatz angewendet, um (1) die US-Präsidentschaftswahlkämpfe 2016 von Trump und Clinton zu analysieren sowie (2) öffentliche Reden britischer Parteiführer:innen der Conservative und der Labour Party von 1900 bis 2019. Ich habe festgestellt, dass emotionale Sprache in der gesamten untersuchten (politischen) Kommunikation vorkommt und dass sie hauptsächlich eine Highlighter-Funktion in den Argumentationen der Akteure einnimmt. Politische Kommunikation, als eine spezifische Ausformung menschlicher Kommunikation, scheint immer ‚emotional‘ zu sein., This cumulative dissertation addresses the issues of emotive language use as part of public political communication in occidental democracies. By applying established findings and approaches from the fields of affective neuroscience and neurolinguistics on emotive language use, the here presented dissertation intends to offer new perspectives and analytical techniques for the social and political sciences, concerned with understanding the rhetorical design and function of public political communication. As part of these efforts, I developed a sequential mixed methods approach, a neopragmatist discourse analysis (NPDA), which is based on the existing methodology associated with the Pragmatic Sociology of Critique (PSC). This method allows for the deduction of actors’ argumentative strategies and patterns and to detect their use of highly arousing emotive language (via HAEW dictionary). In two separate case studies I applied this newly developed approach, analysing (1) the 2016 U.S. presidential election campaigns of Trump and Clinton as well as (2) public speeches of British party leaders from the Conservative and Labour Party from 1900 – 2019. I found that emotive language appeared throughout all analysed (political) communication and that it mainly served a highlighting function within actors’ argumentations. Political communication, as a specific form of human communication, seems to always be ‘emotional’.

In this monograph thesis, I examine political confrontations, their actors, conflict lines, discursive strategies, linguistic means, and related topics in Finnish politicians’ blog texts. Additionally, I analyse the occurrences of populist communication styles within these politicians’ blog discourses. The data consists of blog texts from nine ideologically diverse politicians from the Finnish parliamentary election year of 2015. The study is grounded in Critical Discourse Studies (Reisigl & Wodak 2016) and employs methods of rhetorical-performative discourse analysis (Palonen & Saresma 2017), along with political theories of politics and populism (Laclau 2005; Moffitt 2016; Mouffe 2005, 2013; Palonen 2020). The first part of the analysis explores the core topics in the data: economic politics and immigration politics, along with their related discourses. Discourses on economic politics in the blogs of government politicians include defending the welfare state, and advocating for citizens’ equalisation, viewing citizens as a socio-economically homogeneous group. Additionally, they address confrontation as a political obstacle and the necessity of economic measures. Opposition politicians' blogs, on the other hand, feature a discourse defending citizens against the government’s planned and implemented economic cuts. Discourses on immigration politics in government politicians’ blogs frame asylum seekers as a threat and migration as a cause of societal polarisation in Finland, while also opening up a human right discourse that views asylum seekers from a humanitarian perspective. In opposition politicians’ blogs, the predominant discourse defends asylum seekers. These topics are linked to ongoing global crises, such as the so-called refugee crisis and the aftermath of the 2008 economic crisis. Government politicians focus on their impacts on Finland and Europe, while opposition politicians emphasise Finland’s role as a responsible actor and mediator in interna

Political campaign slogans, such as “Make America Great Again” or “The Netherlands Ours Again,” indicate that right-wing populists in Western countries use nostalgia to depict the national past as glorious. At the same time, populist radical-right parties (PRRP) portray this glorious past as being in stark contrast with the gloomy present of their country, which is portrayed as being in a state of decline. This suggests that PRRP in Western societies draw on both societal discontent (i.e., the belief that society is in decline and poorly functioning) and national nostalgia (i.e., a longing for the good old days of the country) to mobilize their voters. Although there is a burgeoning literature on reasons for PRRP electoral support, fewer studies have focused on its emotional or affective underpinnings. While scholars have proposed that both societal discontent and national nostalgia are an integral piece of a new master-frame employed by PRRP in Western countries to increase their electoral appeal, these elements have hardly been empirically studied in reference to voters. Relying on an integration of research in political science and social psychology, we hypothesized that both societal discontent and national nostalgia go together with a greater sympathy, and likelihood of voting, for PRRP. In addition, we predicted that national nostalgia is an explanatory mechanism that links societal discontent to more support for PRRP. These hypotheses were tested in the context of the Netherlands, among a representative sample of native Dutch voters, using the Dutch Parliamentary Elections Study of 2021. Results demonstrated that while both societal discontent and national nostalgia were relevant predictors of PRRP support, there was no strong evidence for national nostalgia as an explanatory mechanism of the link between societal discontent and PRRP support.

