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We review and compare conflict early warning systems on three dimensions: transparency and accessibility, key parameters, and forecasts. The review reveals a need for improved transparency and accessibility of data and code, considerable variation in key parameters across systems, and significant overlaps in countries with the highest risk. We propose that developing standards and platforms that promote transparency, accessibility, and inter-system cooperation can improve knowledge proliferation and system development to mitigate and prevent political violence.

Even though places of worship are protected by the Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict, they often become targets. To safeguard the cultural property of religious communities, it is necessary to plan for wartime protection under peaceful conditions, but studies of how this planning was conducted after 1945 are largely missing. This Article compares how the cultural property of the Church of Sweden (Lutheran) has been planned for protection up until 2023. Cultural property protection was first introduced in World War II, but the Church had to plan and carry out most protective measures without state support. During the Cold War, a system for protecting movable property was developed that lasted until it was replaced in the 1980s by cultural protection plans that employed a more holistic approach to risk mitigation in peace as well as in war. Finally, the recent development and future challenges are discussed in relation to the 1954 Hague Convention and the reconstruction of a Swedish total defense due to the Russo-Ukrainian War., Beredskap för kulturarvssektorn vid höjd beredskap och krig

Climate change and violent conflict present two of the most substantial barriers to reaching the Sustainable Development Goals by 2030. Many of the countries bearing the greatest impacts of a changing climate also grapple with protracted armed conflict. Despite this, we still have limited knowledge about how political and environmental insecurities affect trust in the institutions that are responsible for disaster management, security and conflict resolution. In this paper we explore whether being exposed to violent armed conflict is associated with low levels of political trust, and whether this can be mitigated by state action. Relying on a household survey covering some 2000 rural households in Pakistan, we investigate how state disaster response shaped trust in conflict-affected contexts in the years following the severe flooding of 2010. Our study suggest that negative implications of violence exposure on political trust can be offset by disaster relief efforts by the state, but only in instances when the government is not involved in the violent activities. Our findings contribute to our understanding of the joint impact of conflict and disasters on political trust, and importantly shows that in some instances, government interventions in a different political domain can reduce negative consequences of armed conflict on trust. Understanding the interplay of compound risks in contexts where multiple risks are occurring simultaneously is crucial because without adequate, coordinated government action, it will be impossible to protect the lives, health and livelihoods of affected people in Pakistan and beyond.

This review article arises from the doctoral thesis that is in process "Armed conflict, collective reparation and truth in the voices of Boys, Girls and Adolescents of the District of Turbay in the Municipality of Suratá Santander". This text seeks to make rural education visible in a transversal way from all its scenarios such as training spaces, knowledge production, overcoming social gaps, construction of peace scenarios and restoring hope to those who were cruelly scourged by the Colombian armed conflict, but especially in the Municipality of Suratá-Department of Santander. After the systematic and documentary review, it was possible to identify investigative trends regarding the founding concepts of the study on armed conflict and rural education with a look at the national and international context. Likewise, it was possible to identify the knowledge gaps regarding the concepts that require deepening or beginning of studies in this regard., El presente artículo de revisión surge de la tesis doctoral que se encuentra en proceso “Conflicto armado, reparación colectiva y verdad en voces de Niños, Niñas y Adolescentes del Corregimiento de Turbay en el Municipio de Suratá Santander”. Este texto busca visibilizar de manera transversal la educación rural desde todos sus escenarios como espacios de formación, producción de conocimiento, superación de las brechas sociales, construcción de escenarios de paz y devolver la esperanza a quienes fueron cruelmente azotados por el conflicto armado colombiano, pero de manera especial en el Municipio de Suratá-Departamento de Santander. Tras la revisión sistemática y documental, se logró identificar tendencias investigativas respecto a los conceptos fundantes del estudio sobre conflicto armado y educación rural con una mirada en el contexto nacional e internacional. Así mismo, se logró identificar los vacíos de conocimiento respecto a los conceptos que requieren profundización o inicio de estudios al respecto.

In this paper, I interrogate the dominant representation of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in humanitarian discourse as helpless victims in need of rescue. Based on the stories of IDP women and gender diverse individuals in the Philippines affected by the Zamboanga City siege in 2013, I illustrate how they exercised agency to shape their trajectories of displacement. The capacity of Filipino IDPs to contend with their displacement is shaped by their power as bakwit (evacuees), and by their class and ethnoreligious identities. While Christian Filipino IDPs had access to material, financial, and social resources, allowing them to engage in temporary migration after displacement, Muslim Filipino IDPs with limited access to these same resources found themselves in unwanted mobility and prolonged situations of displacement. Yet, Muslim Filipino IDPs do not lack agency, as they continue to actively and consciously forge new strategies to regain a sense of home in extended exile. Ultimately, while identifying bakwit power as a useful conceptual tool to make legible how IDPs exercised control at different stages of their displacement, embracing such a framework should not negate the long history of political violence in the region that continues to keep some people on the move.

This article analyses the dynamics of the sex trade in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. It argues that the sex trade has adapted to the conflict and its different actors and demonstrates how it operates in such constrained contexts. The article is based on ethnographic research with sex workers in Bogotá who have experience working in different conflict zones. It found that the sex trade is dynamic and that sex workers develop strategies to resist violence and adapt to the respective contexts. These sex workers are a type of ‘floating migrants’, living and surviving on the sex trade not only for the income it generates but also for the relationships they build with other sex workers, establishment managers, and combatants. The article concludes that the sex trade in Colombia did not arise as a result of the armed conflict. Rather, it is a phenomenon that exists as part of a broader market before, during, and after episodes of violence.

The following article will review the Colombian political context regarding peace agreements and recognition of armed conflict in the country under former President Santos’ mandate in 2011. From this part we began by reflecting on memorial spaces in Colombia, focusing on two specific cases in which the author had first hand experience by participating as an advisor, curator and accompanying different community processes in the following indicated memorial spaces: The “never again” Hall (2009) and Voices to transform Colombia ( 2019). This analysis will also surround different contributions that these spaces have given to the communities and institutions involved, as well as in other areas to social and peace processes, and the definition of decolonial Aisthesis, as alternative aesthetics, Dans cet article, je présente une revue du contexte politique colombien entourant les accords de paix et la reconnaissance du conflit armé en Colombie pendant le mandat de l'ancien président Juan Manuel Santos en 2011. À partir de là, je réfléchis sur les espaces de mémoire en Colombie, en me concentrant sur deux cas ponctuels auxquels j'ai eu l'expérience de participer en tant que conseiller muséologique, accompagnant différents processus communautaires dans les espaces de mémoire : le Salon del Nunca Más (2009) et Voices to Transform Colombia (2019). Mon analyse portera sur les différentes contributions que ces espaces ont apportées aux communautés et institutions impliquées, dans d'autres domaines aux processus sociaux et de paix, et à la définition de l'esthétique décoloniale comme esthétique alternative, Neste artigo apresento uma revisão do contexto político colombiano em torno dos acordos de paz e do reconhecimento do conflito armado na Colômbia durante o mandato do ex-presidente Juan Manuel Santos em 2011. A partir daí, reflito sobre os espaços de memória na Colômbia, focando em dois casos pontuais em que tive a experiência de participar como orientador museológico, acompanhando diferentes processos comunitários nos espaços de memória: o Salon del Nunca Más (2009) e Vozes para Transformar a Colômbia (2019). A minha análise girará em torno das diferentes contribuições que estes espaços têm dado às comunidades e instituições envolvidas, noutros domínios, aos processos sociais e de paz, e à definição da estética decolonial como uma estética alternativa, En el siguiente artículo haremos una revisión a partir del contexto político colombiano en torno a los acuerdos de paz y al reconocimiento del conflicto armado en el país bajo el mandato del expresidente Santos en el año 2011 Desde este punto comenzamos a reflexionar sobre los espacios de memoria en Colombia, centrándonos en dos casos puntuales que la autora tuvo la experiencia de participar como asesora, curadora y haciendo acompañamiento de diferentes procesos comunitarios en los espacios de memoria señalados, El salón del Nunca más (2009) y Voces para transformar a Colombia (2019). El análisis también girará en torno a los diferentes aportes que estos espacios han otorgado a las comunidades e instituciones involucradas, como también en otros ámbitos a los procesos sociales y de paz, y a la definición de Aisthesis decolonial, como estéticas alternas

