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Review of the recent title: "Palestine: From the Oslo Accords to Apartheid," a work by the esteemed specialists in the field, Barreñada Bajo and Abu Tarbush, which rigorously dissects the disastrous path that the Palestinian-Israeli conflict has taken since Oslo and beyond. An important, relevant, and fresh work for addressing the conflict from a perspective aligned with sensitivity and empathy., Reseña del reciente título: "Palestina: De los acuerdos de Oslo al apartheid"; una obra de los reputados especialistas en la materia Barreñada Bajo y Abu Tarbush, que disecciona con rotundidad el funesto camino por el que ha discurrido el conflicto palestino-israelí desde Oslo y más allá. Una obra importante, relevante y fresca para abordar el conflicto desde una perspectiva alineada con la sensibilidad, y la empatía.

U povodu jedne zanimljive i značajne godišnjice, Jevrejska digitalna biblioteka (JDB) postavila je tri teksta koji predstavljaju izvode iz dva broja sarajevskog jevrejskog nedeljnog lista „Jevrejski glas“, objavljena 23. i 30. marta 1928. godine. Naime, u mjesecu martu ove godine navršava se 95 godina od događaja koji su pomenuti i detaljno opisani u tim, ali i drugim novinama. Cionistički vođa i predsjednik Egzekutive Cionističke organizacije gospodin Nahum Sokolov u martu 1928. godine posjetio je Beograd, Sarajevo i Zagreb. Bila je to njegova službena posjeta Kraljevini S.H.S, prilikom koje je u Beogradu boravio od 9. marta, u Sarajevu od 14. marta i u Zagrebu od 18. marta. Susreti koje je tom prilikom ostvario govore o značaju koji je ta posjeta izazvala, pre svega među jevrejskim zajednicama pomenutih gradova, ali i njegovim susretima sa lokalnim gradskim zvaničnicima i posebno državnim, političkim pa i vojnim predstavnicima Kraljevine S.H.S., On the occasion of an interesting and significant anniversary, the Jewish Digital Library (JDB) has posted three texts that represent excerpts from two issues of the Sarajevo Jewish weekly newspaper “Jevrejski Glas”, published on March 23 and 30, 1928. Namely, in March this year, 95 years have passed since the events that were mentioned and described in detail in that and other newspapers. The Zionist leader and president of the Executive Zionist Organization, Mr. Nahum Sokolov, in March 1928 visited Belgrade, Sarajevo and Zagreb. It was his official visit to the Kingdom of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia, during which he stayed in Belgrade from March 9, in Sarajevo from March 14 and in Zagreb from March 18. The meetings he had on that occasion speak of the significance that this visit caused, primarily among the Jewish communities of the mentioned cities, but also his meetings with local city officials and especially state, political and even military representatives of the Kingdom of Slovenia, Croatia and Serbia.

This qualitative study contributes to the literature at the intersection of religion and foreign policy by focusing on one of the modern era's most protracted and relevant foreign policy issues (the conflict between Israelis and Arabs), the influence of one of America’s most powerful religious constituencies (evangelicals), and one of the most widely used tools of non- governmental diplomacy (Track II diplomacy). It provides original research related to the relevancy of Track II diplomacy by evangelicals, specifically pro-Israel or “Zionist” evangelicals, in Israeli and Arab peacemaking. The study analyzes three relevant case studies to answer the research question: “How are evangelical Track II diplomatic efforts relevant to Israeli and Arab peacemaking?” The historical case studies include the Camp David Accords, the Oslo Accords, and the Abraham Accords. Each reflects significant undertakings involving the United States Government—and the Norwegian government in the case of the Oslo Accords—as a broker for peace between the State of Israel and the nation’s Arab neighbors, including the Palestinians. The case studies are conducted through interviews with participants or eyewitnesses to each event and the analysis of relevant documents, including historical records.

The article explores the interplay between transnational migration, cultural patrimony and political conflict, tying together the former realms of the Russian and Ottoman Empires. It discusses the role played by Russian Jews in the development of the Zionist-Arab conflict in Palestine until 1948. It focuses on the Northern Sharon, where three distinct immigrant groups – Circassians, Bosnians and Russian Jews – settled in the 1870s–1890s. Methodologically, it adopts a new, twofold, approach to the genesis of the conflict, by tracing its roots within the broader setting of Eurasian transnational migrations to Palestine, and the stricter context of ‘locality expressing glocality’, that is, of specific colonies and their development under internal pressures and outside interactions. In 1948, prior actions aimed at achieving ethnic homogeneity through coerced population transfers during the disintegration Eurasian imperial polities served as a blueprint for some of the same Zionist immigrants for achieving plurality in their new Jewish State.

Within the recognized borders of Israel, in the shadow of the West Bank settlement enterprise, a new frontier is in the making. Central planning has designated the space as a burgeoning metropolitan region, and, in a parallel process, a network of Jewish-only settlements has been established. This study asks how the settlement push is narrated to the Israeli public, and thereby adds the Naqab to previous studies exploring the link between colonial settlement and suburbia, and more specifically with the community-settlement model. It analyzes audiovisual material produced by two Zionist organizations and finds that the new frontier is narrated as a space for reenactment of the mythic pioneer trope, and that this ideal is mediated in relation to the new neoliberal ethos of Israel as the “start-up nation.” The study moreover expands on the interplay of geographic scales, thus adding an important contribution to scholarly understanding of contemporary settler-colonialism.