Högerpopulismens framväxt under de senaste decennierna är idag ett faktum. Även i Sverige har denna ideologiska familj nått nya höjder på grund av Sverigedemokraternas historiskt snabba valframgångar och med SDs intåg i riksdagen 2010 introducerades även ett nytt begrepp i den svenska politiken, nämligen svenskfientlighet. Denna uppsats har, genom en kritisk diskursanalys, studerat SDs användning av begreppet samt dess koppling till partiets högerpopulistiska ideologi. Med stöd av centrala teoretiska utgångspunkter visar undersökningens resultat att begreppet används i flera olika sammanhang men med samma budskap, det vill säga att den etniska svensken anses vara utsatt i dagens Sverige. De mest förekommande utövarna av denna svenskfientlighet är enligt Sverigedemokraterna den politiska eliten som aktivt missgynnar folket genom lagstiftning, invandraren som enligt SD systematiskt utför våldsdåd mot svenskar samt så kallade icke-lojala svenskar som aktivt förnekar och nedvärderar den svenska kulturen. Sammanlagt anspelar SD på känslostrukturer såsom rädsla, äckel, kärlek och ressentiment genom begreppet svenskfientlighet då partiet skapar ett narrativ om det sanna svenska viet mot de svenskfientliga andra. Slutligen leder användningen av svenskfientlighet till en särskild aspekt av självstigmatisering som SD uppnår genom att konstruera svenskhet som ett avvikande stigma i Sverige. Att belysa detta förutfattade stigma av svenskhet blir således till något karismatiskt som SD använder för politisk vinning.

This thesis tries to convey the point of view of migrant women living in Lund in regard to their perception of safety and experiences of violence in public spaces. To frame this case, it is necessary to consider the state of politics in Europe, which in the past few decades has seen the existing right and far-right-wing parties gaining a lot of traction. With the increase of their popularity came restrictive policies on migration issues and their effect has been exacerbated the uncertainties for millions of people moving every year around the world. Together with other countries within the European Union, Sweden has been following the same trend and migration is now one of the most pressing topics of discussion in the country, but the focus of it seems to be delving around talks regarding migration as a primary cause of gang violence and other societal issues, putting aside questions concerning the condition of migrant women. From a critical realist standpoint and through the lenses of a framework that considers the ideas of bordering and othering, together with the spread of right-wing populism as a prevalent thread and their relations with violence against women and migrant women, the thesis investigates the repercussions of the intersection of these concepts in public spaces in the city of Lund. The data, gathered through the use of mainly semi-structured interviews, seem to point to increasing constraints that lead to difficulties for many migrant women to freely live the city, as their perception of safety is being influenced by harsh policies and the perpetration of acts of violence carried out by the dominant group. Considering the results, the case presents similarities with previous studies on the subject. Despite this, it stands on its own by showing how specific contexts and diverse backgrounds may present distinct sides of the same issue, opening new possibilities for further research.

In January of 2021, the former President of the United States was banned from nearly every social media platform as a result of his actions during the January 6th attack on the U.S. Capitol. After a year of development, Trump’s company, Trump Media and Technology Group, released Truth Social, a Trump-centric social media platform, in February 2022. Although Trump’s bans from social media have mostly expired, Truth Social now serves as Trump’s platform of choice in the lead up to the 2024 election. Now, in early 2024, Trump consistently posts multiple times per day on his platform, while rarely engaging with mainstream social media platforms at all. Naturally, as Truth Social is heavily linked to the former president, its users overwhelmingly support Trump and his politics. As Truth Social brands itself as a platform that prioritizes free speech above all else, it has gained a reputation for harboring some of Trump’s most radical supporters. This digital ethnographic case study will examine Truth Social’s emergence amidst a global wave of populist sentiment. As distrust and disillusionment reach historic levels in liberal democracies, populism has slowly pervaded and infected democracies across the globe. With a firm position in populist history, Trump’s ascendance to political power was significantly aided by social media platforms. Although the platforms used in Trump’s 2016 and 2020 campaigns have been the subject of great scholarly interest and study, Truth Social is emerging as an important and under-researched factor in the 2024 election. Just as Twitter and Facebook were effectively used to build Trump’s base in past elections, Trump is attempting to use Truth Social’s echo chamber to further radicalize this base. This research aims to observe the discourse happening on Truth Social, and analyze the potential implications on democracy, more generally. Social media has destructive potential in facilitating populism’s growth. Social media allows populists to tak