The neorealist approach to institutional change has the merits of emphasising the importance of the Dominant Social Bloc (DSB) in institutions, and of integrating economics, society, and politics in the formation and breakdown of the DSB. Since this approach was not designed for Colombia, it is necessary to integrate certain characteristics, such as economic dependence, armed conflict, and drug trafficking. This paper presents the first theoretical adaptation of the neorealist approach for a Latin American country. This extended theoretical framework evinces the role of crime and violence in providing political stability to an accumulation regime that satisfies the demands of a narrow DSB., El enfoque neorrealista de cambio institucional tiene las bondades de enfatizar el papel del Bloque Social Dominante (BSD) en las instituciones, y de integrar las esferas económica, social y política en la formación y ruptura del BSD. Dado que este enfoque no fue diseñado para Colombia, es necesario integrar ciertas características, como la dependencia económica, el conflicto armado y el narcotráfico. Este artículo presenta la primera adaptación teórica del enfoque neorrealista a un país latinoamericano. Este marco teórico ampliado muestra el papel del crimen y la violencia en otorgar estabilidad política a un régimen de acumulación que satisface las exigencias de un BSD estrecho.

Although organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism.

The Russian invasion of Ukraine was the first open and blatant aggression against a sovereign neighbour state in Europe since 1945. Does this war have systemic significance for the legal order as a whole? The contribution singles out legal trends that relate to three fundamental principles of the current international legal order: peace, people (humanity), and the planet. My thesis is that, although Russia has breached a fundamental, even constitutional, principle of international law, namely the prohibition of inter-state military force, this breach has productively – though unintentionally – boosted, firstly, a modest reform of the UN architecture and, secondly, a further humanization of international law. A third trend is the ‘greening’ of the law surrounding war and of the legal status of the individual. These are important positive developments that go to the very heart of international law. With some optimism, the ‘Ukraine moment’ can therefore be seen not only as an anti-constitutional, but at the same time also as a constitutional moment., The Russian invasion of Ukraine was the first open and blatant aggression against a sovereign neighbour state in Europe since 1945. Does this war have systemic significance for the legal order as a whole? The contribution singles out legal trends that relate to three fundamental principles of the current international legal order: peace, people (humanity), and the planet. My thesis is that, although Russia has breached a fundamental, even constitutional, principle of international law, namely the prohibition of inter-state military force, this breach has productively – though unintentionally – boosted, firstly, a modest reform of the UN architecture and, secondly, a further humanization of international law. A third trend is the ‘greening’ of the law surrounding war and of the legal status of the individual. These are important positive developments that go to the very heart of international law. With some optimism, the ‘Ukraine moment’ can therefore be seen not only as an anti-constitutional, but at the same time also as a constitutional moment.

Background: Despite the fact that Sub-Saharan Africa bears a disproportionate burden of armed conflicts and HIV infection, there has been inadequate synthesis of the impact of armed conflict on HIV treatment outcomes. We summarized the available evidence on the impact of armed conflicts on HIV treatment outcomes in Sub-Saharan Africa from 2002 to 2022. Methods: We searched four databases; MEDLINE, PubMed, CINHAL, and Scopus. We also explored grey literature sources and reviewed the bibliographies of all articles to identify any additional relevant studies. We included quantitative studies published in English from January 1, 2002 to December 30, 2022 that reported on HIV treatment outcomes for patients receiving antiretroviral therapy (ART) in conflict and post-conflict areas, IDP centers, or refugee camps, and reported on their treatment outcomes from sub-Saharan Africa. Studies published in languages other than English, reporting on non-ART patients and reporting on current or former military populations were excluded. We used EndNote X9 and Covidence to remove duplicates, extracted data using JBI-MAStARI, assessed risk of bias using AHRQ criteria, reported results using PRISMA checklist, and determined Statistical heterogeneity using Cochran Q test and Higgins I2, R- and RevMan-5 software were used for meta-analysis. Results: The review included 16 studies with participant numbers ranging from 102 to 2572. Lost To Follow-Up (LTFU) percentages varied between 5.4% and 43.5%, virologic non-suppression rates ranged from 25 to 33%, adherence rates were over 88%, and mortality rates were between 4.2% and 13%. A pooled meta-analysis of virologic non-suppression rates from active conflict settings revealed a non-suppression rate of 30% (0.30 (0.26–0.33), I2 = 0.00%, p = 0.000). In contrast, a pooled meta-analysis of predictors of loss to follow-up (LTFU) from post-conflict settings identified a higher odds ratio for females compared to males (1.51 (1.05, 2.17), I2 = 0%

The goal of this research is to identify the changes to NATO’s defence and deterrence policy in response to the Russian aggression against Ukraine.

Hearts and Minds Theory’ has been raised from the ashes of the 20th century and indiscriminately applied to conflicts in the 21st Century without sufficient critical analysis of the theory itself, the context of its origins, and modern applicability. This research investigates deficits in the application of HaM Theory protocols in counterinsurgency operations as well as its repeated use by the USA to combat counterinsurgencies across the world despite repeated military failures. In order to have a fuller understanding of HaM Theory and its aptitude for success, this research examines the insurgent origins of HaM Theory, the application of the theory’s core pillars in counterinsurgency (COIN) operations, as well as COIN operations that have employed HaM Theory. USA COIN operations continue to employ soft-power frameworks (such as HaM Theory) despite the Groundhog Day-like cycle that they perpetuate. This research analyzes why American Strategic Culture and Exceptionalist self-image leaves no alternative but to continue to repeat this pattern. This critical analysis of the HaM Theory and its attractiveness will provide a critical baseline for understanding future engagement in foreign intervention to support COIN operations and their consequences.

