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Purpose: The purpose of the article is to analyze the China-Cambodia system for the period 2010-2020 in the context of security and politics, thereby examining the quality of the relationship, as well as the achieved results and prospects of the bilateral relationship of both sides. Theoretical framework: The research is approached based on theoretical frameworks on international relations, including realism, and liberalism with basic arguments about the nation, the issue of power, the national interest, and the problem of harmonizing attractions. Design/methodology/approach: The research uses interdisciplinary methods in social sciences, such as historical and logical methods; international relations research methods; and politics. Findings: The China-Cambodia security and political system is a relationship that has gone through many ups and downs with its long history, basically throughout the process of the system is that the interests of the two sides are still the priority, although there are separate characteristics in general, the relationship between the two countries is quite close, with little fluctuations about the mutual benefit. Research practical and social implications: The article contributes to clarifying the Cambodia-China relationship and the impact of this relationship. The report can support further studies on this topic in the future in Vietnam. Originality/value: The study of Cambodia-China relations is critical in Vietnam, contributing to policy forecasting in international relations in East Asia.

As Brexit removes the Nordic countries' most powerful ally from the EU, what does this imply for their approach to European affairs? The literature on small states within the EU suggests that they can counterbalance limited bargaining capacities by entering two types of alliances: strategic partnerships with bigger member states and institutionalised cooperation on a regional basis. Against this backdrop we ask whether, by significantly raising the costs of non-cooperation for Nordic governments, the Brexit referendum has triggered a revival of Nordic political cooperation. We scrutinise this conjecture by analysing Nordic strategies of coalition-building on EU financial and budgetary policy, specifically looking at attempts to reform Europe's Economic and Monetary Union and proposals to strengthen the EU’s fiscal powers. We find that Nordic governments have successfully collaborated on these issues in the context of new alliances such as the 'New Hanseatic League' or the 'Frugal Four.' Yet, their coalition-building strategies rely on relatively loose and issue-specific alliances rather than an institutionalisation of Nordic political cooperation, implying that this revival of Nordic political cooperation hardly involves the institutions of ‘official’ Nordic cooperation. We argue that this reflects lasting differences among the Nordics’ approach to the EU as well as electorates’ scepticism about supranational institution-building, implying that ‘reluctant Europeans’ are often also 'reluctant Scandinavians.'

European integration follows a puzzling stop-and-go pattern that traditional international reations theories cannot fully explain. The predominating paradigms only account for either the achievements or the setbacks of the integration process. An information based explanation makes it possible to move beyond structural accounts provided by realist and functionalist scholarship. Such an approach yields solid micro-level foundations of international bargaining and focuses on leaders' use of threats in negotiations about regional cooperation. Situations involving governments agreeing on the necessity of further integration, but disagreeing about its level, create room for strategic manipulation of information asymmetries. This type of uncertainty stems from the manipulator's information and control advantages concerning domestic costs. The analysis of different summit meetings demonstrates the empirical relevance of such maneuvers for the dynamics of European integration

KUALA LUMPUR: PAS must totally implement its decision to sever political cooperation with DAP and ensure all its members who are holding posts in the Selangor and Penang state governments resign, according to a political analyst

This article aims to conduct a study on the South American Union of Nations in order to analyze whether we are dealing with a process of regional integration and political cooperation. To do this, will raise the necessary aspects to define an integration scheme and on the other side, leading to being in front of an organization where political cooperation prevails. After that there will be a review of the content of UNASUR and the reflections approach to strengthen this international organization following a review of its regulatory framework. To conclude with some brief reflections on the nature of the scheme and the obstacles that must be overcome to achieve the objectives meet by its founding treaty., El presente artículo pretende realizar un estudio sobre la Unión Surame-ricana de Naciones, con el fin de analizar si estamos frente a un proceso de integración regional o de una cooperación política. Para ello, se plantearán los aspectos necesarios para definir un esquema integracionista y por otro lado, lo que conlleva estar frente a una organización donde prevalece la cooperación política. Luego de ello se efectuará una revisión del contenido de la UNASUR, así como el planteamiento de unas reflexiones para el fortalecimiento de esta organización internacional, previa revisión de su marco normativo. Para concluir con unas breves reflexiones sobre el carácter de este esquema y de las obstáculos que debe superar para lograr cumplir los objetivos propuestos mediante su tratado constitutivo.