Political communication plays a pivotal role in election campaigns, constituting a significant tool for political actors to reach out to their electors. Over the past two decades, the development of social media platforms has led political parties and their representatives to utilise these platforms in order to engage with the public. Simultaneously, an expanding trust for populist leaders and parties across numerous countries worldwide has led to significant political shifts. This study aims to examine the communicative strategies used by two prominent Swedish parties, Moderaterna and Sverigedemokraterna, on Instagram prior to the 2018 and 2022 national elections. Through a rhetorical analysis of textual and visual content posted on the political parties' Instagram accounts, the study investigates how the parties have utilised the traditional rhetorical strategies of ethos, pathos, and logos to communicate their messages. Furthermore, the study identifies whether the parties adopt populist tools to influence, persuade, and mobilise their audiences. The findings suggest that the parties' communicative strategies differ to some extent, and identify variances between the election years of 2018 and 2022. Moderaterna tended to consistently utilise ethos but gradually increased their use of pathos and populist tools. Sverigedemokraterna used pathos and populist tools more consistently but increased their use of logos arguments. The identification of rhetorical strategies and populist elements provides insight into the complex narrative that political actors employ to influence public opinion and engage voters., Den politiska kommunikationen är av central betydelse för partiers valkampanjer och utgör ett betydande verktyg för politiska aktörer att nå ut till sina väljare. De senaste två decennierna har tillväxten av sociala medieplattformar inneburit att politiska partier och dess representanter blivit allt mer närvarande på dessa digitala plattformar. Samtidigt har observerats hur flertalet länder världen över ser en ökning i förtroende för populistiska ledare och partier. Denna studie syftar till att undersöka de kommunikativa strategierna hos två av Sveriges främsta partier, nämligen Moderaterna och Sverigedemokraterna på plattformen Instagram inför valåren 2018 och 2022. Genom en retorisk analys av text- och bildinnehåll som publicerats på partiernas Instagramkonton, undersöker studien hur partierna använt sig av de traditionella retoriska strategierna ethos, pathos och logos för att kommunicera sina budskap. Vidare identifierar studien hur partierna använder sig av populistiska verktyg för att påverka, övertyga och mobilisera sina väljare. Resultaten redogör att partiernas kommunikation delvis skiljer sig åt, och belyser skillnader i kommunikationen mellan valåren 2018 och 2022. Moderaterna tenderar att kontinuerligt använda ethos men ökade gradvis sin användning av pathos och populistiska verktyg. Sverigedemokraterna använde sig mer konsekvent av pathos och populistiska verktyg, men ökade sin användning av logosargument. Identifieringen av retoriska strategier och populistiska element ger inblick i det komplexa narrativ som politiska aktörer använder för att påverka opinionen och engagera väljarna.

The topic of unequal regional development is well-studied, and evening those inequalities out has long been a core priority for the European Union, deemed necessary for sustainable long-term growth across the EU. Even so, many regions seem to be ‘left behind’ or treated as though they ‘don’t matter’, and the ‘populist vote’ for Euroskeptic, ‘anti-systemic’ parties has grown steadily throughout the 21st century. According to a recently created conceptual framework by Diemer et al. (2022), being caught in a ‘regional development trap’ correlates with the degree of ‘populist’ voting. Poland is a country with deeply entrenched spatial divisions of socio-economic development, and has one of the EU:s highest shares of populist voting. To test the ‘regional development trap’ and explore the relationship between spatial inequalities and 'populist' discontent, this thesis includes a case study of Poland’s historical, political, and economic geography to analyze the 2023 Polish parliamentary election results. Primary and secondary empirical data is analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics, as well as exploratory data analysis. The results indicate that the ‘populist vote’ in Poland does not exhibit stronger covariance with ‘regional development trap’ indicators than indicators of income level or urban-rural typology.

At the beginning of the summer of 2023, a staple figure of Italian culture and politics passed away after living in the public eye for three decades. Everybody in Italy had an opinion on Silvio Berlusconi, a man whose face was easily seen at least once a day on televisions, newspapers and gossip columns. News of his death circulated quickly, and journalists rushed to comment on his political career, his personality, his sex scandals and on his legacy. Who would take the sceptre of power? Would anyone be able to replace him on the cultural and political pedestal of the Bel Pease? This thesis dives into the complex public persona of Silvio Berlusconi, unravelling the layers of charisma that marked his political career in order to understand his influence on Italian society. Charisma, though often overlooked in contemporary political discourse, emerges as a central force shaping the rise and tenure of populist leaders. Berlusconi’s ascent to power, much like figures such as Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro, was facilitated by his charismatic persona, “miracle making” promises, and strategic positioning within Italy's socio-political landscape. The study also points to the representational power wielded by charismatic politicians, whose wealth and success become a symbol of societal aspirations. Despite personal scandals and a noticeable divisive rhetoric, charismatic leaders like Berlusconi and Trump continue gathering support by embodying aspirational qualities that resonate with part of the population, transcending traditional political considerations. Crucial to perpetuating charismatic populism is the role of the media, which serves as a tool to craft these types of leaders. In an era marked by media ubiquity, political leaders easily manipulate the narrative to cultivate an aura of charisma, effectively blurring the lines between rational and legitimate governance and performative spectacle. This mediated construction of charisma not only sustains populist leaders