In the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, a compelling question arises, could this event have brought Europeans closer? Armed conflicts often strengthen in-group identity as individuals seek safety from external threats. This study speculates that the perceived threat of the invasion might have intensified emotional attachments to Europe across the continent. Additionally, it explores how the response differed between Western Europe and Central and Eastern European countries. This study bases its conceptualization, hypotheses, and interpretations on social identity theory, alongside a comprehensive review of the literature on armed conflict and identity. Utilizing a quasi-experimental method to investigate the probable causal link and using 12 countries from the 10th round of the European Social Survey to generalize the findings across a diverse European population. The findings reveal that Europeans did not develop a stronger sense of European identity in response to the invasion, suggesting that Europeans do not perceive Europe as a meaningful identity to unite under or seek safety in when military conflicts intensify on the continent. This study contributes to the understanding that the European project, along with its socio-political efforts, has been relatively unsuccessful in establishing itself as a significant unifying point when conflicts intensify.

This study explores the impacts of armed conflict on women's sexual and reproductive health in Colombia, building on a reproductive justice perspective to analyse original interviews with stakeholders in healthcare, women's rights, and peacebuilding. The analysis reveals that war affects women's sexual and reproductive health in three ways, through violent politicisation, collateral damage, and intersectional dimensions. First, multiple armed actors have used women's health as an instrument in politically motivated strategies to increase their power, assigning political meaning to sexuality and reproduction within the context of war. Second, women's health has also suffered from secondary damage of conflict resulting from a decay in healthcare service provision and an unmet need for healthcare services among those affected by sexual and reproductive violence. Third, marginalised women have been particularly affected by a discriminatory nexus of poverty, ethnicity, and geographic inequality. The paper concludes with a reflection on the opportunities for reproductive justice in Colombia.

This article analyses the political, social, and economic factors that contributed to the Ivorian crisis-armed conflict and the ramifications of the conflict from 2002-2011 on Ivorians. It applies Adam Przeworski's eclectic political theory as the analytical framework. The study utilized a qualitative research design and data was obtained from key informants from the following three regions: Abidjan, Bouake, and Odienne. Varied participants were purposively selected and interviewed from various areas: academia, and Foreign Service including diplomats, politicians, civil servants, teachers, traders, university students, and refugees ensuring diverse perspectives. The findings revealed that the armed conflict affected the political, religious/cultural, social, and economic lives and the cohesion of the Ivorian people. Also, the armed conflict retarded the progress of the country and created a sense of distrust, disunity, and discrimination. The conflict hurt the health of the Ivorians, especially HIV/AIDS patients and the entire people's access to health facilities.

The objective of this reflection article is to analyze the dynamics of the notion of victim from the anthropological point of view in the case of the Colombian context, in order to propose an alternative to the way in which this concept has been addressed in the legal system. . legal and in the design of public policies, which improves the adequacy and relevance of the strategies developed for comprehensive reparation. For this purpose, the development of a qualitative methodology is proposed, based on a review of literature through which the changes in the notion of victims are analyzed from an anthropological vision of violence, to subsequently understand, from a critical perspective . , the way in which the concept of victim has been handled in the Colombian legal system and in the post-agreement process. From the analysis, the importance of understanding people who have suffered the consequences of the conflict as survivors is observed, with a set of narratives and testimonies that reflect a particular way of experiencing pain, and above all, of establishing new approaches to reconstruction of a life project that must be addressed comprehensively., El objetivo del presente artículo de reflexión es analizar las dinámicas de la noción de victima desde el punto de vista antropológico para el caso del contexto colombiano, con el fin de proponer una alternativa a la forma en la cual se ha abordado este concepto en el ordenamiento legal y en el diseño de las políticas públicas, que mejore la adecuación y pertinencia de las estrategias desarrolladas para la reparación integral. Se plantea, para ello, el desarrollo de una metodología cualitativa, a partir de una revisión de literatura por medio de la cual se analizan los cambios en la noción de víctimas desde una visión antropológica de la violencia, para posteriormente entender, desde una perspectiva crítica, la forma en la cual se ha manejado el concepto de víctima en el ordenamiento legal colombiano y en el proceso de posacuerdo. A partir del análisis, se observa la importancia de comprender a las personas que han sufrido las consecuencias del conflicto como sobrevivientes, con un conjunto de narrativas y testimonios que reflejan una manera particular de experimentar el dolor, y sobre todo, de establecer nuevos enfoques de reconstrucción de un proyecto de vida que debe ser abordado de manera integral.

In the context of the Colombian armed conflict, women have been the most affected, being the grief process the most deficient due to the lack of psychosocial support. The objective of this study was to describe resilience and coping strategies in a sample of women victims of the armed conflict and their relationship with the stages of grief experienced. The methodology used was a quantitative, descriptive, non-experimental, expost-facto approach. Twenty women victims of the armed conflict who were in different stages of grief due to the loss of their loved ones as a result of the armed conflict participated in the study. The Resilience Scale SV-RES for youth and adults" by Saavedra and Villalta (2008), the Coping Strategies Inventory (CSI) adapted by Cano, Rodríguez, and García (2006), and the Grief Phases Scale (EFD-66) by Miaja and Moral (2013) were used. Results: Deficiencies in the use of coping strategies were identified in the study sample, with a higher frequency of use of non-functional strategies. Women who were in more advanced stages of grief showed the use of more functional coping strategies. No correlation between stages of grief and time since loss was identified. Conclusions: The results suggest that the process of coping and grief elaboration in the sample of women victims of the armed conflict is not related to the time elapsed since their loss, but rather to the use of personological resources., No contexto do conflito armado colombiano, as mulheres foram as mais afectadas, sendo os processos de luto os mais deficientes devido à falta de acompanhamento psicossocial. O objetivo deste estudo foi descrever a resiliência e as estratégias de coping numa amostra de mulheres vítimas do conflito armado e a sua relação com as fases do luto vividas. A metodologia utilizada foi quantitativa, descritiva, não-experimental, expost-facto. Participaram no estudo 20 mulheres vítimas do conflito armado que se encontravam em diferentes fases do luto devido à perda dos seus entes queridos em consequência do conflito armado. Utilizou-se a Escala de Resiliência SV-RES para jovens e adultos" de Saavedra e Villalta (2008), o Inventário de Estratégias de Coping (CSI) adaptado por Cano, Rodríguez e García (2006), e a Escala de Fases do Luto (EFD-66) de Miaja e Moral (2013). Resultados: Foram identificadas deficiências no uso de estratégias de coping na amostra estudada, com maior frequência de uso de estratégias não funcionais. As mulheres que se encontravam em estágios mais avançados do luto apresentaram o uso de estratégias de coping mais funcionais. Não foi identificada correlação entre as fases do luto e o tempo decorrido desde a perda. Conclusões: Os resultados sugerem que o processo de elaboração do coping e do luto na amostra de mulheres vítimas do conflito armado não está relacionado com o tempo decorrido desde a sua perda, mas sim com a utilização de recursos personológicos., En el marco del conflicto armado Colombiano, las mujeres han sido la más afectadas siendo los procesos de duelos los que presentan mayores deficiencias debido a la falta de acompañamiento psicosocial. El objetivo de este estudio fue describir la resiliencia y estrategias de afrontamiento en una muestra de mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado y su relación con etapas del duelo experimentadas. La metodología utilizada fue de enfoque cuantitativo, descriptivo, método no experimental, expostfacto. Participaron 20 mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado que se encontraban en diferentes etapas del duelo por la pérdida de sus seres queridos a raíz del conflicto armado. Se empleo la Escala de Resiliencia SV-RES para jóvenes y adultos” de Saavedra y Villalta (2008), el Inventario de estrategias de afrontamiento (CSI) adaptado por Cano, Rodríguez y García (2006), y la escala de las Fases del duelo (EFD-66) de Miaja y Moral (2013). Resultados: Se identificaron deficiencias en el uso de estrategias de afrontamiento en la muestra del estudio, con una mayor frecuencia de uso de estrategias no funcionales. Las mujeres que se encontraban en etapas del duelo más avanzadas mostraron el uso de estrategias de afrontamiento más funcionales. No se identificó la correlación entre las etapas del duelo y el tiempo transcurrido desde la perdida. Conclusiones: Los resultados sugieren que el proceso de afrontamiento y elaboración del duelo en la muestra de mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado no está relacionado con el tiempo que ha trascurrido desde su perdida, sino más bien con el empleo de los recursos personológicos.