Developed within the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy, the EU-Israel Action Plan of December 2004 is notably vague on the envisaged political cooperation. The ambiguities reflect the need to reconcile divergent positions of the EU and Israel on the desirable type of relations in general, and the EU's role in Middle East peace-making in particular. Moreover, the expectations raised by the initial 'wider Europe' initiative on the Israeli side, along with EU-internal divergences on the 'right' approach toward Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, impacted on negotiations regarding the Action Plan. However, given that both sides eventually acknowledged the trade-offs that enhanced relations require, the Action Plan may, with the necessary caution, be considered an achievement. However, while its implementation will face considerable hurdles, emergence of a meaningful political cooperation will finally depend on the political will and, more importantly, a change of attitude on both sides.

This chapter focuses on the first task that European Community (EC) member states assigned to their brand new political cooperation mechanism in the early 1970s, i.e. dealing with the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Although the Atlantic alliance was already working on preparation for the CSCE, the EC member states decided to proceed with a parallel work on this issue. First, the chapter assesses the reasons motivating EC governments’ decision and reveals their two main goals at the CSCE, namely getting the recognition of the Community and its competences by the Communist bloc, and promoting a specific view of détente as a process aimed at overcoming the Cold War. The chapter then analyses the mechanisms and rules set up on purpose to coordinate EC members’ preparation for the CSCE, and the specific goals and tactics designed for the CSCE negotiations. In the conclusions, the chapter offers an assessment of the EC states’ performance that highlights its successful results.

This chapter focuses on the first task that European Community (EC) member states assigned to their brand new political cooperation mechanism in the early 1970s, i.e. dealing with the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). Although the Atlantic alliance was already working on preparation for the CSCE, the EC member states decided to proceed with a parallel work on this issue. First, the chapter assesses the reasons motivating EC governments’ decision and reveals their two main goals at the CSCE, namely getting the recognition of the Community and its competences by the Communist bloc, and promoting a specific view of détente as a process aimed at overcoming the Cold War. The chapter then analyses the mechanisms and rules set up on purpose to coordinate EC members’ preparation for the CSCE, and the specific goals and tactics designed for the CSCE negotiations. In the conclusions, the chapter offers an assessment of the EC states’ performance that highlights its successful results.

In order to attain an understanding of the emerging of a collective foreign policy in Europe, the thesis sheds light over the Arab-Israeli conflict and how the interlocked crises of the 1970s in the Middle East affected the evolving of a European common position in the region. The study is based on realist assumptions and uses the theory about states cooperating as a strategy of balancing global influence, to explain why the European countries choose to cooperate in foreign policy matters. In this study the European Community (EC) attempts to counterbalance the global influence will be seen in relation to the United States that here is interpreted as the most influential actor on the international scene. By presenting the crisis in the Middle East during the 1970s and how the European Political Cooperation (EPC) reacted and responded to these in form of joint actions and statements, the thesis reveals the significance of the region for the development of EPC in its formative years. The thesis also demonstrates how transatlantic disagreement during the time spurred the European countries to increase their coordination of foreign policy and thus the strained Euro-American relations are as well a driving force behind the evolution of a European common stance in the Middle East.

Although the war between Israel and Hizballah of summer 2006 and the persistent violence in Israeli-Palestinian relations have been attracting much attention, this article investigates the envisaged bilateral relations between the European Union (EU) and Israel according to the EU-Israel Action Plan of December 2004. Negotiated in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the document is notably vague on the envisaged political cooperation, thus reflecting the need to reconcile divergent positions on the desirable type of relations in general, and the EU's role in Middle East peace making in particular. Moreover, the expectations raised by the initial 'wider Europe' initiative on the Israeli side, along with EU-internal divergences on the 'right' approach toward Israel and the Palestine conflict, affected the negotiations on the Action Plan. However, while the bilateral Action Plan must be seen in the context of the EU's increased assertiveness on the international stage, implementing the ambiguous Action Plan is likely to be more difficult than agreeing on it. The future of EU-Israeli relations and the influence of the ENP with regard to Israel will depend on a number of developments, most notably the future of Middle East peace making, along with a change of attitudes of each side vis-à-vis the respective other.