The Swedish Jewish historian Hugo Valentin (1888-1963) founded the field of Swedish Jewish history in the 1920s. Valentin was also a prominent and public figure in Swedish Jewish affairs, as a writer, Zionist and refugee activist. This article focuses on Valentin's analysis of antisemitism, from the 1920s to the early 1950s. It pays equal attention to the continuity and change of his writings on the topic, analysed in relation to such political contexts as the Jewish question', Zionism and anti-Nazi responses, and advances within scholarly research on antisemitism. It shows that Valentin staked out a new approach to the topic of antisemitism, in which Jewish characteristics and the so-called Jewish question, while not completely absent, were placed within parentheses. Instead, he presented antisemitism and individual antisemites as problems in their own right, which, given Nazi German expansionism and the outbreak of the Second World War, seemed to be a greater and more urgent issue than whatever questions might have pertained to Jews and their place in modern society.

Nothing can be understood without context. And any analysis of Palestine-Israel that disfigures or ignores historical context cannot understand or analyze. Today more than ever, in the midst of the Israeli genocide in Gaza, it remains necessary to emphasize that everything is a whole... The origin and key explanation: a contemporary Zionist settler colonialism that does not represent Judaism; the state of Israel collaborated with nazism and dictatorships, and was created and maintained through war crimes and crimes against humanity; unlike the case of colonized peoples such as the Palestinians, there is no “right to “self-defense” of occupying powers such as Israel, but rather their obligation to protect the occupied population; an imbalance so abysmal and a double standard so scandalous that it represents “the greatest moral scandal of our time”; October 7, 2023: a before and after in the decolonization of Palestine?, Nada pode ser entendido sem contexto. E qualquer análise sobre Palestina-Israel que desfigura ou ignore o contexto histórico não pode compreender nem analisar. Hoje mais do que nunca, no meio do genocídio israelita em Gaza, continua a ser necessário sublinhar que tudo está num todo... A origem e a explicação chave: um colonialismo de colonos sionista contemporâneo que não representa o judaísmo; O Estado de Israel colaborou com o nazismo e as ditaduras, e foi criado e mantido através de crimes de guerra e crimes contra a humanidade; Ao contrário do caso de povos colonizados como os palestinianos, não existe “direito à “autodefesa” das potências ocupantes como Israel, mas sim a sua obrigação de proteger a população ocupada; um desequilíbrio tão abismal e um padrão duplo tão escandaloso que representa “o maior escândalo moral do nosso tempo”; 7 de outubro de 2023: um antes e um depois na descolonização da Palestina?, Nada puede comprenderse sin contexto. Y cualquier análisis sobre Palestina-Israel que desfigure o ignore el contexto histórico ni puede comprender ni puede analizar. Hoy más que nunca, en medio del genocidio israelí en Gaza, sigue siendo necesario destacar que todo está en un conjunto… El origen y la explicación clave: un colonialismo de asentamiento sionista contemporáneo que no representa al judaísmo; el Estado de Israel colaboró con el nazismo y con dictaduras, y se creó y se mantiene a través de crímenes de guerra y crímenes de lesa humanidad; al contrario que en el caso de los pueblos colonizados como el palestino, no existe el “derecho a la “autodefensa” de las potencias ocupantes como Israel, sino su obligación de proteger a la población ocupada; un desequilibrio tan abismal y un doble rasero tan indignante que supone “el mayor escándalo moral de nuestro tiempo”; el 7 de octubre de 2023: ¿un antes y un después en la descolonización de Palestina?

The article aims to analyze the concept and phenomenon of post-Zionism, focusing on the academic debate that took place in the 1990s, led by a current of revisionist historians who formed the so-called “new Israeli historiography”. These schoolars, who had access to primary and direct sources of information until then classified, deconstruct the main founding myths of the State of Israel, questioning the official ideology of the State, Zionism, and validating the previous work of Palestinian authors that had been ignored. This event, coinciding with the First Intifada, had a great impact on Israel's international image and on future researches on Palestine. Likewise, we consider the generational component and the influence that the so-called “post-Zionism” and especially its academic manifestation, could have on the collective memory of Israeli society and on the historiography regarding Palestine and Israel, both internally and in the international arena. We consider essential the ideological context, where Zionism remains hegemonic and the decisive political thought in the history of Palestine and Israel. For this reason, it is also essential to assess the possible fractures and disagreements in this regard, focusing on the academic field, especially historiography, due to the influence that this can have on the formation of opinion regarding the Palestinian-Israeli question and as a bibliographic base of other investigations., El presente trabajo tiene por objetivo analizar el concepto y fenómeno del postsionismo, centrándonos en el debate académico que tuviera lugar en la década de 1990, liderado por una corriente de historiadores revisionistas que conformaron la llamada nueva historiografía israelí. Estos académicos, que tuvieron acceso a fuentes de información primarias y directas hasta entonces clasificadas, deconstruyeron los principales mitos fundacionales del Estado de Israel, cuestionado la ideología oficial de Estado, el sionismo, y validando el trabajo previo de autores palestinos que habían sido ignorados. Este hecho, coincidente con la I Intifada, tuvo una gran repercusión en la imagen internacional de la cuestión palestino-israelí y en futuros trabajos sobre Palestina e Israel. Reflexionamos, así mismo, sobre el componente generacional y la influencia que el llamado postsionismo y en especial su manifestación académica, pudiera tener en la memoria colectiva de la sociedad israelí y en la historiografía respecto a Palestina e Israel, tanto a nivel interno como en el ámbito internacional. Consideramos esencial el contexto ideológico, donde el sionismo sigue siendo hegemónico y el pensamiento político decisivo en la historia de Palestina e Israel. Por ello, es también fundamental valorar las posibles fracturas y disensos al respecto, centrándonos en el ámbito académico, en especial la historiografía, por la influencia que esta puede tener en la formación de opinión respecto a la cuestión palestino-israelí y como base bibliográfica de otras investigaciones.

