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This position paper describes a concrete strategy to establish early warning systems or diagnostic instruments at the lower elementary school level in United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA) schools. The strategy described is designed to assess the quality of literacy and numeracy skills and to provide criteria for a realistic minimum threshold of schooling which would guarantee permanent retention of these skills. A conceptual framework for educational quality is provided, and a strategy for assessing quality is described for the following areas: literacy and numeracy skills; psychomotor skills and physical fitness in elementary schools; and the impact of organized violence in UNRWA school children in the Occupied Territories and Lebanon. The paper also briefly describes the instrument currently being developed at the School Education Division of UNRWA in Amman, Jordan. The paper concludes by highlighting the need for team effort, given the technical complexity of building diagnostic instruments and the lack of systematic experience in Arab-speaking countries. (MM)

The topic of this thesis revolves around the asymmetry of information and data accessibility to mapping programs such as Google Maps, Apple Maps, Waze, and OpenStreetMap in the context of the Israeli occupation of Nablus in the West Bank, asking questions about the use (or limiting) of the “digital,” to conduct urbicide, easy deployment of restrictions, and the general relationship between power, digital, and urbicide. Researchers have discussed the missing information on OpenStreetMap (Bittner 2017), while other research practitioners have revealed hidden evidence of destruction (Weizman 2017). BTselem and Forensic Architecture have collaborated to address this issue. The goals of this thesis are to shed light on the power differential between the Palestinians and Israeli settlers in the West Bank and to examine how a reality, to some, could be distorted on the digital, creating a digital smokescreen that conceals evidence and violence. I utilize four methods to answer my research questions. Starting with spatializing the archive of B’Tselem, I follow how Abujidi (Abujidi 2014) documented the checkpoints by transforming texts and raw data into maps. I follow the work of Bosselmann and Abujidi in mapping Palestinian and Israeli built-up areas in Nablus, West Bank. I follow the work of Weizman in intersecting different layers of restrictions to reveal the hidden evidence of deployment violence. I generate a topography section for the areas of study to disclose more information about hidden evidence of violence. One of the main findings in this thesis is the concept of “Digital Urbicide,” the deliberate erasure and manipulation of digital information to shape a distorted reality, emphasizing its crucial role in contributing to power differentials, spatial injustices, and normalizing occupation. The thesis contributes to understanding the impact of power differentials, information asymmetry, and digital manipulation on vulnerable populations.

Border delineations and walls have been used to protect cities and towns throughout history. In the present age of modern surveillance and advanced military technology however, physical walls have much less significance for the protection of present-day states and nations and have become artifacts of mostly symbolic significance. In an increasingly connected world with the potential for becoming more compassionate, the symbolic significance of the border wall, barrier, and delineation demands to be reassessed and reapproached. This opens the possibility of designing a new binational border typology with functions of business, tourism, cultural education, hospitality, and public assembly that can mutually benefit bordering regions. The site of this thesis is the 1949 Armistice Agreement, or Green Line, on the perimeter of the West Bank of Palestine – a prolonged border conflict of our time and a powerful example of spatial injustice. Through a combination of ancient and modern materials, this thesis explores the potential of hospitality through the design of a roadside inn to recognize the history of its place and create a physical and symbolic bridge for future cooperation. In addition to lodging for travelers, the program incorporates a museum, artist workshops, dining areas, gift shops, and gathering spaces. Straddling the Green Line along the Dead Sea shoreline, it is designed to carry the memory of the land, but also to symbolize a future that joins divided communities.

Border delineations and walls have been used to protect cities and towns throughout history. In the present age of modern surveillance and advanced military technology however, physical walls have much less significance for the protection of present-day states and nations and have become artifacts of mostly symbolic significance. In an increasingly connected world with the potential for becoming more compassionate, the symbolic significance of the border wall, barrier, and delineation demands to be reassessed and reapproached. This opens the possibility of designing a new binational border typology with functions of business, tourism, cultural education, hospitality, and public assembly that can mutually benefit bordering regions. The site of this thesis is the 1949 Armistice Agreement, or Green Line, on the perimeter of the West Bank of Palestine – a prolonged border conflict of our time and a powerful example of spatial injustice. Through a combination of ancient and modern materials, this thesis explores the potential of hospitality through the design of a roadside inn to recognize the history of its place and create a physical and symbolic bridge for future cooperation. In addition to lodging for travelers, the program incorporates a museum, artist workshops, dining areas, gift shops, and gathering spaces. Straddling the Green Line along the Dead Sea shoreline, it is designed to carry the memory of the land, but also to symbolize a future that joins divided communities.