Cooperation in the economic sense considers efficiency issues. Cooperation in the political sense, like the Kyoto Protocol, considers other issues like equity and historical responsibility. The environmental and economic impacts of the Kyoto Protocol and other scenarios are thus examined. The US pullout may then be viewed, among others, as the result of not untying "economic" and "political" cooperation; and since the Protocol will be much less effective without the US, it is shown that an external economic stimulus should and may theoretically be found for retaining their participation. © 2003 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

Syftet är att undersöka Läns-SLAKO, samrådsorganet inom vård- och omsorgsområdet mellan kommunerna och landstinget i Östergötland. Målsättningen är att ge kunskap om de bakomliggande orsakerna till uppbyggnaden av Läns-SLAKO, att ge kunskap om hur samrådet fungerar idag samt möjliga förklaringar till varför samverkan fungerar eller inte. Fokus ligger på att undersöka vilken betydelse tillit mellan de ingående parterna har, för att åstadkomma en fungerande samverkan. Syftet är också att undersöka huruvida graden av tillit påverkar legitimiteten för Läns-SLAKO som politiskt organ. Studien har utförts som en fallstudie med Läns-SLAKO som enda undersökningsobjekt. Det är en lämplig metod när syftet är att undersöka en nutida företeelse på djupet och i dess verkliga sammanhang. Den empiriska undersökningen bygger på skriftlig dokumentation, huvudsakligen sammanträdesprotokoll, och på samtalsintervjuer. Undersökningen visar ett klart samband mellan parternas ömsesidiga förtroende för varandra och en fungerande samverkan som kommer medborgarna till del. Nödvändigheten av att nå konsensus i Läns-SLAKO försvåras av att såväl kommuner som landsting är komplexa organisationer med sinsemellan olika styrlogiker. Statliga beslut inom vård-och omsorgsområdet påverkar såväl vilka uppgifter Läns-SLAKO arbetar med som hur väl samrådet fungerar och detta har varierat över tid. För närvarande står frågan om överflyttning av hemsjukvården från landstinget till kommunerna på agendan. Om Läns-SLAKO misslyckas att finna en konsensuslösning kan det få allvarliga följder för den fortsatta samverkan. Om tilliten försvinner mellan parterna kan processen att återuppbygga den bli både lång och mödosam., The purpose was to examine Läns-SLAKO as a model for cooperation in healthcare issues for municipalities and the County Council of Östergötland, Sweden. The study aimed at increasing the knowledge concerning the forming and development of Läns-SLAKO. The study also aimed at finding relevant factors to explain why or why not the cooperation is successful. The study focuses on evaluating if the organization of the network the degree of trust and reciprocity the link between trust and legitimacy are factors of relevance. The study was designed as a case study. The method is suitable for an empirical study investigating a contemporary phenomenon in depth and within its real-life context. The empirical study is based on interviews with key-persons and mainly on meeting protocols. The study suggests a clear connection between reciprocity and trust and successful cooperation. The influence of the precondition to reach consensus highly increases complexity. The participants need to have the same weight of mandate within their own organizations. With a lower degree of trust and reciprocity the cooperation may be at risk although the participants know they may benefit. The trust and reciprocity is currently under pressure by the central decision to transfer part of the responsibility for the home based care from the county council to the municipality. The government has left the organizations to find an agreement. If Läns-SLAKO fails a severe lack of trust may result. This may impact future cooperation. To loose trust may be a quick process. To regain trust takes time.

Prikaz knjige.

As indicated in the first issue of this Journal, the purpose of this survey is not to give an exhaustive account of die positions assumed by die Member States of die European Communities in die framework of European Political Cooperation (EPC). More modestly, it reports die opinions expressed by the Twelve on matters of international law, or on die legal aspects of current international issues. 1991 was rich in important events. Commencing with die Gulf war, die year saw die outbreak of hostilities in Yugoslavia and ended with die collapse of the Soviet Union. As die views of die Twelve on several of these problems have been analysed in detail in this and earlier issues, I will limit myself to elements which have thus far attracted less attention.

As indicated in the first issue of this Journal, the purpose of this survey is not to give an exhaustive account of die positions assumed by die Member States of die European Communities in die framework of European Political Cooperation (EPC). More modestly, it reports die opinions expressed by the Twelve on matters of international law, or on die legal aspects of current international issues. 1991 was rich in important events. Commencing with die Gulf war, die year saw die outbreak of hostilities in Yugoslavia and ended with die collapse of the Soviet Union. As die views of die Twelve on several of these problems have been analysed in detail in this and earlier issues, I will limit myself to elements which have thus far attracted less attention.