El presente trabajo pretende examinar los complejos y diversos discursos sobre el colonialismo de algunas culturas políticas socialistas europeas, entre mediados del siglo XIX y las primeras décadas del XX. Para ello se revisan el pensamiento de Karl Marx y de otras figuras socialistas, debates de congresos socialistas y las figuras del político marxista peruano José Carlos Mariátegui y el historiador Tony Judt. En el centro de la discusión se sitúa la pregunta acerca de si los kibbutzim sionistas pueden simbolizar la relación histórica entre socialismo y colonialismo: igualdad y utopía, para las personas blancas, e indiferencia o legitimación ante la desposesión, la segregación e incluso la limpieza étnica, para las personas extraeuropeas. El objetivo es indagar en la relación histórica entre las culturas políticas socialistas europeas y la cuestión colonial como medio para ayudar a comprender algunas de las claves contemporáneas del pensamiento eurocéntrico y de la relación entre Europa y el resto de continentes., This paper explores the complex and heterogeneous discourses on colonialism expressed in European socialist cultures from the middle of the 19th century to the first decades of the 20th century. All this by examining the ideology typified by Karl Marx and other socialist figures, and by analyzing debates in socialist conferences, i.e. those articulated by the Peruvian Marxist politician José Carlos Mariátegui, and the historian Tony Judt. The discussion focuses on whether the Zionist kibbutzim truly symbolizes the historical relationship between socialism and colonialism: equality and utopia for white people, versus indifference or legitimation in relation to dispossession, segregation and even ethnic cleansing for non-Europeans. A study of the historical connection between European socialist cultures and colonialism may reveal some of the key factors behind present-day Eurocentric thought and the relationship between Europe and the rest of the world.

This dissertation is the result of four years of ethnographic research with the Muslim Leadership Initiative (MLI). MLI is a network of North American Muslim leaders who engage with North American and Israeli Jews to learn about Judaism, Jewish peoplehood and the centrality of Israel to Jewish peoplehood. This engagement violates the Boycott, Divestment, and Sanctions (BDS) call to action to end the occupation of Palestine. MLI seeks to find an alternative pathway to advocate for Muslim minorities living in Western contexts as well as continue support and allyship of the Palestinian fight for self-determination. MLI and its participants have adopted and internalized certain aspects of their Jewish education that they hope to implement within their own local, national, and transnational Muslim communities. Additionally, MLIers and the Shalom Hartman Institute (SHI) that hosts this Jewish learning program, both engage racialized parallel logics that betray an oppressed oppressor mindset that reinforces white supremacist ideologies. MLIers, through their advocacy efforts to fight Islamophobia are problematizing racial structures by claiming a whiteness sought through intra-Muslim Arab supremacy. This white adjacency is a rejection of the racialization of religion imposed by Islamophobia. MLI’s racialized maneuverings take different gendered forms as women MLIers navigate intra-Muslim patriarchy and Western patriarchal structures. The ways women MLIers are pushing back against these dual patriarchies sheds light on how gendered, racialized religious minorities are trying to obtain full social citizenship within the North American contexts they have chosen to call home.

Partiendo del análisis del sionismo como ideología y como movimiento político, el presente trabajo tiene como principal objetivo analizar el contexto y la historia de unas renovadas alianzas entre el sionismo institucional con las derechas de otros países,sobre todo con la “nueva extrema derecha” en Europa, Estados Unidos y Brasil. Para ello, pretendemos identificar los factores que han favorecido el refuerzo de esas relaciones, que consideramos son tanto de estratégica política como de convergencia ideológica, como ocurre con el racismo y la islamofobia., Based on the analysis of Zionism as an ideology and as a political movement, this article aims to analyze the context and the history ofrenewed alliances between the institutional Zionism and the far right inother countries, especially in Europe, United States and Brazil. For this purpose, we will focus on those factors that have boosted the development of these relations. We consider that both political strategies and ideological convergences have encouraged those relations, as we can see in racism and islamophobia.

This essay asks how Herzl’s play, The New Ghetto, can be read as a representation of the sociopolitical tensions which affected and influenced the emancipated Jewish community in European capitals by the end of the 19th century. Among the pervading tensions of the time, I discuss the kinds of Antisemitism birthed by the emancipation: both the virulent kind that outright threatens and stereotypes Jews, as much as the subtle kind, of those who are willing to include Jews, so long as they desist from their Judaism. I also speak about internal tensions (within the Jewish community); for instance, in regards to the question of emancipating. While some Jews are baptized to advance socially and professionally, others still endorse the ideal of an emancipated Jew whose Jewish and European identities can coexist. Finally, I analyze how Jewish leaders confronted these ideologies that collide (often dangerously so) by creating two alternatives: Assimilationism and Zionism. While the first insisted on the belief that, through movements like the emancipation, Jews would succeed in integrating into what they considered to be their diasporic homes, the latter dismissed this hope, and instead turned to Zionism—or the establishment of a Jewish state—as the exclusive path toward Jewish security and prosperity. Having traced the manifestations of these ideologies and tensions within the play, I conclude by arguing that the play advocates for Herzl’s own political ideology, by first representing his Assimilationist past and ultimately endorsing the Zionist future he would come to embrace, once all else had failed., Este ensayo considera cómo la obra de teatro de Herzl, "El nuevo gueto", puede ser leída como una representación de las tensiones sociopolíticas que afectaron e influenciaron a la comunidad judía emancipada de las capitales europeas, a finales del siglo XIX. Entre las tensiones que prevalecían en la época, discuto los tipos de antisemitismo que se originaron con la emancipación: tanto el virulento, que directamente amenaza y estereotipa a los judíos, como el más sutil, que está dispuesto a incluir a judíos, siempre y cuando ellos desistan de su judaísmo. Hablo también de las tensiones internas (dentro de la comunidad judía); por ejemplo, en cuanto a la cuestión de emanciparse o no. Mientras que algunos judíos se bautizan para avanzar social y profesionalmente, otros todavía siguen el ideal del judío emancipado, cuyas identidades europea y judía logran coexistir. Finalmente, analizo cómo los líderes judíos confrontan estas ideologías que compiten (en ocasiones, peligrosamente) con la formación de dos alternativas: el asimilacionismo y el sionismo. Mientras que la primera insiste en la creencia que, a través de corrientes como la emancipación, los judíos lograrían integrarse a lo que consideraban su hogar diaspórico, la segunda descarta esta esperanza, y en su lugar cree en el sionismo—o el establecimiento de un estado judío—como el único camino para conseguir la seguridad y prosperidad judía. Habiendo trazado las manifestaciones de estas ideologías y tensiones dentro de la obra de teatro, concluyo con el argumento que la obra defiende la ideología política del mismo Herzl, ya que primero representa su pasado asimilacionista y ultimadamente apoya la esperanza sionista que él llegaría a albergar, una vez que todo lo demás hubiera fallado.

