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Psychologists have long debated whether it is possible to assess how people subjectively feel without asking them. The recent proliferation of online social networks has recently added a fresh chapter to this discussion, with research now suggesting that it is possible to index people's subjective experience of emotion by simply counting the number of emotion words contained in their online social network posts. Whether the conclusions that emerge from this work are valid, however, rests on a critical assumption: that people's usage of emotion words in their posts accurately reflects how they feel. Although this assumption is widespread in psychological research, here we suggest that there are reasons to challenge it. We corroborate these assertions in 2 ways. First, using data from 4 experience-sampling studies of emotion in young adults, we show that people's reports of how they feel throughout the day neither predict, nor are predicted by, their use of emotion words on Facebook. Second, using simulations we show that although significant relationships emerge between the use of emotion words on Facebook and self-reported affect with increasingly large numbers of observations, the relationship between these variables was in the opposite of the theoretically expected direction 50% of the time (i.e., 3 of 6 models that we performed simulations on). In contrast to counting emotion words, we show that judges' ratings of the emotionality of participants' Facebook posts consistently predicts how people feel across all analyses. These findings shed light on how to draw inferences about emotion using online social network data.

Psychologists have long debated whether it is possible to assess how people subjectively feel without asking them. The recent proliferation of online social networks has recently added a fresh chapter to this discussion, with research now suggesting that it is possible to index people's subjective experience of emotion by simply counting the number of emotion words contained in their online social network posts. Whether the conclusions that emerge from this work are valid, however, rests on a critical assumption: that people's usage of emotion words in their posts accurately reflects how they feel. Although this assumption is widespread in psychological research, here we suggest that there are reasons to challenge it. We corroborate these assertions in 2 ways. First, using data from 4 experience-sampling studies of emotion in young adults, we show that people's reports of how they feel throughout the day neither predict, nor are predicted by, their use of emotion words on Facebook. Second, using simulations we show that although significant relationships emerge between the use of emotion words on Facebook and self-reported affect with increasingly large numbers of observations, the relationship between these variables was in the opposite of the theoretically expected direction 50% of the time (i.e., 3 of 6 models that we performed simulations on). In contrast to counting emotion words, we show that judges' ratings of the emotionality of participants' Facebook posts consistently predicts how people feel across all analyses. These findings shed light on how to draw inferences about emotion using online social network data.

Les r??seaux sociaux ont rapidement chang?? la fa??on dont les gens interagissent entre eux. Le r??seau social le plus populaire est Facebook, avec un nombre croissant de personnes qui consacrent de plus en plus de temps sur ce site chaque jour. Dans cet article, nous discutons de l???impact de l???utilisation de Facebook sur le bonheur. La revue de litt??rature r??v??le que le bonheur serait influenc?? diff??remment selon une utilisation passive ou active de Facebook. L???utilisation active de Facebook stimule le capital social et le sentiment de connexion, qui, ?? leur tour, ont un impact positif sur le bonheur. L???utilisation passive de Facebook m??ne souvent ?? une hausse de la comparaison sociale et de l???envie, qui, ?? leur tour, ont un impact n??gatif sur le bonheur. Les gens sont en g??n??ral plus passifs qu???actifs sur Facebook et ainsi, leur utilisation du site tend ?? diminuer plut??t qu????? augmenter leur bonheur. Nous terminons cet article en discutant de pistes de recherches futures. Social network sites have rapidly changed the way people interact. The most popular social network site is Facebook with an increasing number of people spending an increasing amount of time on Facebook each day. In this article we discuss the impact of using Facebook on happiness. A review of the present literature reveals that happiness is differentially impacted by active and passive Facebook usage. Active Facebook usage stimulates social capital and connectedness, which, in turn, positively impact happiness. Passive Facebook usage often leads to upward social comparisons and envy, which, in turn, negatively impact happiness. People tend to use Facebook more often passively than actively, and hence, tend to use Facebook in a way that undermines rather than enhances happiness. We end this article by discussing possibilities for future research.

Les r??seaux sociaux ont rapidement chang?? la fa??on dont les gens interagissent entre eux. Le r??seau social le plus populaire est Facebook, avec un nombre croissant de personnes qui consacrent de plus en plus de temps sur ce site chaque jour. Dans cet article, nous discutons de l???impact de l???utilisation de Facebook sur le bonheur. La revue de litt??rature r??v??le que le bonheur serait influenc?? diff??remment selon une utilisation passive ou active de Facebook. L???utilisation active de Facebook stimule le capital social et le sentiment de connexion, qui, ?? leur tour, ont un impact positif sur le bonheur. L???utilisation passive de Facebook m??ne souvent ?? une hausse de la comparaison sociale et de l???envie, qui, ?? leur tour, ont un impact n??gatif sur le bonheur. Les gens sont en g??n??ral plus passifs qu???actifs sur Facebook et ainsi, leur utilisation du site tend ?? diminuer plut??t qu????? augmenter leur bonheur. Nous terminons cet article en discutant de pistes de recherches futures. Social network sites have rapidly changed the way people interact. The most popular social network site is Facebook with an increasing number of people spending an increasing amount of time on Facebook each day. In this article we discuss the impact of using Facebook on happiness. A review of the present literature reveals that happiness is differentially impacted by active and passive Facebook usage. Active Facebook usage stimulates social capital and connectedness, which, in turn, positively impact happiness. Passive Facebook usage often leads to upward social comparisons and envy, which, in turn, negatively impact happiness. People tend to use Facebook more often passively than actively, and hence, tend to use Facebook in a way that undermines rather than enhances happiness. We end this article by discussing possibilities for future research.