Flexibility and pragmatism generally characterize political cooperation among the European Community members. In principle, the Community regards political cooperation as distinct from its functions as an economic entity. Political cooperation is not part of the Treaty of Rome--from which the EC derives its economic mandate--and, therefore, cannot legally be considered Community business. However, the participation of several EC bodies not formally involved in the political process has increasingly blurred the distinction the EC makes between treaty (economic) and nontreaty (political) issues. The Foreign Ministers intertwine their roles as foreign policy implementers and overseers of Community matters. The Committee of Permanent Representatives (COREPER) plays no formal role in political cooperation but has recently become associated with the process. Its involvement in the EC's decision to impose sanctions on Argentina shows that COREPER can participate in political cooperation, at least when political/economic questions arise. Attendance by an EC Commission member at political cooperation meetings has also eased the treaty/nontreaty distinction. Most economic, social and even EC organizational matters--which are meant to be discussed within the framework of the Treaty of Rome--involve, and cannot be separated from, political issues. The increased participation of EC economic bodies in the political cooperation machinery would seem to indicate that the 10 member nations (the Ten) are beginning to accept this fact.

© Medwell Journals, 2015. The study describes the experience of political cooperation between EU and UN concerning the Cyprus problem from 2002-2004. During this period UN initiated a Cyprus settlement and developed "Annan Plan". In the course of this project practical implementation the interaction of EU and UN formats occurred. This study examines the peculiarities of the phenomenon. Specific facts illustrate the results of international actor interaction in respect of the Cyprus problem.

© Medwell Journals, 2015. The study describes the experience of political cooperation between EU and UN concerning the Cyprus problem from 2002-2004. During this period UN initiated a Cyprus settlement and developed "Annan Plan". In the course of this project practical implementation the interaction of EU and UN formats occurred. This study examines the peculiarities of the phenomenon. Specific facts illustrate the results of international actor interaction in respect of the Cyprus problem.

SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

European integration follows a puzzling stop-and-go pattern that traditional international reations theories cannot fully explain. The predominating paradigms only account for either the achievements or the setbacks of the integration process. An information based explanation makes it possible to move beyond structural accounts provided by realist and functionalist scholarship. Such an approach yields solid micro-level foundations of international bargaining and focuses on leaders' use of threats in negotiations about regional cooperation. Situations involving governments agreeing on the necessity of further integration, but disagreeing about its level, create room for strategic manipulation of information asymmetries. This type of uncertainty stems from the manipulator's information and control advantages concerning domestic costs. The analysis of different summit meetings demonstrates the empirical relevance of such maneuvers for the dynamics of European integration

In recent years, the Danish colonial history in Greenland has received much critical attention. Time and again, cases of colonial injustices have been documented by researchers and journalists. At the same time, the Danish-Greenlandic relationship is framed as more equal than ever before, and the increasing Greenlandic autonomy in the Community of the Realm is highlighted. This thesis departs from this curious parallelity of contemporary equality and colonial legacy and asks the question: “Which role do current Danish narratives of equal value in the Danish-Greenlandic relationship play? – to what extent do they advance a break with the Danish colonial past and to what extent do they obfuscate imperial durabilities within the Realm?”. Thereby, this thesis addresses the need for further critical research about Danish colonialism in relation to the contemporary Danish-Greenlandic relationship. Drawing on theories and concepts from anti- and postcolonial thought, in particular Albert Memmi's work about the structures of the colonial relation and the privilege of the colonizer, as well as Laura Stoler's work about imperial durabilities and imperial formations, this thesis conducts a historically grounded, qualitative content analysis of debates in the Danish Parliament from the years 2009-2022, as well as interviews with people experiencing the cooperation between Denmark and Greenland on close hold. The main finding of the thesis is the following: While there are clear signs of improvement in recent years pertaining to an increased sense of equal value in the political cooperation between Denmark and Greenland, the fundamental issue of enduring structural inequalities remains and seem difficult to overcome in light of the imperial durabilities within the Community of the Realm. We can therefore not conclude that the contemporary narratives of equal value signal a break with Denmark’s colonial past. They may signal a wish to do so - but in the colonial presence of the C, In recent years, the Danish colonial history in Greenland has received much critical attention. Time and again, cases of colonial injustices have been documented by researchers and journalists. At the same time, the Danish-Greenlandic relationship is framed as more equal than ever before, and the increasing Greenlandic autonomy in the Community of the Realm is highlighted. This thesis departs from this curious parallelity of contemporary equality and colonial legacy and asks the question: “Which role do current Danish narratives of equal value in the Danish-Greenlandic relationship play? – to what extent do they advance a break with the Danish colonial past and to what extent do they obfuscate imperial durabilities within the Realm?”. Thereby, this thesis addresses the need for further critical research about Danish colonialism in relation to the contemporary Danish-Greenlandic relationship. Drawing on theories and concepts from anti- and postcolonial thought, in particular Albert Memmi's work about the structures of the colonial relation and the privilege of the colonizer, as well as Laura Stoler's work about imperial durabilities and imperial formations, this thesis conducts a historically grounded, qualitative content analysis of debates in the Danish Parliament from the years 2009-2022, as well as interviews with people experiencing the cooperation between Denmark and Greenland on close hold. The main finding of the thesis is the following: While there are clear signs of improvement in recent years pertaining to an increased sense of equal value in the political cooperation between Denmark and Greenland, the fundamental issue of enduring structural inequalities remains and seem difficult to overcome in light of the imperial durabilities within the Community of the Realm. We can therefore not conclude that the contemporary narratives of equal value signal a break with Denmark’s colonial past. They may signal a wish to do so - but in the colonial presence of the C