Cionistički časopis Židov izlazio je svakog petka od 1917. do 1941. u Zagrebu i bio je jedini takav časopis u Kraljevini Jugoslaviji. Osim izvješća o društveno-političkim zbivanjima u Jugoslaviji, Palestini, Europi i svijetu, časopis je sadržavao i razne kulturne priloge, polemike, oglase, kao i nekrologe, smrti, vjenčanja, rođenja i druge obavijesti. Posebna rubrika pod naslovom „Iz Jugoslavije” sadržavala je podatke o djelovanju židovskih općina u Jugoslaviji, bez obzira jesu li te općine bile sefardskog ili aškenaskog podrijetla. Iza cionističkog časopisa Židov stajali su Aškenazi, ali su njegovi članci pokrivali i Sefarde. U ovom radu autorica je analizirala članke pristigle iz Bosne i Hercegovine, a objavljivane u časopisu Židov u vremenu između 1917. i 1941 godine., The Zionist magazine Židov was published every Friday from 1917 to 1941 in Zagreb and was the only such magazine in the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. In addition to reports on socio-political events in Yugoslavia, Palestine, Europe, and the world, the magazine also contained various cultural contributions, polemics, advertisements, as well as obituaries, deaths, weddings, births, and other notices. A special column entitled "From Yugoslavia" contained information on the activities of Jewish municipalities in Yugoslavia, regardless of whether these municipalities were of Sephardic or Ashkenazi origin. Ashkenazis were behind the Zionist magazine Jew, but its articles also covered Sephardim. In this paper, the author analyzed the articles received from Bosnia and Herzegovina and published in the magazine Židov between 1917 and 1941.

Tato bakalářská práce se zaměřuje na to, jakými způsoby vnímali českoslovenští Židé po druhé světové válce Izrael. Zabývá se poválečným obdobím v Československu, a to s důrazem na situaci židovské menšiny. Dále popisuje příčiny následné emigrace do Izraele, začátek nového života a kulturní šok, kterému byli často židovští přistěhovalci vystaveni. V neposlední řadě se zaměřuje na základní teoretické koncepty paměti, kolektivní identity a kulturního traumatu., This bachelor thesis focuses on the Czechoslovak Jews perceptions of Israel after World War II. The thesis deals with the post-war period in Czechoslovakia, with an emphasis on the situation of the Jewish minority. Furthermore, it describes the reasons why they emigrated to Israel and how did their new lives look like. It also deals with the experiences of a cultural shock. Last but not least it deals with the basic theoretical concepts of memory, collective identity, and cultural trauma., Fakulta filozofická, Studentka představila svou práci (cíle, metody, závěry). Byly přečteny posudky a proběhla diskuse. Komise se přiklonila k hodnocení A., Dokončená práce s úspěšnou obhajobou

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Tema disertacije je uticaj austrougarske uprave na položaj Jevreja na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine. Posmatrani vremenski okvir obuhvata period od austrougarske uprave od 1878. godine do početka Prvog svjetskog rata, 1914. godine. Uspostavom austrougarske uprave na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine, započet je proces tranzicije društvenog i upravnog sistema, iz osmanskog ka modernijem austrougarskom. Koristeći arhivsku građu, ali i relevantnu naučnu literaturu nastojali smo da objasnimo kakve su promjene nastupile u uređenju jevrejske zajednice na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine, odnosno kako se odvijalo ujednačavanje statusa Jevreja u Bosni i Hercegovini sa statusom Jevreja u Monarhiji, zatim da ukažemo koliko su novodoseljeni Jevreji uticali na privredni preobražaj i razvoj Bosne i Hercegovine u vrijeme austrougarske uprave, te takođe da damo osvrt na učešće Jevreja u političkom životu koji se pod austrougarskom upravom u Bosni i Hercegovini počeo oblikovati. Poseban segment istraživanja predstavljali su odnosi između sefardske i aškenaske zajednice, koji su obilježeni različitim istorijskim razvojem kroz koji je svaka od ovih zajednica prošla. Dio disertacije posvećen je i izgradnji školskog sistema, kao i organizaciji i djelovanju jevrejskih kulturnih i humanitarnih društava, koje se odvijao pod nadzorom austrougarske uprave. Posebnu pažnju posvetili smo razvoju cionističkog pokreta. Istražili smo njegove ideje, širenje, ali i krajnje domete na prostoru Bosne i Hercegovine., The topic of this dissertation is the influence of the Austro-Hungarian administration on the position of Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The observed time frame covers the period of the Austro-Hungarian administration from 1878 to the beginning of the First World War in 1914. The establishment of the Austro-Hungarian administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina initiated the transition process of the social and administrative system from the Ottoman to the more modern Austro-Hungarian. While using the archival material, but also relevant scientific literature, we strived to explain what changes had occurred in the organization of the Jewish community in Bosnia and Herzegovina, i.e., how the status of Jews in Bosnia and Herzegovina was balanced with the status of Jews in the Monarchy; to indicate how much newly inhabited Jews influenced the economic transformation and development of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also to provide an overview of the participation of Jews in the political life which began to form under the Austro- Hungarian administration in Bosnia and Herzegovina. A particular segment of this research was the relations between the Sephardic and Ashkenazi communities, which were marked by different historical developments that each of these communities had experienced. Likewise, a part of the dissertation was dedicated to the establishment of the education system, as well as the organization and activities of Jewish cultural and humanitarian societies, which occurred under the supervision of the Austro-Hungarian administration. Special attention was paid to the development of the Zionist movement. We researched its ideas, expansion, but also ultimate achievements in the territory of Bosnia and Herzegovina.