El populismo ha crecido de manera considerable en países de todos los continentes en lo que va del presente siglo. Esto se refleja en la elección de líderes y movimientos populistas para gobernar en países tan diversos como, por ejemplo, Bolivia, Estados Unidos y Hungría. Este hecho ha generado dos importantes debates entre los estudiosos del populismo: el primero, sobre cómo definirlo, dado que el uso indiscriminado para referirse a partidos y personajes de ideologías y distintos espectros políticos, y las valoraciones positivas y negativas respecto de su relación con la democracia, generan poca claridad conceptual y el segundo, sobre su relación con la democracia, específicamente, si la fortalece o la perjudica; acá, los estudiosos se dividen en tres grupos: los que consideran que el populismo la perjudica, los que consideran que la perjudica y beneficia de manera parcial y los que consideran que la beneficia. Este artículo tiene como finalidad analizar el debate sobre la definición de populismo y evidenciar los mecanismos a través de los cuales perjudica a la democracia. A partir del análisis de los discursos y actos de líderes y movimientos populistas emblemáticos de Latinoamérica, Europa y Estados Unidos, se plantea que el populismo es una ideología laxa que divide a la sociedad en dos extremos: por un lado, un pueblo virtuoso y puro, y por el otro, una élite corrupta. Asimismo, se concluye que el populismo no fortalece a la democracia, sino, por el contrario, la perjudica, al reemplazarla por un régimen con características totalitarias., Populism has considerably expanded in countries across all continents during this century. As a result, populist leaders and movements have been elected to govern in countries as diverse as, for example, Bolivia, the United States and Hungary. This has led to two important debates among populism scholars: the first, on its definition, given that its indiscriminate use to describe parties and people of different ideologies and political spectrums, and the positive and negative evaluations regarding its relationship with democracy, create a lack of clarity in terms of concept; and the second, on its relationship with democracy, specifically, whether it strengthens or harms it. In this regard, scholars are divided into three groups: those who believe that populism harms it, those who believe that it partially harms and benefits it, and those who believe that populism is beneficial to it. The purpose of this article is to analyze how the definition of populism is being debated and to highlight the mechanisms by which it harms democracy. Based on the analysis of the speeches and actions of emblematic populist leaders and movements in Latin America, Europe and the United States, it is suggested that populism is a lax ideology that divides society into two opposing groups: on the one hand, a virtuous and noble people; and, on the other, a corrupt elite. It is also concluded that populism does not strengthen democracy, but rather, on the contrary, harms it by replacing it with a totalitarian regime.

Populist political parties and candidates worldwide are attracting an ever-growing share of popular support. This dissertation seeks to enhance our understanding of the values and beliefs that drive ordinary citizens to back left-wing and right-wing populists by investigating the role of political authoritarianism and anti-democratic views. Some scholars propose that populist ideology inherently contains divisive and intolerant tenets that conflict with principles necessary to maintaining liberal democracy. Focusing on three separate political contexts, Western Europe, the United States, and Latin America, I find that political authoritarianism can be associated with support for populists depending on the ideology of the populist in question. Citizens that support right-wing populists consistently display disproportionately high levels of political authoritarianism and disregard for democratic norms, while the left-wing populist support base does not. The findings ultimately challenge monolithic portrayals of populism as anti-democratic.

Since the ascendance of Donald Trump in the Republican Party, much analysis has primarily examined US reactionary populism from the national level. However, this thesis contends that reactionary populism has become firmly embedded at different political scales via the Republican Party, taking on the shape of local contexts in particular ways. To support this claim, this paper uses the case of Northern Idaho to examine different socio-spatial and discursive mechanisms undergirding reactionary populism’s composition, logic, and viability at different political scales. These findings ultimately highlight how and why national reactionary populist politics have become co-constituted through regional, state, county, and municipal levels. This paper concludes that these processes make up a reactionary populist project that seeks to reterritorialize power at the state level, further straining political legitimacy in the US.

Populists’ ideological opposition to global governance is well recognized, yet whether and how these actors systematically undermine international organizations (IOs) remains unclear. We argue that a keymeans by which populists warp global governance is by distorting scientific information, which is necessary for global responses to many public health and environmental issues. Populists are motivated to withhold or misreport scientific information due to their anti-elite, pro-state sovereignty views. Using new data on the source and quality of information provided to IOs, we find that populist leaders are significantly less likely to provide scientific information to these organizations than other types of leaders. When they do offer such data, it is less accurate than the information supplied by other sources. Our findings suggest that populism may stymie international institutions’ ability to govern in areas of pressing international concern.