The article analyzes the reincorporation process of former FARC-EP combatants in one of the spaces provided for their transition to civilian life. It is shown that the ex-combatants have favored forms of collective articulation, so that the confluence of social and productive relations within the framework of a restructuring of the meaning and values shared as an armed group is evident. The systematization of experiences was used as a theoretical-methodological strategy, forming a perspective in which it is possible to enter into the inexorable interaction between subjectivity and social objectivity. By virtue of this, interviews and life stories of ex-combatants whose social positions are linked to the different collective activities that are promoted were collected. Among the findings is that the AETCR and the productive projects allow the configuration of a process in which the existence of a fariana community is recognized, which represents the set of motivations and aspirations of the ex-combatant with respect to his life and that of his companions., El artículo analiza el proceso de reincorporación de excombatientes de las FARC-EP en uno de los espacios que fueron proporcionados para llevar a cabo su transición a la vida civil. Se expone que los excombatientes han propendido por formas de articulación colectiva, por lo que es manifiesta la confluencia de relaciones sociales y productivas dadas en el marco de una reestructuración del significado y los valores compartidos como grupo armado. Se hizo uso de la sistematización de experiencias como estrategia teórico-metodológica, configurando una perspectiva en la cual es posible adentrarse en la interacción inexorable entre subjetividad y objetividad social. En virtud de esto se recopilaron entrevistas e historias de vida de excombatientes cuyas posiciones sociales están vinculadas a las diferentes actividades colectivas que son promovidas. Entre los hallazgos se encuentra que el AETCR y los proyectos productivos permiten la configuración de un proceso en el que se reconoce la existencia de una comunidad fariana, la cual representa el conjunto de motivaciones y aspiraciones del excombatiente con respecto a su vida y la de sus compañeros.

This work constitutes the recovery of the historical memory of the events that took place in the municipality of Anserma, Caldas, in the year 2003, as a result of an action by the guerrilla group known as the extinct Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (Farc-Ep). The document describes the previous context, as well as what happened during the events in the mentioned municipality, and then indicates some of the impacts on the members of the National Police, their families, and the inhabitants of the town. The methodological process was framed within a qualitative paradigm based on a case study. Using a descriptive-interpretative study, the defined method was inductive, with an emphasis on socio-juridical aspects. Among the information collection instruments are documentary and normative review, semi-structured interviews, analytical summaries, and the interview guide, as applicable to the case.The results highlight the reconstruction of the events from the voices of the victims, the identification of some of the impacts that stemmed from the guerrilla attack in which six policemen and a soldier were killed, along with others injured. At the same time, it brings to light the effects on the physical and mental health of the uniformed individuals and their families as victims of the armed conflict, El presente trabajo constituye la recuperación de la memoria histórica de lo ocurrido en el municipio de Anserma, Caldas, en el año 2003, producto de una acción de la guerrilla de las extintas Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo (FARC-EP). El documento describe el contexto previo, así como lo ocurrido durante los hechos en el municipio en mención, para luego indicar algunas de las afectaciones del personal integrante de la Policía Nacional, sus familias y habitantes del municipio. El proceso metodológico estuvo enmarcado en un paradigma cualitativo a partir de un caso. Desde un estudio descriptivo-interpretativo el método definido fue el inductivo, con énfasis en lo socio jurídico. Entre los instrumentos de recolección de información se encuentran la revisión documental y normativa, la entrevista semiestructurada, los resúmenes analíticos y la guía de entrevista, según el caso.Como resultados se destacan la reconstrucción de los hechos desde las voces de las víctimas, la identificación de algunas de las afectaciones que se desprendieron del ataque guerrillero en el que fueron asesinados seis policías y un soldado, así como otros lesionados, a la vez que se visibilizan los efectos en la salud física y mental de los uniformados y sus familias como víctimas del conflicto armado

Armed conflicts are among the major disruptions affecting local food systems in low- and middle-income countries, having devastating effects on populations’ food security. The understanding of the mechanisms linking conflicts to food insecurity is limited, however, by a lack of data on how these conflicts affect the different actors of local food systems. In this study, we aim to address this gap, using empirical data from the northeast region of Burkina Faso where an active conflict is occurring. The objective is to document and analyze the impacts of that conflict on the functioning of the local food system and more specifically on the resilience of the traders that operate from Sebba, the capital of the Yagha province. The analysis reveals, first, the magnitude of the disruption. On average, these local food traders experienced a 40%-50% contraction in their activities compared to the situation prior to the conflict. Not all operators are affected with the same intensity, however. Transporters appeared to be impacted more severely than retailers/vendors. Econometric models are then used to explore the socio-economic characteristics of these different actors. The analysis shows that, contrarily to what is often observed with farmers, the level of assets did not seem to contribute significantly to traders’ resilience. Instead, having recently relocated to Sebba appears more important to ensure the level of adaptability needed to respond to the rapidly deteriorating situation. The analysis also reveals that the resilience of the “positive deviants” (those operators who did better than the rest of the group) materialized essentially through their capacity to buffer more effectively shocks’ impacts but it did not spare them from facing drastic contractions in their trade business. Eventually, the resilience of those positive deviants was not sufficient to maintain the resilience of the whole system. It ensues a catastrophic drop in the quantity of food traded (up to 5

Objective: This study examines the impact of armed conflicts, particularly the Russo-Ukrainian War, on achieving the United Nations Sustainable Development Goal 2: Zero Hunger. The analysis explores how escalating conflicts post-2015 have undermined global efforts toward ending hunger and ensuring food security by 2030. Method: The research employs a qualitative approach, analyzing data on global armed conflicts and food insecurity rates from 2015 to 2023. It particularly focuses on the escalation of the Russo-Ukrainian War and its implications for global food supply chains. The study integrates reports from the United Nations, various NGOs, and other authoritative sources to assess the broader impacts of armed conflicts on food security. Results: Since the adoption of the 2030 Agenda, the number of armed conflicts has significantly increased, correlating with heightened global food insecurity. Specifically, the ongoing conflict in Ukraine has directly resulted in 1.7 billion people experiencing hunger and 276 million facing severe food insecurity worldwide. This conflict has disrupted agricultural production and global food supply chains, exacerbating the food crisis. Conclusions: The findings highlight the severe challenges that armed conflicts pose to achieving global food security. With less than a decade remaining until the 2030 deadline, it is imperative to intensify diplomatic efforts to mitigate conflicts, thereby safeguarding progress toward Zero Hunger. The study underscores the necessity of integrating peace-building strategies into the broader framework of sustainable development.