The objective of this article is to examine the climate in the urban center of Tulkarm (West Bank) and compare it with the climate of other regions (Haifa, Ben-Gurion) in terms of local climate zones (LCZ). The outcome measures for the thermal comfort were the physiologically equivalent temperature (PET), the thermal discomfort index (DI), and the universal thermal climate index (UTCI). All the gathered data in this study derived from registrations of the weather stations located in these LCZs. The results showed that, the Tulkarm (LCZ 24B) was warmer than the Ben-Gurion (LCZ 68E) and Haifa (LCZ 810A) sites throughout the study period 2000-2014 (mean difference in monthly air temperatures between LCZ 24B and LCZ 68E was 1.5 ºC with maximum of 2.4 °C in May and a minimum of 0.9 °C in February). Between LCZ 24B and LCZ810A as well as between LCZ 24B and LCZ68E the differences in minimum air temperatures are higher than in maximum air temperature. Wind speed was lower and dew point depression (DPD) was higher in the LCZ 24B region compared to the others. In the low-rise built up areas of Ben-Gurion and Haifa, the PET and UTCI were always lower than in the mid and high-rise urban region of Tulkarm. The DI indicated that, during summer months, more than 50% of the total population felt discomfort in regions characterized by urban or industrial structures (Tulkarm and Haifa). The study suggests that heat exposure in Tulkarm is a consequence of local land use.

This paper presents the most up to date discussion on the architecture of the temple of Millions of Years of Thutmose III, which has been investigated by the Spanish-Egyptian joint project since 2008. The fi rst archaeological works took place at the site at the end of the nineteenth century and during the fi rst decades of the twentieth century. Twelve seasons of the resumed research have brought, e.g. some completely new data concerning buildings related to the temple (i.e. the administrative building outside the southern enclosure wall, workshops north of the upper courtyard, and a house of the Ramesside priest called Khonsu at the northeast of the second courtyard), and allowed for the reconstruction of the course of the enclosure wall of the complex, as well as for some architectural restoration works. This paper also off ers an overview through some of the most important fi nds collected so far during our research (e.g. fragments of reliefs, stelae and statues, inscribed and decorated lintels, foundation deposit, stoppers, ostraca, graffi ti, andfragments of papyri) and presents the fi rst results of their analysis: how these materials allow us to better understand the history and administration of the temple as well as what data they provide concerning the priests and the rituals which took place there.

This paper presents the most up to date discussion on the architecture of the temple of Millions of Years of Thutmose III, which has been investigated by the Spanish-Egyptian joint project since 2008. The fi rst archaeological works took place at the site at the end of the nineteenth century and during the fi rst decades of the twentieth century. Twelve seasons of the resumed research have brought, e.g. some completely new data concerning buildings related to the temple (i.e. the administrative building outside the southern enclosure wall, workshops north of the upper courtyard, and a house of the Ramesside priest called Khonsu at the northeast of the second courtyard), and allowed for the reconstruction of the course of the enclosure wall of the complex, as well as for some architectural restoration works. This paper also off ers an overview through some of the most important fi nds collected so far during our research (e.g. fragments of reliefs, stelae and statues, inscribed and decorated lintels, foundation deposit, stoppers, ostraca, graffi ti, andfragments of papyri) and presents the fi rst results of their analysis: how these materials allow us to better understand the history and administration of the temple as well as what data they provide concerning the priests and the rituals which took place there.

This paper presents the most up to date discussion on the architecture of the temple of Millions of Years of Thutmose III, which has been investigated by the Spanish-Egyptian joint project since 2008. The fi rst archaeological works took place at the site at the end of the nineteenth century and during the fi rst decades of the twentieth century. Twelve seasons of the resumed research have brought, e.g. some completely new data concerning buildings related to the temple (i.e. the administrative building outside the southern enclosure wall, workshops north of the upper courtyard, and a house of the Ramesside priest called Khonsu at the northeast of the second courtyard), and allowed for the reconstruction of the course of the enclosure wall of the complex, as well as for some architectural restoration works. This paper also off ers an overview through some of the most important fi nds collected so far during our research (e.g. fragments of reliefs, stelae and statues, inscribed and decorated lintels, foundation deposit, stoppers, ostraca, graffi ti, andfragments of papyri) and presents the fi rst results of their analysis: how these materials allow us to better understand the history and administration of the temple as well as what data they provide concerning the priests and the rituals which took place there.