The ideological conception of populism defines populism as a conception of politics that consists of a belief in the existence of a homogenous and “true people, a Manichean perception of political conflict, and anti-elite viewpoints. From a populist lens any and all political and social conflicts within a society can be understood as a clash between the virtuous, “true” citizens and the corrupt elite. Beginning from the premise that attitudes concerning racial and ethnic difference play key roles in the establishment of a litany of political viewpoints and stances, this project looks to investigate the potential relationship between populist ideology and racism. Survey work within populism studies has typically only investigated the relationship between populist attitudes and race/racism within the context of the relationship between right-wing populism and xenophobia/ethnocentrism. This project looks to expand the scope of these investigations by investigating the relationship between populist attitudes and several conceptions of anti-Blackness within the American setting. By moving interrogations of the populism-racism relationship beyond the strict scope of xenophobia there is potential to understand the degree that successful populist appeals, with their logic rooted in conceptions of citizenship, are at least partially impacted by the degree that individuals have or have not internalized hegemonic perceptions of racial hierarchies. Through an online survey of 980 adults this project investigates the relationship between a five-dimension populism scale and measures of implicit racism and anti-Blackness, in addition to several other potentially correlated features and attitudes. Findings suggest that anti-democratic beliefs and anti outgroup sentiments function as core sub-dimensions of populist thought, while also indicating a significant relationship between populism and several manifestations of anti-Black attitudes.

Integrating socio-legal analysis and working life science, this compilation thesis aims to enhance the understanding of how the evolving digital landscape—particularly the rise of online harassment—influences journalism and its potential to foster healthy public discourse. Additionally, the thesis seeks to advance the field of socio-legal studies by examining the interplay between digital transformation, shifting norms, and the intersection of informal and formal social controls. Utilizing a triangulated mixed-method approach—comprised of a survey, Twitter data mining, and interviews with media managers—the empirical focus is on exploring the interplay between perceptions of legal conditions, manifestations of online harassment, the consequences of such harassment for journalists, and workplace dynamics in relation to increased external pressure on journalists and news organizations.The first paper assesses journalists' perspectives on the legal framework's effectiveness against unlawful online harassment, identifying a gap in protection and underscoring the need for enhanced legal resources. However, the empirical data also reveal that online harassment frequently occurs within the realm of the work environment rather than remaining solely a matter for criminal law. The second paper, through a sociopragmatic lens, examines online harassment on Twitter (X), revealing strategies that merge impoliteness, moral discourse, and anti-press rhetoric to negatively influence journalists and challenge professional credibility while also highlighting the paradoxical use of freedom of speech to suppress journalistic expression. The third paper, informed by institutional theory, analyzes how Swedish news organizations manage the psychosocial effects of online harassment, noting a focus on physical safety over mental strain and the need for a more holistic approach to harassment management. This paper aims to achieve a deeper understanding of the factors that contribute to resili

The aim of the study is the analysis of changes in political discourse in the Eastern European countries during the migration crisis and its impact on political decisions. A mixed approach, combining graphic methods, comparative methods, sociological method and content analysis of studies and political texts, was used. The results of the study indicate significant changes in the political discourse during the migration crisis, which are characterized by the formulation of migration as a security threat, the prioritization of national identity, and the rise of populism. The political leaders‘ favour of anti-immigration sentiments reflects the influence of public opinion on policy decisions, while the media have played a key role in strengthening the securitized discourse. The study determines the impact of these changes in discourse on policy decisions, including the adoption of restrictive immigration measures and their consequences for European integration, democratic values, socio-cultural dynamics, and security.

Climate change is not only about the exhaustion of the planet, it’s about the exhaustion of so many of us, our lives, our worlds, even our minds. So, what is to be done? To answer this question, Ajay Singh Chaudhary brings together both the science and the politics of climate change. He shows how a new politics particular to the climate catastrophe demands a bitter struggle between those attached to the power, wealth, and security of “business-as-usual” and all of us, those exhausted, in every sense of the word, by the status quo. Replacing Promethean, romantic, and apocalyptic fairytales with a new story for every exhausted inhabitant of this exhausted world, The Exhausted of the Earth outlines the politics and the power needed to alter the course of our burning world far beyond, far better than, mere survival., https://www.librarystack.org/exhausted-of-the-earth-politics-in-a-burning-world-the/?ref=unknown

This article presents a corpus-assisted analysis of the rhetoric employed in the political tweets of Lauren Boebert and Isabel Díaz-Ayuso on the micro-blogging site X (formerly Twitter). This study adopts the analytical framework Appraisal Theory (Martin & White, 2005), to explore how these politicians utilize negativity as a strategic tool to discredit and weaken their adversaries. The research identifies key motifs and evaluative strategies within their tweets, illustrating the role of negativity in political discourse. Findings reveal that both politicians direct their negativity toward their political rivals, viz., presidents Joe Biden and Pedro Sánchez, while channeling it towards immigrants and independentist parties. Amongst the evaluative resources most commonly deployed, Lauren Boebert and Isabel Díaz-Ayuso utilize inscribed negative judgments of propriety and veracity to accuse their rivals based on their lack of morality and truthfulness regarding various policy issues. The qualitative study has also revealed that politicians present their stances through monoglossic formulations that leave no room for argumentation and debate. This idea reinforces that even if their negativity is not intended as a polarizing agent, it may affect the potential electorate. This study contributes to understanding the dynamics of online political communication, highlighting the implications of negativity in shaping public opinion and political narratives.