Background: Beyond the apparent damage caused by violence, armed conflicts can have significant indirect health effects. Destabilising systems of healthcare and fostering unfavourable economic and surroundings, also produce long-lasting political instability, which hinders efforts to lower mother and infant deaths. Objective: This study aims to investigate the legal ramifications of electronic child recruiting for the armed forces, emphasising how these relate to international humanitarian law. Design: This research employs a qualitative doctrinal analysis of the legislation about electronic child recruitment, which is a great idea. The relevant treaties, legal doctrine, and precedent that comprise this subject's main information source will be examined. Findings: Research indicates that implementing the law should precede development requirements, implying that the laws necessary for achieving their purpose are currently in place. Originality: This work adds to the body of knowledge by offering a thorough analysis of the legal issues related to the electronic recruiting of minors.

The signing of the truce on 23 June 2016 and the finalisation of peace negotiations on 24 August 2016 marked the end of more than 50 years of continuous armed conflict in Colombia, South America and the transition to ‘post conflict’ status. According to annual reports from the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre based in Geneva, Switzerland, Colombia has ranked first or second in numbers of internally displaced persons every year for the past 12 years, making forced migration a defining characteristic of the country. This is based on the personal reflections of a mother and daughter (ER and AdPGR) who were displaced from rural Colombia and resettled in the nation’s urban capital of Bogoá. They survived the rigors and hardships of displacement and became capable counsellors on a global mental health project, bringing evidence based interventions to a highly traumatised population of internally displaced women in Bogotá. Their account speaks to the lived experiences of more than six million Colombian internally displaced ‘victims of the armed conflict’. Particularly notable is the description of myriad trauma exposures prior to the moment of displacement. This field report demonstrates how personal accounts are a useful tool for educating clinicians working with these populations., Depto. de Personalidad, Evaluación y Psicología Clínica, Fac. de Psicología, TRUE, pub

This paper examines the hypothesis that a change in the elite increases the probability of armed conflict onset. The paper combines the newly constructed WhoGov dataset on cabinet members, with UCDP data on armed conflicts and rebel group. It analyzes changes in the retention rate among cabinet members and average years in cabinet, and how they affect armed conflict – measured as armed conflict onset and rebel group onset. A linear regression model, with country- and year fixed effects, in addition to time-varying control variables, is applied to test the main hypothesis. In addition, three heterogeneity tests are conducted. First, the paper examines whether there are any differences between democracies and autocracies. Second, it examines the differences between changes in cabinet size (widening or shrinking). Third, it analyzes if the effects are bigger for large changes in the elite. Four main conclusions are reached in the paper. First, the results indicates that a decrease in retention rate increases the probability for both conflict and rebel onset. The magnitudes of the estimated effects seem to be sizeable. They are larger in conflict onsets than rebel onsets, in relation to their respective means. Second, for armed conflict onset, the results are driven by autocracies. Third, the probability for armed conflict is larger following a large change in the elites (retention rate). Fourth, no difference in changes to cabinet size is observed.

Este artículo ofrece una aproximación al Antropoceno en el contexto del conflicto armado. Para ello, se centra en dos proyectos mineros ubicados en el suroeste de Antioquia (Colombia) y Luhwindja (República Democrática del Congo). Tras examinar los contextos políticos de posacuerdo y posguerra de cada país, se describen los proyectos de extracción que se llevan a cabo en cada territorio, así como las formas de resistencia de las poblaciones locales. También se hace una reconstrucción del territorio como espacio de producción cognitiva, participación afectiva e imaginación discursiva. En este sentido, se da un nuevo significado al concepto de territorio, trascendiendo su definición meramente geográfica para concebirlo como un territorio de vida., This article reflects on the Anthropocene against the backdrop of armed conflict. To this end, it analyses two mining projects: one in southwestern Antioquia in Colombia and the other in the Luhwindja Chiefdom in the Democratic Republic of Congo. After examining the post-agreement and post-war political contexts of each country, this paper describes the extraction projects implemented in the territories, as well as the forms of resistance of the local populations. It also depicts the reconstruction of the territory as a place for cognitive production, affective participation, and discursive imagination. The very concept of territory is re-signified, beyond its geographical definition, as a territory of life.

This article analyzes the investment fund in science, technology and innovation (FCTI, due to its initials in Spanish) as a method implemented within the General System of Royalties (SGR, due to its initials in Spanish) - set of tax levies on non-renewable natural resources - to finance regional development proposals in Colombia. It studies the cases of Cauca and Chocó, departments marked by great social imbalances resulting from more than fifty years of armed conflict and social crisis. The objective is to examine whether this development mechanism generates (or not) greater impact for communities affected by the war. A simple statistical exploration of the projects between 2012 and 2016 allows us to conclude that it has served as a mechanism for the redistribution of SGR resources. It is also analyzed in which type of activities these public resources have been invested in these two departments during those years., Este artigo analisará o fundo de investimento em Ciência, Tecnologia e Inovação (FCTI) como método implementado no Sistema Geral de Royalties (SGR) - conjunto de taxas sobre recursos naturais não renováveis - para financiar propostas de desenvolvimento regional na Colômbia. Será estudado o caso de Cauca e Chocó, departamentos marcados por grandes desequilíbrios sociais decorrentes de mais de cinquenta anos de conflito armado e crise social. O objetivo é verificar se esse mecanismo de desenvolvimento gera maior impacto para as comunidades afetadas pela guerra ou não. Uma simples exploração estatística dos projetos entre 2012 e 2016 permite-nos concluir que serviu de mecanismo de redistribuição dos recursos do SGR. Também será analisado em que tipo de atividades os recursos públicos do fundo CTI foram investidos nesses dois departamentos durante esses anos., En este artículo se analiza el fondo de inversión en ciencia, tecnología e innovación (FCTI) como método implementado dentro del Sistema General de Regalías (SGR) -conjunto de exacciones fiscales sobre los recursos naturales no renovables- para financiar propuestas de desarrollo regional en Colombia. Se estudian los casos de Cauca y Chocó, departamentos marcados por grandes desequilibrios sociales producto de más de cincuenta años de conflicto armado y crisis social. El objetivo es examinar si este mecanismo de desarrollo genera (o no) mayor impacto para las comunidades afectadas por la guerra. Una sencilla exploración estadística de los proyectos entre 2012 y 2016 permite concluir que sí ha servido como mecanismo de redistribución de los recursos del SGR. También se analiza en qué tipo de actividades se han invertido los recursos públicos del fondo de CTI en estos dos departamentos durante dichos años.