El Paradigma de la Sobre-investigación y ONGización de Cisjordania: Análisis cultural aplicado de ‘el peso de la ocupación’ y ‘la inutilidad de la investigación’ Cisjordania atrae a innumerables investigadores debido la etiqueta intratable del conflicto. Por un lado, estos investigadores se sienten atraídos por el conflicto Palestino-israelí por razones logísticas: accesibilidad al área, prestigio académico, amplia financiación, subvenciones y oportunidades de ‘networking.’ Por otro lado, se sienten atraídos por la fascinación orientalista por realizar trabajo de campo en Cisjordania. Esto conduce a un exceso de investigadores que fomentan el fenómeno de sub y sobre-investigación entre las comunidades Beduinas Palestinas. Si bien ciertas comunidades reciben demasiada atención, otras no reciben suficiente interés académico. A pesar un extenso estudio sobre la investigación excesiva existe una falta palpable de rigor teórico sobre las causas fundamentales de la sobre-investigación. Por tanto, esta tesis utiliza un análisis cultural aplicado como marco para abordar las principales causas de la sobre-investigación en Cisjordania: la ONGización de la sociedad civil Palestina. Dado que la investigación informa las políticas y la financiación informa la investigación, esto hace que cada investigación sea intrínsecamente política. Esto implica que la investigación pueda volverse abusiva y explotadora cuando la fomentan las partes interesadas del campo que actúan como intermediarios. Estos actores abordan el sector de las ONG, lo que fomenta la saturación de investigadores en una misma área, reclutando a los mismos participantes y realizando proyectos similares. Por lo tanto, el objetivo principal de esta tesis es avanzar en la discusión de la profesionalización de movimientos populares y el papel habilitador de los investigadores en comunidades sub / sobre-investigadas. Esta tesis aplica la autoetnografía y el "estudio" de la élite de las ONG Palestinas para discutir las de, The West Bank attracts countless researchers due to the conflict’s intractable label. On one hand, these researchers are drawn to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict due to logistical reasons: accessibility to the area, academic prestige, ample funding, grant and networking opportunities. On the other, researchers are allured due to an Orientalist fascination with conducting fieldwork in the West Bank. This leads to a surplus of researchers fostering the phenomenon of under/over-research among Palestinian Bedouin communities. While certain communities receive too much attention, others do not receive nearly enough scholarly interest. Despite extensive research on over-research, there is a palpable lack of theoretical rigour on the root causes of over-research. Therefore, this thesis utilises applied cultural analysis as a framework to address the principal causes of over- research in the West Bank: the NGOisation of Palestinian civil society. As research informs policy and funding inform research, this makes research inherently political. This entails that research can become abusive and exploitative when fostered by the field’s stakeholders acting as gatekeepers. These stakeholders surround the NGO sector which encourages the saturation of researchers in the same area recruiting the same participants and conducting similar projects. Thus, this thesis main aim is to advance the discussion of the professionalization of grassroots and the enabling role of researchers on the issue of under/over-researched communities. It utilizes auto-ethnography and ‘studying up’ of the Palestinian NGO elite to discuss the structural inequalities of the sector. Finally, this thesis asks: has research become a form of banality, a colonial continuity, an instrument fomenting the Palestinian-Israeli conflict? Cultural analysis on over-research and NGOisation derived two concepts that address these questions: the burden of occupation and the futility of research which propel scripted frontst

The course provides the students a basic understanding of modern Israeli history, politics, culture and identity through lectures, discussions and projects. Among the topics to be explored are: ideational, institutional and material foundations of the state of Israel; Israeli national identity, Israeli society, economy, and foreign and security policies.

The course provides the students a basic understanding of modern Israeli history, politics, culture and identity through lectures, discussions and projects. Among the topics to be explored are: ideational, institutional and material foundations of the state of Israel; Israeli national identity, Israeli society, economy, and foreign and security policies.

The course provides the students a basic understanding of modern Israeli history, politics, culture and identity through lectures, discussions and projects. Among the topics to be explored are: ideational, institutional and material foundations of the state of Israel; Israeli national identity, Israeli society, economy, and foreign and security policies.