BACKGROUND: Although the relationship between depression and "offline" social support is well established, numerous questions surround the relationship between "online" social support and depression. We explored this issue by examining the social support dynamics that characterize the way individuals with varying levels of depression (Study 1) and SCID-diagnosed clinically depressed and non-depressed individuals (Study 2) interact with Facebook, the world's largest online social network.METHOD: Using a novel methodology, we examined how disclosing positive or negative information on Facebook influences the amount of social support depressed individuals (a) actually receive (based on actual social support transactions recorded on Facebook walls) and (b) think they receive (based on subjective assessments) from their Facebook network.RESULTS: Contrary to prior research indicating that depression correlates with less actual social support from "offline" networks, across both studies depression was positively correlated with social support from Facebook networks when participants disclosed negative information (p=.02 in Study 1 and p=.06 in Study 2). Yet, depression was negatively correlated with how much social support participants thought they received from their Facebook networks (p=.005 in Study 1 and p=.001 in Study 2).LIMITATIONS: The sample size was relatively small in Study 2, reflecting difficulties of recruiting individuals with Major Depressive Disorder.CONCLUSIONS: These results demonstrate that an asymmetry characterizes the relationship between depression and different types of Facebook social support and further identify perceptions of Facebook social support as a potential intervention target. (243 words; 250 max).

BACKGROUND: Although the relationship between depression and "offline" social support is well established, numerous questions surround the relationship between "online" social support and depression. We explored this issue by examining the social support dynamics that characterize the way individuals with varying levels of depression (Study 1) and SCID-diagnosed clinically depressed and non-depressed individuals (Study 2) interact with Facebook, the world's largest online social network.METHOD: Using a novel methodology, we examined how disclosing positive or negative information on Facebook influences the amount of social support depressed individuals (a) actually receive (based on actual social support transactions recorded on Facebook walls) and (b) think they receive (based on subjective assessments) from their Facebook network.RESULTS: Contrary to prior research indicating that depression correlates with less actual social support from "offline" networks, across both studies depression was positively correlated with social support from Facebook networks when participants disclosed negative information (p=.02 in Study 1 and p=.06 in Study 2). Yet, depression was negatively correlated with how much social support participants thought they received from their Facebook networks (p=.005 in Study 1 and p=.001 in Study 2).LIMITATIONS: The sample size was relatively small in Study 2, reflecting difficulties of recruiting individuals with Major Depressive Disorder.CONCLUSIONS: These results demonstrate that an asymmetry characterizes the relationship between depression and different types of Facebook social support and further identify perceptions of Facebook social support as a potential intervention target. (243 words; 250 max).

This study examined cultural differences in preferences for conflict resolution styles using the dual-concern model. It was found that students in a collectivistic culture (Mexico) preferred conflict resolution styles that emphasized concern for the outcomes of others (accommodation and collaboration) to a greater degree than did students from an individualistic culture (United States). Consistent with this greater display of concern for others, the Mexican students scored significantly higher than the U.S. students on scales measuring interdependence of the self. However, they also scored higher on a scale measuring the independence of the self, suggesting that independence of the self and interdependence of the self may be separate dimensions, rather than representing a continuum. Correlational findings suggested that for interpersonal conflicts, avoidance may reflect a concern for others, rather than a lack of concern for others, as postulated by the dual-concern model.

We propose that two psychological dimensions, one relevant to relationships and group life (communion, C) and the other to skill acquisition, talent, and accomplishment (agency, A), aid people in interpreting their social worlds. Moreover, our analysis demonstrates the privileged nature of the C dimension and its relative stability compared to the A dimension across contexts and cultures. In Study 1 we use a standard compilation of culturally universal practices and show that the C dimension accounts for the majority of these universals, implying that the meaning of A traits varies more across cultures than that of C traits. In Studies 2 and 3, we provide evidence for this proposal using different judgment paradigms and cultural groups. The findings indicate that there is greater similarity and consensus in how people make sense of and judge information from the C than A dimension. We discuss the findings in terms of the recurring challenges people face over time as a result of living in groups. Copyright ?? 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.