This article presents an analysis of the socioeconomic conditions that characterize the current restituted population of the emblematic hacienda Santa Paula, which belonged to Clan Castaño, the visible head of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC). The study was structured in two sections; the first, through a historical synthesis, shows the context of the internal armed conflict in the department of Córdoba (Colombia); where the actions of the Illegal Armed Groups (GAI) break the social order, committing all kinds of humiliation against the communities; they are forced to leave their premises by acts of dispossession and displacement. The second section, describes the process of return and post-judgment based on Law 1448 of 2011. In Santa Paula, after the post-judgment, the returnees have joined state entities to train in different socio-economic projects. Therefore, the development of the research was carried out from a scrutineering glance at the official information of the Land Restitution Unit (URT) Section Córdoba, through the review and analysis of sentences, timelines and social cartography., Este artículo presenta un análisis de las condiciones socioeconómicas que caracterizan a la población restituida de la emblemática hacienda Santa Paula, la cual perteneció al Clan Castaño, cabeza visible de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC). El estudio se estructuró en dos apartados: el primero, mediante una síntesis histórica, exhibe el contexto del conflicto armado interno en el departamento de Córdoba (Colombia), donde el accionar de los Grupos Armados Ilegales (GAI), irrumpen en el orden social, cometiendo todo tipo de vejámenes contra las comunidades; estas se ven obligadas a salir de sus predios, por hechos de despojo y desplazamiento. El segundo apartado describe el proceso que contempla el retorno legal de los pobladores a sus predios, con base a lo sustentado en la Ley 1448 de 2011. En Santa Paula, luego del posfallo, los restituidos se han adherido a entidades estatales para capacitarse en distintos proyectos socioeconómicos. Por tanto, el desarrollo de la investigación se llevó a cabo a partir de una escrutadora mirada a la información oficial de la Unidad de Restitución de Tierras (URT) Seccional Córdoba, a través de la revisión y análisis de sentencias, líneas de tiempo y cartografía social.

The objective was to analyze the ways of coping with sexual violence in surviving female victims and their participation in peacebuilding processes. It was a qualitative investigation through Grounded Theory, with Symbolic Interactionism to originate the theory, from the meanings that arise in the interaction between people and their environment. Information was collected through in-depth interviews. The constructed theory highlights the experience of sexual violence, which symbolizes embodies the despair, exile, destruction of their goals and projects, the difficulty to forgive for the magnitude of the damage, and non-compliance with the laws. In addition to this, the conditions of the territory and its history influenced the meanings that they assigned to their experience, duly unforgettable due to the traces of pain. One of the ways of coping was to be able to raise their voice as a fundamental instrument, for the transit of victims to legitimacy, as peace builders. We conclude that, in union and mutuality, they found the way to legitimize their voices and make them heard by their communities. The meaning of peace in women is represented by being in harmony, enjoying their daily lives, feeling free, feeling important and unique when they talk about their history of pain., El objetivo fue analizar las formas de afrontamiento de las violencias sexuales en mujeres víctimas sobrevivientes y su participación en los procesos de construcción de paz. Fue una investigación cualitativa a través de la Teoría Fundamentada, con el Interaccionismo Simbólico para originar la teoría, desde los significados que surgen en la interacción entre las personas y su entorno. Se recolectó la información con entrevistas a profundidad. La teoría construida resalta la experiencia de las violencias sexuales, la cual simboliza desazón, exilio, destrucción de sus metas y proyectos, la dificultad para perdonar por la magnitud del daño e incumplimiento de las leyes. Aunado a esto, las condiciones del territorio y su historia influyeron en los significados que las personas participantes asignaron a su experiencia inolvidable por las huellas del dolor; una de las formas de afrontamiento fue poder alzar su voz como un instrumento fundamental para el tránsito de víctimas a la legitimidad como constructoras de paces. Se concluye que, en la unión y en la mutualidad, encontraron la manera de legitimar sus voces y hacerlas oír por sus comunidades. El significado de la paz en las mujeres está representado en el estar en armonía, disfrutar de su cotidianidad, sentirse libres, sentirse importantes y únicas cuando hablan de la historia de dolor.

The configuration and implementation of Pedagogical Models according to the needs of the educational community is essential in any educational establishment. Throughout the 20th century, the adoption of foreign models, such as the European Active School or the American Educational Technology, has hindered the creation of a pertinent Pedagogical Model by not considering the local context. The research, entitled "Curricular processes in schools in areas affected by the armed conflict in Córdoba, Colombia", evaluated the adequacy of these processes in 20 schools in Tierralta, Valencia, Puerto Libertador and Montelíbano. It focused on the relationship between curricular processes and the development of rural education in the midst of the peace process between the government and the FARC-EP. Using a descriptive and qualitative scientific approach, with the phenomenological method and tools such as observation, interviews and focus groups, the need to understand and reconstruct the social reality in these communities was identified. The findings highlighted the importance of characterizing essential elements for pertinent pedagogical proposals in specific contexts, contributing to the strengthening of research in Education and Society within Psychopedagogy., La configuración e implementación de Modelos Pedagógicos acordes a las necesidades de la comunidad educativa es esencial en cualquier establecimiento educativo. A lo largo del siglo XX, la adopción de modelos extranjeros, como la Escuela Activa europea o la Tecnología Educativa estadounidense, ha obstaculizado la creación de un Modelo Pedagógico pertinente al no considerar el contexto local. La investigación, titulada "Procesos curriculares en escuelas de zonas afectadas por el conflicto armado en Córdoba, Colombia", evaluó la idoneidad de estos procesos en 20 establecimientos de Tierralta, Valencia, Puerto Libertador y Montelíbano. Se centró en la relación entre los procesos curriculares y el desarrollo de la educación rural en medio del proceso de paz entre el gobierno y las FARC-EP. Utilizando un enfoque científico descriptivo y cualitativo, con el método fenomenológico y herramientas como observación, entrevistas y grupos focales, se identificó la necesidad de comprender y reconstruir la realidad social en estas comunidades. Los hallazgos destacaron la importancia de caracterizar elementos esenciales para propuestas pedagógicas pertinentes en contextos específicos, contribuyendo al fortalecimiento de la investigación en Educación y Sociedad dentro de la Psicopedagogía.