Si actualment l’hebreu és una llengua parlada i Israel és l’únic estat jueu del món és gràcies a la consecució de l’ideal sionista. Però anys abans de Herzl, el 1879, Eliézer Ben-Yehudà va escriure, a només 21 anys, un polèmic article que proposava l’assentament a la Terra d’Israel com a solució de la Qüestió Jueva, «Una qüestió candent». Així començava la tasca política i intel·lectual d’un dels artífexs de la resurrecció de l’hebreu, mal coneguda pel públic general, a causa de les poques traduccions de texts com aquest. En aquest sentit, doncs, aquest treball és innovador, atès que és la segona traducció de l’article sencer i el primer en una llengua que no sigui l’anglès. A banda, també és el primer que hi dedica un comentari que permeti d’entendre’n la contextualització, sens dubte necessària amb vista a una panoràmica general del context social i polític en què neix el sionisme.&nbsp, If, today, Hebrew is a spoken language and Israel is the only Jewish state in the world, that is because of Zionism. But in 1879, years before Herzl, Eliezer Ben-Yehudah, then only 21 years old, wrote a polemical article called ‘A burning question’, which proposed settling the Land of Israel as a solution to the Jewish Question. That was the beginning of the political and intellectual work of one of the figures behind the revival of Hebrew. However, there is little awareness of that work among the general public, as there are few translations of such texts. This paper is innovative in that it is the second translation of the full article and the first in a language other than English. It is also the first translation with a commentary, which provides an insight into the context of the article, something that is undoubtedly necessary for a general idea of the social and political backdrop against which Zionism was born.

In the years before World War II, young Jewish athletes in Nazi Germany as well as German-occupied Austria and Czechoslovakia pursued individual and team competitions in the face of state-sponsored persecution. This research project seeks to understand how Jewish athletes organized and competed under the Nazi regime prior to the outbreak of war, and how their prewar experiences of athletic competition and team cooperation shaped their survival in ghettos and concentration camps during the Holocaust. Years before the Nazis took power in Germany, sporting clubs were established within the context Zionist and other Jewish organizations. Young Jews, who originally wanted to build stronger bodies, sought escape from mounting persecution by turning to sports. Athletics became effective at life lessons, teaching values such as team building and perseverance. Based on primary source interviews with Jewish Holocaust survivors, this research will examine how these young people endured a range of difficult situations during the unfolding stages of genocide under the cover of war: separation from family and friends, confinement in ghettos and concentration camps, backbreaking slave labor. Others, however, were able to go into hiding, yet here too they faced circumstances with their own physical and mental challenges The research will seek to answer how their prewar athletic ability and reliance on comradery contributed to survivability.

Everyday Zionism in East-Central Europe examines Zionist activism during the years of war, occupation, revolution, the collapse of empires and the formation of nation states in the years 1914 to 1920. Before the background of the Great War, its brutal aftermath and consequent violence, the day-to-day encounters between Zionist activists and the Jewish communities in the region gave the movement credibility, allowed it to win support, and to establish itself as a leading force in Jewish political and social life for decades to come. Through activists’ efforts, Zionism came to mean something new. Rather than being concerned with debates over Jewish nationhood and pioneering efforts in Palestine, it came to be about aiding starving populations, organizing soup-kitchens, establishing orphanages, schools, kindergartens, and hospitals, negotiating with the authorities, and organizing self-defence against violence. It was in this context that the Zionist movement evolved from often marginalized, predominantly bourgeois groups into a mass movement that attracted and inspired tens of thousands of Jews throughout the region. The book approaches the major European events of the period from the dual perspectives of Jewish communities and the Zionist activists on the ground, demonstrating how war, revolution, empire and nation held very different meanings to people, depending on their local circumstances. During the war and its aftermath, the territories of the Habsburg Empire and formerly Russian-ruled regions conquered by the German army saw a large-scale nation-building project by Zionist activists who fought to lead their communities and shape for them a national future.

Everyday Zionism in East-Central Europe examines Zionist activism during the years of war, occupation, revolution, the collapse of empires and the formation of nation states in the years 1914 to 1920. Before the background of the Great War, its brutal aftermath and consequent violence, the day-to-day encounters between Zionist activists and the Jewish communities in the region gave the movement credibility, allowed it to win support, and to establish itself as a leading force in Jewish political and social life for decades to come. Through activists’ efforts, Zionism came to mean something new. Rather than being concerned with debates over Jewish nationhood and pioneering efforts in Palestine, it came to be about aiding starving populations, organizing soup-kitchens, establishing orphanages, schools, kindergartens, and hospitals, negotiating with the authorities, and organizing self-defence against violence. It was in this context that the Zionist movement evolved from often marginalized, predominantly bourgeois groups into a mass movement that attracted and inspired tens of thousands of Jews throughout the region. The book approaches the major European events of the period from the dual perspectives of Jewish communities and the Zionist activists on the ground, demonstrating how war, revolution, empire and nation held very different meanings to people, depending on their local circumstances. During the war and its aftermath, the territories of the Habsburg Empire and formerly Russian-ruled regions conquered by the German army saw a large-scale nation-building project by Zionist activists who fought to lead their communities and shape for them a national future.