El presente trabajo de carácter socio-histórico busca interpretar la experiencia política de J. Milei a partir de las tensiones que genera el uso del concepto de populismo y su reflexión en el marco de las nuevas derechas, contemplando tanto su novedad teórico-política y su singularidad histórica como sus características emergentes de las sedimentaciones propias del pasado nacional. Para ello, analiza el cruce entre lo global y lo local, la configuración del liderazgo político a partir de sus rasgos decisionistas y mesiánicos y la idea intrínseca de conflicto atentos a la construcción discursiva del enemigo. Se considera que el hastío social con la política constituye un rasgo específico de esta nueva derecha libertaria que articula desde la frustración y la desvalorización del otro cierto lazo de identificación con el líder. Sin embargo, aunque presenta características de los populismos, carece de un elemento constitutivo central en su construcción identitaria: la idea de pueblo como sujeto político colectivo., This sociohistorical piece tends to interpret the political experience of J. Milei from the tensions generated by the use of the concept of populism and its reflection on the framework of the new rights. It contemplates not only its teorico-political novelty and its historical singularity but also its characteristics that emerge from sedimentations belonging to the national past. To this end, it analyses the intersection between the global and the local, the configuration of political leadership based on its decisionist and messianic traits, and the intrinsic idea of conflict attentive to the discursive construction of the enemy. It is considered that social weariness with politics constitutes a specific feature of this new libertarian right that articulates a certain bond of identification with the leader based on frustration and the devaluation of the other. However, although it presents characteristics of populism, it lacks a central constitutive element in its identity construction: the idea of the people as a collective political subject.

Los liderazgos populistas de extrema derecha están en auge. Ejemplo de ello son los casos de Santiago Abascal, Marine Le Pen y Matteo Salvini. Los resultados obtenidos por sus partidos a nivel nacional y en las últimas elecciones al Parlamento europeo, los sitúa en un plano destacado dentro de los liderazgos populistas de extrema derecha en Europa. Las redes sociales y la difusión de sus discursos a través de ellas han resultado una herramienta fundamental para ganar presencia mediática y ocupar un espacio importante en el panorama político de sus países. Así pues, el objetivo fundamental de la presente investigación es comparar, desde el Análisis Crítico del Discurso, los discursos emitidos por estos líderes en Twitter en períodos de campaña electoral1. Para ello, se han realizado diversos tipos de análisis. En primer lugar, un análisis pragmático mediante el cual se extraen los mensajes implícitos de sus postulados. En segundo lugar, se examina la representación de los actores, a nivel léxico, en el discurso de estos líderes. Con todo ello, se realiza un análisis comparado entre los discursos. De este, se concluye que existe una matriz ideológica transversal camuflada bajo la idea de sentido común y que busca crear las condiciones para una nueva forma de entender lo político., Extreme right-wing populist leaderships are on the rise. Examples of this are the cases of Santiago Abascal, Marine Le Pen, and Matteo Salvini. The results obtained by their parties at a national level and in the last elections to the European Parliament place them in a prominent position among the extreme right-wing populist leaders in Europe. Social networks and the dissemination of their speeches through them has been a fundamental tool to gain media presence and occupying an important space in the political landscape of their countries. Thus, the main objective of this research is to compare, from the perspective of Critical Discourse Analysis, the discourses delivered by these leaders on Twitter during election campaigns. For this purpose, several types of analysis have been carried out. First, a pragmatic analysis through which the implicit messages of their postulates are extracted. Secondly, the representation of the actors, at the lexical level, in the discourse of these leaders is examined. With all this, a comparative analysis of the discourses is carried out. From this, it is concluded that there is a transversal ideological matrix camouflaged under the idea of common sense that seeks to create the conditions for a new way of understanding politics.

Many cities seek to change their transport systems to reduce negative outcomes. This generally involves measures supporting active and public transport, restricting vehicle use. Infrastructure modification and legislative developments are often perceived as 'attacks', and lead to resistance by specific groups. This paper uses critical discourse analysis to evaluate a convenience sample of 185 social media threads opposing Ultra-Low Emission Zones (ULEZ), Clean Air Zones (CAZ), and Low Traffic Neighbourhoods (LTN) in four cities in the UK, Oxford, London, Birmingham, and Bradford. Themes are identified through MaxQDA to determine the range of discursive strategies used, as well as to understand their interrelationships. Findings highlight intersections of populist politics and (sustainable) transport policymaking and planning in UK cities. The understanding of the mechanisms at work can facilitate the development of less divisive strategies for transforming urban transport systems.