This dissertation studies the strategic choices made by both governments and private citizens in relation to impairment of water quality over both surface and drinking water in the United States. In the first chapter, I investigate whether delegating responsibility for surface water quality management to state governments generates negative externalities against downstream neighboring states. To separate the effect of state-level policy from other sources of water quality variation, I rely on the staggered roll-out of state water management programs under the Clean Water Act to conduct a difference-in-difference analysis. I find that water quality declines in downstream states in response to upstream decentralization, but that the effect is not concentrated at borders. I additionally investigate whether interstate water compacts and political cooperation reduce cross-state spillovers. I find evidence that interstate cooperative agreements have modest success in serving as a hybrid between state and federal jurisdiction: I find no evidence of political cooperation. In my second chapter, co-authored with Felipe Flores Golfin, we evaluate potential benefits of drinking water infrastructure investments in the United States. We first estimate willingness-to-pay for high-quality drinking water using consumer avoidance behavior in response to health-based drinking water quality violations. We find a modest but statistically significant increase in bottled water purchases in the year in which a county has at least one active violation. We then estimate a household-level discrete choice model of drinking water. We find that the average household is willing to pay $162 per year to avoid a one standard deviation decrease in water quality. We additionally find that WTP for bottled water increases in income. We further discuss how our estimates suggest that consumer preferences strongly justify major increases in water infrastructure investments in the United States.

There are two main categories of counterterrorism policies: proactive and defensive measures. Proactive policies directly target terrorists and, by weakening their ability, share public good features. Defensive measures, on the other hand, seek to protect a potential target. Unilateral defensive measures may induce terrorists to replace one target with another, possibly a foreign one, as confirmed by the succession of terrorist attacks in the European Union over the last 20 years. We analyse different institutional frameworks to determine the best one for interstate cooperation considering the externationalites of various counterterrorism measures. This article highlights the combined effect of voter propensity towards defensive policies, certain intelligence policies and different institutional scenarios on the (in)efficient strategic choice of counterterrorism defensive policies in democratic countries, where efficiency means maximising the joint welfare of countries. We consider four different institutional scenarios: decentralisation, intelligence cooperation, unanimous political cooperation and full political union. We model these situations as a three-stage signalling game and show that, surprisingly, intelligence cooperation increases the probability of efficient defensive policies more than unanimous political cooperation.

How could the Dutch unequivocally support Israel in 1973 while recognising the Palestinian right to self-determination and condemning Israeli settlements by endorsing the European Venice Declaration in 1980? The prevailing explanation in the literature points to European Political Cooperation (EPC), a framework established in 1970 wherein European states aimed to align their foreign policies. Scholars generally agree that during the 1970s, the Netherlands increasingly adhered to the common EPC position on the Middle Eastern conflict, becoming more aware of Palestinian suffering. However, an analysis of the relationship between the development of the Dutch national position and the EPC common stance is missing. This thesis aims to fill this gap by examining, within the framework of Europeanisation theory, how the evolving EPC stance influenced Dutch foreign policy (downloading), and how Dutch policy impacted the EPC’s stance (uploading) between 1973 and 1980. It contributes to the academic debate on foreign policy Europeanisation, where comprehensive studies on the policies of smaller EC member states towards the Middle Eastern conflict, based on archival material, continue to be scarce. Drawing on archival material, including previously unseen sources, this thesis connects three levels: the EPC common standpoint, the Dutch role in EPC negotiations, and the Dutch national stance. Contrary to the prevailing notion that Dutch policy passively aligned with the EPC norm, the analysis reveals a continuation of the Dutch commitment to protecting Israeli interests and avoiding European involvement in the US-led peace process. The Dutch actively opposed several proposals in EPC discussions but attempted to avoid public isolation from the Nine to protect their reputation in the Arab world. Persistent Dutch opposition within the EPC, supported by other members conscious of Israeli interests, led to declarations perceived as groundbreaking. However, closer examination reveals t