Colombia has experienced more than ten decades of barbarism due to internal violence due to the birth of organized groups outside the law such as the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia and the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, these criminal organizations based on their criminal actions. They displaced entire populations from their place of origin. Now, the purpose of this article is to present the pragmatist actions from the legal-philosophical point of view of the magistrates and judges specialized in land restitution, in relation to the protection of the rights of the victims of the armed conflict. To achieve this approach, a legal hermeneutic study is used, with a naturalistic historical-empirical approach, which will allow identifying the judicial decisions by which the plaintiffs can be protected or denied their right to land restitution. Finally, the results show that the current regulations cover substantial background elements that guarantee the effective protection of the victims; However, this effectiveness often does not guarantee fundamental rights, for this reason severity and vigilance with sanctions and fines is recommended against processes not carried out by judicial operators., Colombia ha vivido más de diez décadas de barbarie por la violencia interna a causa del nacimiento de grupos organizados al margen de la ley como lo son las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia y las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia, estas organizaciones criminales a partir de su actuar delictivo desplazaron poblaciones enteras de su lugar de origen. Ahora bien, el propósito de este artículo es dar a conocer las actuaciones pragmatistas desde el punto de vista iusfilosófico de los magistrados y jueces especializados en materia de restitución de tierras, en relación a la protección de los derechos de las víctimas del conflicto armado. Para lograr este abordaje, se recurre al estudio hermenéutico jurídico, con un enfoque naturalista de corte histórico-empírico, el cual permitirá identificar las decisiones judiciales por las cuales a los accionantes se le puede amparar o negar su derecho a la restitución de tierras. Finalmente, los resultados muestran que la normatividad vigente abarca elementos sustanciales de fondo que garantizan la tutela efectiva de las víctimas; sin embargo, esta efectividad muchas veces no garantizan los derechos fundamentales, por tal motivo se recomienda severidad y vigilancia con sanciones y multas frente a los procesos no ejecutados por los operadores judiciales.

The armed conflict in Colombia has left consequences on mental health that have been documented by different investigations; Faced with this problem, the Colombian State has issued different regulations that seek comprehensive health care for the population that is victim of the armed conflict. The objective of this reflection article is to confront the government's legal actions for the comprehensive care of victims of the armed conflict and the strategies implemented to provide coverage to the population, evidencing the gaps between what is proclaimed in the laws and access to services. In mental health specifically, the starting point is to know public policies and then comment on their implementation based on official government data and reports and private research carried out by universities and study centers. The Psychosocial Care and Comprehensive Health Program for Victims (PAPSIVI) promises good results; However, its implementation has been highly questioned regarding its coverage and quality, which is why the Colombian regulations are well written, but poorly executed. The academic community must be called to impact public policies., El conflicto armado en Colombia ha dejado secuelas en la salud mental que han sido documentadas por diferentes investigaciones; ante esta problemática, el Estado colombiano ha expedido diferentes normativas que buscan la atención integral en salud para la población víctima del conflicto armado. El objetivo de este artículo de reflexión es confrontar las acciones jurídicas del gobierno para la atención integral de las víctimas del conflicto de armado y las estrategias implementadas para dar cobertura a la población, evidenciando las vacíos entre lo proclamado en las normás jurídicas y el acceso de servicios en salud mental. Se parte de conocer las políticas públicas para después comentar su implementación según los datos y reportes oficiales del gobierno y de investigaciones particulares llevadas a cabo por universidades y centros de estudio. El Programa de Atención Psicosocial y de Salud Integral a Víctimas (papsivi) promete buenos resultados; sin embargo, su implementación ha sido muy cuestionada en cuanto a la cobertura y la calidad, por lo que la reglamentación colombiana está bien escrita, pero pobremente ejecutada. La comunidad académica está llamada a impactar las políticas públicas.

Background The Battle of Mosul (2016-2017) was an urban conflict resulting in over 9000 civilian deaths. Emergency Management Centre (EMC), located 90 km from Mosul, was designated as a civilian-run trauma centre as part of the novel Mosul Trauma Pathway. Patients necessitating exploratory laparotomy (ex-lap) provide a unique window into the system of care delivery in conflicts, given the importance of timely, resource-intensive care. However, there is insufficient knowledge regarding the presentation and outcomes for conflict-related ex-lap in civilian institutions.Methods This is a descriptive study retrospectively analyzing routinely collected data for all patients who underwent ex-lap at EMC for injuries sustained during the battle of Mosul. Differences in demographics, pre-hospital/hospital course, and New Injury Severity Scores (NISS) were analysed using student t-test, Hotelling T-squared, and linear regression.Results During the battle, 1832 patients with conflict-related injuries were admitted to EMC. Some 73/1832 (4.0%) underwent ex-lap, of whom 22/73 (30.1%) were children and 40/73 (54.8%) were non-combatant adults. Men constituted 51/73 (69%) patients. Gunshot wounds caused 19/73 (26.0%) injuries, while ordnances caused 52/73 (71.2%). Information regarding hospital course was available for 47/73 (64.4%) patients. Children had prolonged time from injury to first laparotomy compared to adults (600 vs 208 min, p < 0.05). Median LOS was 6 days (IQR 4-9.5); however, 11/47 (23%) patients left against medical advice. Post-operative complications occurred in 11/47 (23.4%) patients; 6/11 (54.5%) were surgical site infections. There were 12 (25.5%) patients who underwent relaparotomies after index surgery elsewhere; 10/12 (83.3%) were for failed repairs or missed injuries. Median NISS was 18 (IQR 12-27). NISS were significantly higher for women (vs men; 28.5 vs 19.8), children (vs adults; 28.8 vs 20), and relaparotomy patients (vs primary laparotomy patient, Funding Agencies|Karolinska Institute; Region Ostergotland, Sweden [06000908, LIO-79962]

What explains why the United Nations Security Council meets and deliberates on some armed conflicts but not others? We advance a theoretical argument centred on the role of conflict externalities, state interests and interest heterogeneity. We investigate data on the Security Council's deliberation on armed conflicts in the 1989–2019 period and make three key findings: (1) conflicts that generate substantive military or civilian deaths are more likely to attract the Security Council's attention; (2) permanent members are varyingly likely to involve the Security Council when their interests are at stake; and (3) in contrast to the conventional wisdom, conflicts over which members have divergent interests are more likely to enter the agenda than other conflicts. The findings have important implications for debates about the Security Council's attention, responsiveness to problems and role in world politics.

Communal violence is a major source of insecurity within and across borders, sparking significant displacement flows and disturbing livelihoods. While conflict literature has shed light onto its causes, the existing research has paid little systematic attention to the spatial dynamics of communal violence. We distinguish between spillover of violence and spillover of predictors. Spillover of violence is defined as communal violence occurring as a direct response to communal violence in a nearby location. Spillover of predictors describes instances of communal violence that occur due to nearby conflict-inducing factors. With regard to the former, we argue that violence in one area breeds violence in the neighboring areas. The latter we study as communal violence resulting through proximity to violence-inducing predictors such as drought. Applying spatial models, we test these arguments with data on incidences of communal violence for Sub-Saharan Africa (1990–2014). Our results demonstrate that communal violence explains nearby communal violence through different spillover processes. We also find evidence for an increase in violence due to exposure from neighborhood droughts as well as other conflict-inducing factors.

The Colombian peace process was internationally celebrated for its unprecedented focus on women’s experiences of war, but the everyday violence women that may face in their homes was not acknowledged. This article explores the links between exposure to local armed conflict violence and individual women’s experiences of intimate partner violence. I combine pooled nationally representative data on individual women’s experiences of intimate partner violence with information about the intensity of conflict during 2004–16. Results of fixed-effects linear probability models show that conflict was generally linked to a slightly elevated risk of women experiencing emotional, physical, and sexual violence perpetrated by their partner. Among women who had experienced intimate partner violence, conflict was related to an increased probability of being partnered at interview, which could reflect women staying in abusive relationships because conflict normalizes violence or increases women’s reluctance to leave those relationships.