Background: National identity, the sense of belonging to a nation, significantly influences both unity and division within societies. It can be voluntary, based on shared beliefs, or non- voluntary, tied to ancestry. These aspects affect democracy in distinct ways. Further, national identity encompasses the attitudes and emotions that people hold towards their nation. This dissertation examines how national identity impacts democracy at both the individual and the societal level. Although the theoretical links between national identity and democracy are well-established, empirical research on these relationships remains scarce. This study seeks to address the gap by exploring the effects that various forms of national identity have on individual support for democracy and the level of formal democracy across different countries. Data and Methods: This dissertation primarily uses cross-sectional data and employs a range of analytical techniques that include multilevel models, mediation analysis, and ordinary least squares regression. Data are sourced mainly from the European Values Study (EVS), the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP), the Varieties of Democracy (V- Dem), and the Project Manifesto. The datasets offer comprehensive coverage of national identity and democracy, enabling a robust analysis of their interrelationships across various contexts and time periods. Results: At the societal level, top-down nationalism driven by political elites and non-voluntary collective national identity among the populace negatively affect formal democracy. When top-down nationalism and non-voluntary national identity coexist, there is an interaction effect that further diminishes the level of formal democracy. At the individual level, a stronger emphasis on non-voluntary features of national identity correlates with lower support for democracy. Additionally, there is an interaction effect between the societal and individual levels, whereby higher levels of formal demo, The evolution of prejudice

This thesis explores the relationship between policy uncertainty and right-wing populism, particularly during electoral cycles. It examines the impact of this relationship on multinational corporations’ investment decisions. While extensive research exists on policy uncertainty, and the economic consequences of populism generally, the specific dynamics of right-wing populism and its implications for international business remain underexplored. This study employs a logistic regression analysis using national electoral data from 27 EU-member countries spanning the years 2008 to 2017. To test the hypothesis, it incorporates investment data from 147,458 multinational firms. The findings indicate a nuanced impact of right-wing populist contenders on MNCs’ investment timing. While there is a marginally significant tendency for MNCs to delay new investments during elections involving right-wing populists, other factors seem to play more substantial roles. Interestingly, for firms without prior investment experience in host countries, right-wing populism can have a positive effect on investment decisions, potentially due to the liberal economic policies advocated by these parties. However, firms with prior investment experience tend to delay new investments in the face of right-wing populist contenders, potentially due to established local ties that can become liabilities when right-wing populists will form a new government. This underscores the complexity of right-wing populism’s impact, highlighting the need for MNCs to remain adaptable and responsive to evolving political climates. This study calls for further investigation to refine these findings and explore the broader implications of right-wing populism on international business., Masterarbeit Universität Innsbruck 2024

Does the availability of alcohol influence support for radical right-wing parties, and if so, why? Drawing parallels to the UK, where pub closures led to increased support for UKIP, this study investigates similar trends observed in Sweden. Utilizing a novel dataset of over 50,000 alcohol-serving permits and electoral data from 2002 to 2018, the study finds that a reduction in permits is associated with a 3.7% increase in support for the Sweden Democrats (SD). To explain this, it is argued that bar closures politicize alcohol regulation and serve as a symbolic issue linked to the populist radical right. Survey data from over 20,000 respondents reveal that individuals in municipalities with a decreasing number of permits are more likely to support alcohol deregulation policies, and these voters become more likely to support SD. These findings underscore how perceptions of government overregulation drive support for radical right-wing parties.

The following research aims to analyze how Benjamin Netanyahu has employed the two political propaganda techniques that Edward Bernays considered necessary to shape public opinion, namely simplification and distortion, following the Hamas attacks on Israeli soil on October 7th. To this end, a minimal quantitative methodology has been employed through the online platform Fanpage Karma, as well as a qualitative methodology through Critical Discourse Analysis on a sample of 12 interventions by Netanyahu between October 7 and November 24. The results demonstrate that the political propaganda of the Israeli government is based on three discursive axes: 1) the political instrumentalization of the collective trauma of the Jewish people; 2) a theological rhetoric justifying military actions; and 3) linking the Islamist group Hamas to Nazism and ISIS., La investigación que se presenta a continuación busca analizar cómo Benjamín Netanyahu ha empleado las dos técnicas de propaganda política que Edward Bernays consideraba como necesarias para condicionar la Opinión Pública, simplificación y deformación, tras los atentados de Hamás en suelo israelí el 7 de octubre. A este fin, se ha empleado tanto una metodología cuantitativa mínima a través de la plataforma online Fanpage Karma, como una metodología cualitativa mediante el Análisis Crítico del Discurso sobre una muestra de 12 intervenciones de Netanyahu entre el 7 de octubre y el 24 de noviembre. Los resultados demuestran que la propaganda política del gobierno de Israel descansa sobre tres ejes discursivos: 1) la instrumentalización política del trauma colectivo del pueblo judío; 2) una retórica teológica que justifica las acciones bélicas; y 3) la vinculación del grupo islamista Hamás con el nazismo y el ISIS., La recherche présentée ci-dessous vise à analyser comment Benjamin Netanyahu a utilisé les deux techniques de propagande politique que Edward Bernays considérait comme nécessaires pour conditioner l’opinion publique, à savoir la simplification et la deformation, à la suite des attentats du Hamas sur le sol israélien le 7 octobre. À cette fin, une méthodologie quantitative minimale a été utilisée à travers la plateforme en ligne Fanpage Karma, ainsi qu'une méthodologie qualitative à travers l'Analyse Critique du Discours sur un échantillon de 12 interventions de Netanyahu entre le 7 octobre et le 24 novembre. Les résultats démontrent que la propagande politique du gouvernement israélien repose sur trois axes discursifs: 1) l'instrumentalisation politique du traumatisme collectif du peuple juif; 2) une rhétorique théologique justifiant les actions militaires; et 3) la liaison du groupe islamiste Hamas avec le nazisme et l'État islamique.