This article follows the turn of events and change of the development of the common freedom as far as Israeli and Palestine, zeroing in basically on the circumstance by which Israeli demonstration continually as a psychological militant, at its center, a battle over rights, setting the privileges of the Israeli state in opposition to the public and common liberties of the Palestinian populace (i.e., to self-assurance, legitimate insurances, common freedoms and from proprietorship to evacuee). The research paper is to give a logical way to deal with dictionaries that should be implanted in authentic, political, and social frameworks. The prospective guidelines of reasoning this research paper is an endeavor to offers a brief and clear preface to the tested history of the Israel-Palestine battle. According to the made advancement, most columnists composed similar to their way of thinking, and the adage expression is supportive to Israel and the ideologies of Israel. Where the Israel/Palestine Question assimilates assorted translations of the beginnings of the Middle East clash with accentuation on the battle for Palestine and its strict and political roots. Attracting to a great extent on insightful discussions Israel during the most recent twenty years, which have gotten known as' chronicled revisionism,' the assortment presents the latest improvements in the historiography of the Arab-Israeli struggle and a basic reassessment of Israel's fanatic past.

The memories carried by the Palestinian people can be understood in two forms. First, there are the memories as a result of direct trauma recieved through displacement and death throughout the history of the Zionist colonial project. The Palestinian Nakba, as but one example, highlights the extent of such memories through the traumatizing military massacres and forced expulsion of over 750,000 Palestinians at the hands of Zionist militant groups. These direct memories are carried from generation to generation and transform into a looming sense of collective melancholy experienced by the later generations both in historical Palestine as well as those living in diaspora. There is a clear disconnect in historical academia as people try to understand the suffering of the Palestinians through questionable historical frameworks rather than a lens that accurately represents the memories and trauma of the Palestinians as they had and continue to experience. As a result, Palestinians today find their memories of trauma challenged and in some cases outright denied via these historical frameworks and atmospheres produced by the Israeli government. The question is then how could we be able to understand trauma and memory as it relates to the Paletsinians? Throughout this thesis we will explore several different forms of translating and transmitting Paletsinian memory.

Si actualment l’hebreu és una llengua parlada i Israel és l’únic estat jueu del món és gràcies a la consecució de l’ideal sionista. Però anys abans de Herzl, el 1879, Eliézer Ben-Yehudà va escriure, a només vint-i-un anys, un polèmic article que proposava l’assentament a la terra d’Israel com a solució de la qüestió jueva, «Una qüestió candent». Així començava la tasca política i inteŀlectual d’un dels artífexs del renaixement de l’hebreu, mal coneguda pel públic general, a causa de les poques traduccions de texts com aquest. En aquest sentit, doncs, aquest treball és innovador, atès que és la segona traducció de l’article sencer i el primer en una llengua que no sigui l’anglès. A banda, també és el primer que hi dedica un comentari que permeti d’entendre’n la contextualització, sens dubte necessària amb vista a una panoràmica general del context social i polític en què neix el sionisme., If, today, Hebrew is a spoken language and Israel is the only Jewish state in the world, that is because of Zionism. But in 1879, years before Herzl, Eliezer Ben-Yehudah, then only 21 years old, wrote a polemical article called ‘A burning question’, which proposed settling the Land of Israel as a solution to the Jewish Question. That was the beginning of the political and intellectual work of one of the figures behind the revival of Hebrew. However, there is little awareness of that work among the general public, as there are few translations of such texts. This paper is innovative in that it is the second translation of the full article and the first in a language other than English. It is also the first translation with a commentary, which provides an insight into the context of the article, something that is undoubtedly necessary for a general idea of the social and political backdrop against which Zionism was born.

This thesis examines a cohort of Zionist intellectuals based in and around Ottoman Palestine who advocated for Jewish-Arab integration in the Second Aliyah period, or roughly 1904-1914. In studying individuals who came from diverse linguistic, ethnic, and political backgrounds side by side, this thesis argues that their shared language around Semitic identity and their advocacy around the same set of civic goals suggests a shared worldview and a common understanding of the goals of Zionism as a movement. The existence of such a cohort suggests a re-examination of the nature of the Zionist movement as well as a re-evaluation of Sephardi-Ashkenazi relations in this period. In addition, by studying the discourse around Semitic identity as it was adopted and repurposed by members of this cohort, this thesis argues that late nineteenth and early twentieth century racial categories and theories influenced Zionist thought in complex ways, providing both a sense of evidence for the supposed indigeneity of Jews to Palestine as well as a logical basis for future coexistence with Palestinian Arab Muslims.