The IV Belém Summit in Pará, Brazil, held in August 2023, brought together the leaders of the member countries of the Amazon Cooperation Treaty Organization (OTCA) to discuss a new sustainable agenda for the region. The Amazon was the focus of attention due to its global importance as the largest watershed and the most extensive and diverse tropical forest on the planet. The Summit highlighted the importance of strengthening OTCA as the only intergovernmental coordination mechanism to implement the agreed presidential agenda. The Belém Declaration established priorities for effective regional cooperation, including sustainability, environmental preservation, and inclusive development. The challenges to be faced include the efficient management of OTCA, the improvement of governance and positioning as a center for regional and international technical and political cooperation. The successful implementation of the agreed agenda will require the commitment of the Amazon countries and the active participation of all stakeholders, especially indigenous peoples and local communities.&nbsp, La IV Cumbre de Belém de Pará, Brasil, celebrada en agosto de 2023, reunió a personas líderes de los países integrantes de la Organización del Tratado de Cooperación Amazónica (OTCA), con el fin de discutir una nueva agenda sostenible para la región. La Amazonía fue el centro de atención debido a su importancia mundial como la cuenca hidrográfica más vasta y el bosque tropical más extenso y diverso del planeta. La Cumbre destacó la importancia de fortalecer la OTCA, como el único mecanismo intergubernamental de coordinación para implementar la agenda presidencial acordada. La Declaración de Belém estableció prioridades para una cooperación regional efectiva, incluyendo la sostenibilidad, la preservación ambiental y el desarrollo inclusivo. Los retos por enfrentar incluyen la gestión eficiente de la OTCA, la mejora de la gobernanza y el posicionamiento como un centro de cooperación técnica y política regional e internacional. La implementación exitosa de la agenda acordada requerirá el compromiso de los países amazónicos y la participación activa de todas las partes interesadas, especialmente, los pueblos indígenas y las comunidades locales.&nbsp, A IV Cúpula de Belém, no Pará, Brasil, realizada em agosto de 2023, reuniu lideranças dos países membros da Organização do Tratado de Cooperação Amazônica (OTCA), a fim de discutir uma nova agenda sustentável para a região. A Amazônia foi foco de atenção devido à sua importância global como a maior bacia hidrográfica e a mais extensa e diversificada floresta tropical do planeta. A Cimeira destacou a importância do fortalecimento da OTCA, como único mecanismo de coordenação intergovernamental para implementar a agenda presidencial acordada. A Declaração de Belém estabeleceu prioridades para uma cooperação regional eficaz, incluindo a sustentabilidade, a preservação ambiental e o desenvolvimento inclusivo. Os desafios a serem enfrentados incluem a gestão eficiente da OTCA, a melhoria da governança e o posicionamento como centro de cooperação técnica e política regional e internacional. A implementação bem-sucedida da agenda acordada exigirá o compromisso dos países amazônicos e a participação ativa de todas as partes interessadas, especialmente os povos indígenas e as comunidades locais.