This dissertation contributes to the literature on the nexus between climate-related disaster and conflict. One of the main sources of uncertainty regarding the effects of climate change on conflict stems from limited understanding of the driving mechanisms and the political contexts under which these effects materialize. People respond to climate variability through a variety of coping mechanisms that, in turn, determine social outcomes. Yet, these remain little understood. Addressing this overarching issue, the first part of the dissertation (Paper I and II) studies the conditions and possible pathways through which climate events shape conflict-related outcomes. Paper I studies the role of local state institutions in mitigating adverse effects of flooding on communal conflict risk in Sub-Saharan Africa. Statistical evidence shows that areas experiencing flood disaster are more likely to experience communal violence in a context where citizens distrust the local state institutions. Paper II examines the mediating effect of migration as a transitional pathway, connecting natural hazards and social unrest in urban areas of Bangladesh. It finds that although natural hazards shape migratory decisions, this climate-related mobility does not affect the likelihood of protests in host communities. The last two essays of the dissertation study responses to climate-related disasters taking place in contexts of ongoing armed conflicts, and focus on household-level compound effects of these two calamities. Using interpretative machine learning methods, Paper III explores distress-related mobility as an outcome of interest. We show that compound effects can manifest differently in the same communities, since a significant amount of variation exists in the mobility patterns of people affected by the same event. Paper IV focuses on how state response to natural-hazard-related disasters and conflicts jointly affect levels of political trust in Pakistan. The evidence suggests that

Armed conflict has a damaging effect on the lives of children and young people and affects their school education and future possibilities. This creates a serious challenge to the exercise of the human right for education and the achievement of a number of Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) – notably SDG 4, education for all, and SDG 5, gender equality. This paper examines the effects of armed conflict by discussing school closures, or partial closures, internal and external displacement, child soldiers, the six grave violations and the education of girls during armed conflict. The paper concludes with a discussion that argues that the policy of protection promoted by the United Nations is one that should be supported but there are other dimensions that also have to be considered: a more nuanced conceptualisation of childhood and a greater awareness and understanding of the child’s lived experience and agency, the protection of children to be ensured in ceasefire and peace agreements and implementation of strategies to protect children from the effects of war and the enforcement of legal measures and political sanctions that can be used to hold to account the perpetrators of the abuse of children in armed conflict.

This paper aims to analyze the fundamental principles of international humanitarian law in Geneva law, applicable to the international protection of victims of armed conflicts, with special reference to the events between Russia and Ukraine in the year 2022. It was based on the technique of documentary analysis on international doctrine and regulations, through the hermeneutical, analytical-synthetic method. The general provisions of international humanitarian law were interpreted, exposing the historical development in accordance with the 1974-1977 Diplomatic Conference and the conventions and protocols promoted by the International Committee of the Red Cross, contributing to the progressive advance and application of the fundamental principles of the right to Hague. For this reason, a position is established regarding the principles of international humanitarian law and the violation of human rights in the armed conflict between Ukraine and Russia, concluding in the face of these postulates that all the approaches that international organizations have made, as well as the actions of the States before the International Criminal Court, as legal subjects of international humanitarian law, suppose legitimate actions for the Law of Geneva and the Law of The Hague, El ensayo tiene como objetivo el análisis de los principios fundamentales del derecho internacional humanitario contenidos en el derecho de Ginebra, aplicable a la protección internacional de las víctimas de los conflictos armados, con referencia especial a los acontecimientos entre Rusia y Ucrania en el año 2022. Se apoyó en la técnica del análisis documental sobre la doctrina y normatividad internacional, mediante el método hermenéutico, analítico- sintético. Se interpretó las disposiciones generales del derecho internacional humanitario, exponiendo el desarrollo histórico conforme con la Conferencia Diplomática 1974-1977 y los convenios y protocolos promovidos por el Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja, contribuyendo al avance progresivo y aplicación de los principios fundamentales del derecho de La Haya. En razón de ello, se fija posición acerca de los principios del derecho internacional humanitario y la vulneración de derechos humanos en el conflicto armado entre Ucrania y Rusia, concluyendo de cara a estos postulados que todos los acercamientos que han realizado los organismos internacionales, así como las acciones de los Estados frente a la Corte Penal Internacional, como sujetos jurídicos del derecho internacional humanitario suponen acciones legítimas para el Derecho de Ginebra y el Derecho de La Haya.

Concerns about the security implications of climate change are increasing. The growing academic literature on the topic suggests that linkages between climate change and armed conflict are shaped by structural risk factors, but micro-level variation and mechanisms remain poorly understood and flood responses are hardly studied. In this paper, we strive to contribute to a better understanding of such micro-level patterns and investigate how flood exposure affects the support for violence in the Karamoja region of Uganda, which is characterized by many structural vulnerabilities to climate change and armed conflict. We use unique household-level survey panel data and investigate changes in survey responses following a destructive flood. Our study finds that flood exposure was associated with greater support for the use of violence. However, while we identify some adverse impacts of flood exposure on the perceived and actual socio-economic conditions of households and a decrease in perceptions of government support, these do not seem to mediate the estimated flood impact on support for violence against expectations. Our findings point to the limited explanatory power of natural hazards' economic impacts alone for conflict risk. Further investigation of causal mechanisms between climate hazards and conflict remains an important priority for future research.

Many protest movements have brought down dictatorships and paved the way for democracy. However, protests can also foster large-scale violence at the level of civil war. How can we explain the development from protest to armed conflict? In this paper, we use geographically fine-grained data to examine how collective mobilization leads to civil war violence at the local level. We argue that two mechanisms can explain this. First, in a protest escalation dynamic, confrontations between protesters and state security forces increase the willingness of protesters to ramp up the use of force. Second, in a protest capture mechanism, protests attract attention and resources from the state, thereby providing other local non-state actors with the opportunity to use violence. We test our theoretical expectations in a spatial analysis of protests and armed conflict in autocracies from 2003 to 2014. Our results show that protests increase the risk of local armed conflict when violently repressed. Further analysis reveals that the second mechanism, protest capture, accounts for the majority of escalations to armed conflict we see in our data.

Whereas previous research shows that peace agreements which include a broad segment of society are more likely to lead to sustainable peace, little effort has gone into explaining inclusion itself. We address this gap in the literature by providing the first large-N study to examine the causes of inclusive peace negotiations across civil wars. We argue that civil society actors can gain leverage through mobilization of civilian protest, or build trust through dialogue efforts, thereby enhancing the chances of inclusion of non-warring actors at the negotiation table. The argument is examined by analysing unique and new monthly data on peacemaking efforts in all intrastate armed conflicts in Africa and the Americas, 1989–2018, including measures beyond mere nominal participation, such as whether civil society actors or political parties had substantive roles as either mediators or full participants at the peace talks. Our findings show that protests by civil society actors increase the likelihood that non-warring actors will have a seat at the negotiation table, whereas we find no such effect concerning dialogue efforts. The article contributes by providing new insights into how nonviolent action can shape peace processes by opening the doors to negotiations and is thus part of an emerging research agenda that seeks to bring together the fields of civil resistance and inclusive peace processes.