This study is a qualitative idea analysis about perceptions of challenges to democracy in the Swedish riksdag. Earlier research about democratization and autocratization show that the world currently is in a third wave of autocratization. More countries are regressing towards autocracy than there are countries moving towards democracy. Previously strong liberal democracies such as the US and earlier perceived consolidated democracies such as Poland and Hungary have in the last few years seen decline in democratic qualities. This is a part of a larger trend of autocratization in the world and some of the current research believes this is a sign that even consolidated liberal democracies in western Europe are not immune to the same development and therefore should be aware of the symptoms of autocratization. Early signs such as low voter turnout, a loss of belief in the democratic system, increasing populism and polarization in the civic and political sphere are just a few of the indicators that countries might be heading towards a period of autocratization. Research also shows that parties to the right on the left-right divide tend to be less concerned about such a development than parties on the left. The same can be seen with parties placed along the GAL-TAN divide, where TAN-parties express less concern for a possible autocratization than GAL-parties. This study therefore sets out to try and understand what perceptions there are in the Swedish riksdag about challenges to democracy, and if there is a difference between the parties in their perceptions about challenges to Swedish democracy.

For the last couple of years, the Swedish Christian Democrats have been accused of adopting a new populist rhetoric under their current leadership. This is said to be in odds with their heritage as a party that promotes universal Christian values. However, this description is a somewhat strange when you take into consideration that the party can trace its roots back to the Swedish Pentecostal movement. Experiences from other countries tell us that non-conformist denominations, like the evangelicals in USA, often make up most of the support for populist politicians. Therefore, it doesn’t seem implausible that the only Swedish party with its roots in a non-conformist movement at least have had some populist elements in its rhetoric right from its beginning.The aim of this paper is therefore to investigate the rhetoric used by the party during its first year and today. This with the purpose of determining if the party´s rhetoric is characterized more by populism today than it was before.

In this thesis I studied the crisis discourse of the rightwing populist party Reform UK in relation to the Covid 19-pandemic. Through a narrative discourse analysis of official tweets and retweeted articles/videos I found that its crisis discourse was ever-changing. I found four phases of discourse. In phase I, the discourse mostly revolves around strong support for the government. The dichotomy echoes the typical nativist dichotomy of “the people'' vs “foreignthreat”. In phase II, the discourse and dichotomy change. The party is critical of the government, describing it as an “elected dictatorship”. The object of criticism is governmental covid restrictions, namely lockdowns. Several dichotomies are present during this phase including: “democracy vs elected dictatorship”, Similar criticism is present during phase III. This time, the threat is the vaccine passport, which is viewed as the “thin end of the wedge”. In phase IV, the crisis discourse about the pandemic abruptly fizzles out and is replaced by a renewed nativist discourse about independence following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022.I found that crisis is something “passive”. What is viewed as a “crisis” only becomes a crisis through the dialectical process of reaction and action, through the interaction between an actor’s perception of a situation and their subjective interpretation of the situation and subsequentactions. A populist actor therefore can, through their words and actions, either augment or abatethe seriousness of a situation to suit their own political needs.

Democracy is a well-studied field in political science and in recent year, democratic decline has been widely discussed due to the rise of populism worldwide. In Europe more and more countries have had governments influenced or even been governed by populist parties. This thesis investigates how the ideology of governments affects how democratic a country is in Europe. A hypothesis is formulated that government ideology whether left- or right leaning, affects the level of democracy. A contribution to the field is done by the construction of a dataset of the Government Ideologies of countries in Europe during the years 1999-2019. The results show no consistent pattern for government ideology’s impact on level of democracy. No statistically significant result is found which leads to the conclusion that relationship between government ideology and democracy remains inconclusive in this study. Countries in Europe that are expected to be less democratic due to being governed by populist governments in the past decade shows indications to follow the hypothesis. The lack of significant results may be due to the limited timeframe researched and that the impact of left or right leaning governments could therefore not be captured in this thesis.