С начала XIII в. Пелопоннес превратился в зону цивилизационного приграничья, на которой сосуществовали и взаимодействовали греческая и западноевропейская этнокультурные общности. Долгое время стороны находились в состоянии перманентной войны, однако с течением времени их отношения начали изменяться. К середине XIV в., когда баланс сил на Пелопоннесе сместился в пользу византийцев, эти перемены проявились особенно отчетливо. В данной статье анализируется эволюция военно-политического сотрудничества между греками и франками на Пелопоннесе в 1340–1370-е гг. Основываясь на данных исторических сочинений, автор рассматривает причины сотрудничества франков и греков, выделяет мотивы каждой стороны для такого взаимодействия и новые черты, в которых выразилась эволюция их военно-политических контактов. Исследование показало, что со стороны ахейского баронства сближению с греками способствовало разочарование в анжуйском управлении княжеством. Для византийцев мир и сотрудничество были выгодны из соображений безопасности и укрепления внутренней организации Морейского деспотата. Главным побудительным мотивом заключения военно-политического союза между греками и франками стала необходимость защитить Пелопоннес от нападений извне. Автор приходит к выводу, что заключение союза между частью баронов Ахейского княжества и деспотом Мануилом Кантакузином свидетельствовало о зарождении новой, более сложной модели греко-латинских отношений на Пелопоннесе. Эволюция военно-политического сотрудничества сторон выразилась в его беспрецедентной устойчивости и временнóй продолжительности в сравнении с прежними ситуативными договоренностями. Изменения заключались в последовательности политического курса деспота, долгое время избегавшего военных действий против соседей, которые также соблюдали договоренности. Их военно-политическое сотрудничество в 1350–1360-е гг. дало видимый результат и показало плодотворность подобной модели взаимоотношений., From the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Peloponnese became a zone of civilization borderland, where Greek and Western European ethnocultural communities coexisted and interacted with each other. For a long time, they had been in a state of permanent war, but over time, their relationship began to change. By the mid-fourteenth century, the changes became especially evident as the balance of power in the Peloponnese shifted in favour of the Byzantines. This article analyses the evolution of military and political cooperation between the Greeks and the Franks in the Peloponnese between the 1340s and 1370s. Based on data from historical writings, the author examines the reasons for cooperation between the Franks and the Greeks, identifies the motives of each side for such interaction and new features which expressed the evolution of their military and political contacts. The study demonstrates that on the part of the barony of Achaea, the rapprochement with the Greeks was promoted by disillusionment with the Angevin administration of the principality. For the Byzantines, peace and cooperation were beneficial for security reasons and for strengthening the internal organisation of the Despotate of the Morea. The main motivation for this military and political alliance between the Greeks and the Franks was the need to protect the Peloponnese from external attacks. The author concludes that the alliance between a part of the Achaean barons and the despot Manuel Kantakouzenos indicated the emergence of a new, more complex model of Graeco-Latin relations in the Peloponnese. The evolution of the military and political cooperation between the parties was expressed in its unprecedented stability and duration in comparison with previous situational agreements. Unlike before, the political course of the despot was consistent. For a long time, he avoided any military actions against the neighbours who were also complying with agreements. Their military and political coope

The aim of this thesis is to examine what ideas of unhealthy lifestyle are prominent in the recently published national care protocol for unhealthy lifestyle habits in Sweden, henceforth Vårdprogrammet. These ideas will further be examined in relation to older systems of ideas/ideologies within health care, based on previous research. The empirical material consists mainly of Vårdprogrammet. Aiming to deepen the understanding of this material, I have further perused current official reports regarding public health, related guidelines from the National Board of Health and Welfare as well as related regional care protocols. The method used is inspired by the model developed by Mats Lindberg for qualitative analysis of ideas and ideological content. The analysis of the empirical material shows that the health concept is defined by pointing out its negation, i.e. what unhealthy lifestyles look like. Vårdprogrammet expresses a line of political, cultural and ethical values. They can analytically be summarized as (1) democracy and equality, (2) climate awareness, (3) demands of evidence-based knowledge (4) political cooperation, and (5) ethical principles. The work with unhealthy lifestyle is related to the UN global aim for sustainable development. Agenda 2030 can be viewed as an overall societal hygienic programme, within which the large health problem that lifestyle habits constitute, will be solved. Similar views were held within social hygiene in the mid-19th century, where health and disease were seen as a societal matter. Vårdprogrammet is stated to be based on the ethical principle of person-centred approach. One can however also discern other ethical principles, such as the autonomy, care and justice principles. A health-promoting approach, salutogenesis, pervades the view of the patient/human in the prescribed interaction with patients.

This article reconsiders the role of the Netherlands in the Conference on Security and Cooperation (CSCE) in Europe in times of both détente (1973-1979) and crisis (1980-1983). This conference was meant to channel the Cold War into a more peaceful direction, but soon turned into a clash of Western and Eastern European values. Contrary to conventional wisdom, this article argues that the Dutch were not primarily concerned with propagating human rights during this process, but rather with maintaining Western European unity and mediating between the members of the European Community and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Moreover, the Dutch priority shifted from European Political Cooperation during détente to a greater emphasis on NATO and cooperation with the Americans in times of crisis. Pragmatic rather than idealistic, the Dutch contribution to peace in Cold War Europe resided more in its willingness to compromise, than in its principled defence of human rights.