To investigate the proposed topic, we will address historical characteristics of Judaism, anti-Semitism and Zionism, as well as Islamism. Anti-Semitism, as millenary and primary discrimination, has marked mythologies, expulsions and mass murders, which led to the rise of political Zionism. From the first Crusades of Christianity, Islam also built a mythology in which historical tensions of the Arab world with the West persist, renewed from the emergence of the Jewish State. As inputs to pave the way for a comprehensive and as enlightening as possible analysis, we will draw on various historiographical and international relations theoretical frameworks. The aim of our work is to present a chronology of the creation of the State of Israel and the generation of the Arab-Palestinian, Israeli-Jewish conflict. The final purpose is to reflect on the dilemma of this complex and painful conflict more than centennial and still in force, and encourage the contribution of constructive looks., Para indagar en el tema propuesto abordaremos características históricas del judaísmo, el antisemitismo y el sionismo, así como del islamismo. El antisemitismo, como discriminación milenaria y primaria, ha marcado mitologías, expulsiones y asesinatos masivos, que derivaron en el surgimiento del sionismo político. A partir de las primeras Cruzadas del cristianismo, también el islamismo construyó una mitología en la que persisten tensiones históricas del mundo árabe con Occidente, renovadas a partir del surgimiento del Estado judío. Como insumos para allanar el camino de un análisis abarcativo y lo más esclarecedor posible, abrevaremos de diversos marcos teóricos historiográficos y de Relaciones Internacionales. El objetivo de nuestro trabajo es presentar una cronología de la creación del Estado de Israel y la generación del conflicto árabe palestino, judío israelí. El propósito final es reflexionar sobre el dilema de este complejo y doloroso conflicto más que centenario y aún vigente, e incentivar el aporte de miradas constructivas.

This dissertation asks:How does dominant rhetoric in support of Israel continue to negate Palestinian history and identity? What are the boundaries of legitimate political speech in American Jewish discourse regarding Israel? Who crosses them, and what are the consequences? What leads certain Jewish dissenters to cross intracommunal boundaries about Israel? How do these boundary formations shift according to context? What does reinventing Jewish identity in solidarity with Palestinian rights look like? According to the corpus that I examine, not only are dissenters speaking out in support of Palestinian rights, but they are also asserting for themselves what it means to be Jewish. Such assertions of reinvented self-understanding challenge the dominant narrative of Jewish identity as unequivocally Zionist: “Israel, right or wrong” (Waxman, Trouble 55). Through textual analysis, I show how this rhetoric of dissent redraws the contours of Jewish identity as a mode of ethical relations that heeds the call for Palestinian freedom. At the heart of this reinvention of identity, Jewish dissenters reframe Holocaust memory and the threat of antisemitism as interconnected with other forms of ethnic and racial prejudice, not uniquely separate from. Through this reframing, the call for justice from the Palestinian “Other” becomes audible. As a method, rhetorical criticism is the analysis of the symbolism and their effects in discourse. In chapter one, I start by delineating a rhetorical genealogy of Zionism’s erasure of Palestinian life and history. In chapter two, I continue to trace the rhetorical genealogy through the trope of the antisemitic Arab terrorist Other, an effect of what I refer to as Zionist rhetoric of existential threat. Situated in genealogical context, the case studies of dissent show the imperative for reinventing identity as a way toward justice. Chapter three examines first-person identity reconstitution by critics Peter Beinart and Sara Roy. First-person i

Israel’s triumph and seizure of land in the Six-Day War paved the way for a religious Zionist movement based around territorial conquest exemplified by the ideology of Meir Kahane. Over the next 30 years, but particularly during the Oslo period in the mid-1990s, that movement organized and used targeted religious violence to gain power and solidify its place in Israeli society. Building on Shaul Magid’s work, I propose that Kahane’s ethics of violence have been adopted by or allowed to flourish within the modern State of Israel — a response to historic and present Jewish precarity centered on ethnocentric survival.

"Postoje različita tumačenja i shvatanja pojma koji nosi naziv Cionizam. I ja sam u nekim svojim ranije objavljenim radovima nastojao da ovaj pojam pojasnim, pre svega s jezičkog, ali i logičnog aspekta, što ću pokušati da uradim i u ovom novom napisu putem, po meni, veoma konkretnih rezonovanja. Pre svega, kada potražimo objašnjenja ovog pojma u velikim svetskim enciklopedijskim rečnicima, odmah saznajemo da je u osnovi te reči - Cion (Sion), sveto brdo u Jerusalimu, da je pojam Cionizam u stvari težnja i pokret (od 19.veka pa na dalje) jevrejskog naroda u Dijaspori za povratak u Palestinu ili, drugim rečima, na teritoriju - domovinu njihovih praotaca, a koju im je, prema Tori (Starom zavetu), Bog dao u trajni posed. Od stvaranja nove države Izraela 1948. godine, u svetu se Cionizam smatra kao pokret Jevreja iz svih kontinenata za ostvarenje njihovog useljenja u tu državu...", "There are different interpretations and understandings of the term Zionism. In some of my previously published works, I also tried to clarify this concept, primarily from the linguistic, but also from the logical aspect, which I will try to do in this new article through, in my opinion, very specific reasoning. First of all, when we look for explanations of this term in the world's great encyclopedic dictionaries, we immediately learn that the word is based on Zion (Zion), the holy hill in Jerusalem, that the term Zionism is in fact an aspiration and movement (from the 19th century onwards) of the Jewish people in the Diaspora to return to Palestine or, in other words, to the territory - the homeland of their ancestors, which, according to the Torah (Old Testament), God gave them in permanent possession. Since the creation of the new state of Israel in 1948, Zionism has been considered in the world as a movement of Jews from all continents to achieve their immigration to that state..."

Natan Zach has often been described as the most influential Hebrew poet in the second half of the 20th century. Indeed, the scholar Dan Miron described him as a poet who had “reached the deepest part within us,” and as a “cultural leader” and “cultural hero.” Yet when Miron went on to detail Zach’s immense influence on other poets, he described his poetic legacy in exceedingly limiting formal terms such as “the use of enjambment” or “the magic of the unexpected rhyme, seemingly out of place.” Miron’s reading is symptomatic in the way it uses, indeed echoes, Zach’s own critical idiom. In this essay I will read Zach’s early volume Shirim shonim (Other poems) (1960) by focusing instead on what I term his “poetics of erasure.” For in these poems, Zach has left no evident traces of his own biography: his arrival as a young child in Palestine; his parents’ emotional breakdown following their immigration; and his own sense of homelessness in a Zionist culture that immersed itself in the “Negation of Exile.” In this manner, Zach's “escape from personality,” to use Eliot’s famous dictum, ultimately provided Israeli culture with a new modality of mourning. For in a national culture that repressed exilic languages and inhibited expressions of social suffering, Zach provided a new form of elegiac writing that had no explicit content, expressing a melancholic sense of loss thorough the breakage of poetic form.

De acuerdo con el historiador y analista político Robert Wistrich, el antisemitismo puede ser considerado como el “odio más antiguo”. Así, se trata de un concepto multidimensional a la vez que un fenómeno histórico y global: la naturaleza del rechazo a los judíos no cambia y, por ende, se mantiene invariable, aunque sí pueda mutar la forma en que se expresa en diversas circunstancias y coyunturas. Este ensayo propone una interpretación acerca del antisemitismo desarrollado en América Latina, asumiendo por tanto que mantiene características distintivas y particulares frente a como éste se manifiesta en los Estados Unidos y en los países europeos. Con este objetivo, se lleva a cabo una lectura tanto histórica como conceptual acerca de las principales características del antisemitismo en la región. Para ello, se resaltan varios antecedentes históricos ocurridos desde fines del siglo XIX en adelante, y se exploran aquellas argumentaciones vinculadas, entre otras, con la religión católica, la conflictiva situación en Medio Oriente, y los procesos migratorios latinoamericanos., According to historian and political analyst Robert Wistrich, anti-Semitism can be considered as the "oldest hatred". Thus, it is a multidimensional concept as well as a historical and global phenomenon: the nature of the rejection of the Jews does not change and, therefore, remains unchanged, although it can change the way it is expressed in various circumstances and joints. This essay proposes an interpretation of anti-Semitism developed in Latin America, assuming therefore that it maintains distinctive and particular characteristics compared to how it manifests itself in the United States and in European countries. With this objective, a historical and conceptual reading is carried out about the main characteristics of anti-Semitism in the region. In this way, several historical antecedents that occurred from the end of the 19th century onwards are highlighted, and those arguments linked, among others, with the Catholic religion, the conflictive situation in the Middle East, and Latin American migratory processes are explored.

In the last two decades, international delegitimization of Israel has become a new mode of operation for those denying Israel’s right to exist. It encompasses a wide range of civil-society and grassroots organizations. The campaign attempts to imitate the logic of the struggle against the South African apartheid regime - hence to undermine Israel’s inter­national legitimacy in a manner that would lead to its isolation and even­tually cause it to collapse. In its current phase, the campaign functions as a long-term effort to grad­ually change the discourse and mindset of Israel’s critics in the West. Its main goal is to mainstream delegitimization - hence to reposition anti-Zionism from the radical margins into the mainstream of Western liberal-progressive circles, with specific emphasis on critics of Israel’s policies. A key strategy to mainstream delegitimization is to blur the differences between criticism of Israeli policy and challenges to Israel’s basic legiti­macy. This includes efforts to turn items of the delegitimization agenda into an integral part of the political debate about Israel. As a result, many critics of Israel’s policies end up supporting efforts that are led by the delegitimization campaign. The discussion in the West on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is gradually developing into a dichotomous encounter between supporting Israel and its policies unquestioningly or supporting anti-Zionism. The international delegitimization campaign negates two core principles of European foreign policy. First, it stands in direct contradiction to Europe’s core commitment to Israel’s right to exist. Second, it promotes rejectionism in Palestinian society as an alternative paradigm to the long-standing European approach of negotiated solution with Israel. The key to confronting delegitimization while providing latitude for criti­cism is the application of constructive differentiation between criticism of Israel and delegitimization. Critics of Israel should app

After the October Revolution and the Russian Civil War, more than 10,000 Jews lived in Harbin, a Russian city constructed in Manchuria at the end of the 19th century, forming the largest Jewish community in the Far East. With the Manchurian Incident in 1931 and the establishment of Manchukuo in the following year, Harbin and other Russian settlements built up along the Chinese Eastern Railway came under Japan's rule. There had only been a few Jewish communities in Japan. For this reason, Japanese perception of the Jews is generally considered to have been only conceptual and notional, and Japan's anti-Semitism was an "import" from the West. However, after the establishment of Manchukuo, Japan confronted the reality of the "Jewish question" there, i.e., the problem of the anti-Semitism by the White Russians who emigrated from Russia after the defeat of the White Army. In a sense, Japan inherited the Russian Jewish question in Harbin. This paper examines how the rivalry between the Russian Fascist Party and the Harbin Jewish community influenced prewar Japan's perception of Jews., Feature: Judaism in pre-war Japan, source:https://doors.doshisha.ac.jp/opac/opac_link/bibid/SB10243382/?lang=0

The paper focuses on Santo Semo’s journey of linguistic migration, from his native language (Judezmo) to his adopted language (French), and his desire for another linguistic identity. He focused his energies on saving the world, bringing peace to the planet, and he was convinced of his mission until the dark end of his life, and subordinated everything to it., Artykuł opisuje językową migrację Santy Semo – od jego języka ojczystego (judezmo) do adoptowanego języka francuskiego, oraz jego dążenie ku nowej językowej tożsamości. Całe życie poświęcił misji, w którą wierzył; poświęcił wiele energii na ratowanie świata, walki o pokój dla świata i planety.