The article is devoted to political cooperation of Thailand with other countries in the region of South-East Asia and with countries in the Asia-Pacific region. An overview of the political role and position of Thailand in the modern era in the Asian region, such as in the region of Southeast Asia, East Asia and Pacific region, the role of other countries in these regions made of the role of regional organizations, especially the role of the Asia-Pacific economic cooperation (APEC) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the development and strengthening of political cooperation between the member countries of ASEAN and APEC. Particular emphasis is placed on the role, activities and political cooperation of Thailand in ASEAN and APEC. In addition, Thailand has been actively playing its role to improve relations and accelerate its activities in such regional integration associations, such as ASEAN+3, ASEAN+6, ASEAN+8, within the framework of the ASEAN Regional Forum for Security (ARF) and the Bay of Bengal initiative as multi-sectoral technical and economic cooperation (BIMSTEC: cooperation between Thailand with countries in South Asia). Special attention is paid to political relations of Thailand with other countries in the region of Southeast Asia, East Asia and Pacific region in the XXI century, the modern political activities of Thailand in his region and in other regions around the world, especially the political activities, the role and position of Thailand in the world after the events of 11 September 2001 Thailand promotes and supports against terrorism and political cooperation of Thailand with other countries in the world and other regional organizations. In addition, Thailand is committed to dealing with the problem of international terrorism and focuses on the development and preservation of regional peace and security., Статья посвящена исследованию политического сотрудничества Таиланда с другими странами в регионе Юго-Восточной Азии и со странами в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе. Дан обзор политической роли и позиции Таиланда на современном этапе в регионе Юго-Восточной Азии, Восточной Азии и Тихоокеанском регионе в целом, роли других стран в этих указанных регионах и роли региональных организаций, в частности, роль Азиатско-Тихоокеанского экономического сотрудничества (АТЭС) и Ассоциация государств Юго-Восточной Азии (АСЕАН) в развитии и усилении политического сотрудничества между странами членов АСЕАН и АТЭС. Особый акцент сделан на роли Таиланда в деятельности АСЕАН и АТЭС и политическом сотрудничестве в рамках этих организаций. Кроме того, Таиланд активно играет свою роль в деле улучшения отношений и расширяет свою деятельность в таких региональных интеграционных объединениях, как АСЕАН+3, АСЕАН+6, АСЕАН+8, в рамках Регионального Форума АСЕАН по Безопасности (АРФ) и Бенгальского залива как инициативе многосекторального технического и экономического сотрудничества (БИМСТЕК: сотрудничество между Таиландом со странами Южной Азии). Особое внимание уделяется политическим отношениям Таиланда с другими странами в Юго-Восточной Азии, Восточной Азии и Тихоокеанском регионе в XXI веке, современной политической деятельности Таиланда в его регионе и в других регионах по всему миру, роли и позиции Таиланда в мире после событий 11 сентября 2001 г. Таиланд активно с другими странами и другими региональными организациями и оказывает им поддержку в противодействии терроризму. Кроме того, он стремится к борьбе с проблемой международного терроризма и уделяет внимание развитию и сохранению регионального мира и безопасности.

Since the end of the Cold War, the world poses a new, multipolar, political environment. Japan, a major economic power, embarked on multilateralism in the 1970s, when the unquestioned and unlimited U.S. support for Japan's one-sided economic foreign policy diminished. This process revealed cultural and traditional shortcomings in Japan's foreign policy conduct. The concept of Comprehensive National Security, created in 1980 was utilized to overcome these shortcomings, but did not succeed substantially. The European Community created European Political Cooperation (EPC) to match economic and politic influence. An immobile bureaucracy and the tendency of EU member states to retain certain sovereignty rights rendered EPC relatively unsuccessful. The EU sought to overcome these problems with the new Common Foreign and Security policy (CFSP). However, changes in decision making were marginal and consequentially did not improve CFSP in comparison to EPC. EU-Japan economics as well as political cooperation suffered from incompatibilities between the EU and Japan in the conduct of policy making. Only major reform attempts by both, leading to a higher degree of compatibility and the limitation on moderate goals offer the chance of successful cooperation. Global cooperation seems only achievable in the long term.