In this article, we draw attention to trends in land transformation in the West Bank since the Second Intifada, after which a surge of investment from Gulf countries entered Palestine, almost exclusively in the West Bank. The occupied Palestinian territories have attracted a great deal of attention from media and academics, yet the vast majority of scholarship focuses on the conflict and the variety of social, economic, and political repercussions of the on-going Israeli occupation. While the occupation has undeniably serious impacts on every aspect of life for Palestinians, the near-exclusive focus on the conflict means that significant new trends, such as urban mega-developments and emerging market-based urbanisation processes, have been largely overlooked. We outline three directions for future research: the assemblage of “neglected city-builders” shaping current urbanization processes in Palestine; the ideas, policies, and norms circulating in the West Bank; and the social, spatial, economic, and other impacts of these new urban developments.

TT 209 was built in a wadi, a location that means it has been affected by flash floods since ancient times. The team in charge of its study and conservation has initiated a systematic programme of environmental data collection (temperature and relative humidity) in order to understand the natural conditions of the tomb and any transformations caused by archaeological work in its underground chambers, as well as to inform future conservation. These statistics can also be useful for excavation and conservation programmes in nearby tombs whose architectonic structure is similar and have also suffered from exposure to water damage.

Farming has a long cultural tradition in the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt) but today it is affected by the Israeli occupation. This thesis investigates how different agricultural actors in the West Bank frame farming as a practice and what collective action frames they have developed connected to their understanding of farming. The aim is to illuminate how these different actors construct meaning around the practice of farming, and how people can understand and use farming in different ways. Some of my informants clearly link farming practices to a bigger symbolism of farming as a practice of resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories. Little attention has been given to the non-violent resistance in the occupied Palestinian territories and esspecially to farming as a tool of resistance. However, not all of my informants align the same symbolism to the practice of farming, as for some of the informants it is considered to be foremost a coping strategy. This research contributes to the discussion around the the concept of food sovereignty. Different scholars have addressed the existence of contradictions inside the food sovereignty movement since different contexts have different understandings of or implementation-approaches to the concept. In Palestine, the idea of food sovereignty is becoming more popular as part of the nonviolent resistance movement, and the study reveals how some actor’s link patriotic interests to ideas of (silent) food sovereignty.

Water scarcity and unequal distribution of water to different social groups is a problem around the world - mostly in arid and dry climatological conditions. In Israel and the Palestinian Territories water is used as a territorial tool in what I call 'spaces of conflict and opposition'. What could the role of e.g. an architect be in spaces of conflict and opposition through the spatial embodiment of water? This master thesis elaborates on the relevancy of the relation between water and architecture; the architectural embodiment of water systems in coherence with the creation of spaces for mixed flows of people from different social groups. The building design - the Temple of Water - tries to find an architectural expression in the provision of sufficient water to the city of Hebron, while being a place for all different people to enter, meet, gather, and understand the importance of water as the source for life. The Temple of Water aims for the generation of curiosity and unpredictability in order to be a continuous source of fascination and mysteriousness. Water is the key element and is embodied in different ways, as it also expresses itself through different media e.g. sound and air humidity. The Temple of water dresses the problems of territorial water management while providing the city of Hebron of water and being the platform for social cohesion and de-segragation through architecture of water.

This dissertation is an architectural history of West Bank settlements. Since 1967, when it captured the West Bank from Jordan in the Six-Day War, Israel has overseen the construction of hundreds of settlements. Though they began as an esoteric project, mainly associated with a small group of messianic Israelis, today, settlements house more than 430,000 Jewish Israelis. Built outside the recognized borders of Israel and against the opposition of the native Palestinian population, settlements have become one of the most contested housing projects in Israel and the world.Scholars of the built environment have often theorized West Bank settlements as a paradigmatic case of the militarization of architecture. Analyzing aerial views and statements made by individual politicians, they have argued that settlements function as war machinery. That argument is coupled by an assumption that settlements are of uniform design. As a result, existing scholarship has overlooked the fact that a heterogeneous landscape of settlement types and housing models—ranging from trailer homes and kibbutz houses, to suburban tract homes and multistoried apartment buildings—has come to form the settler movement over the last five decades. This heterogeneity defies easy categorizations and demands reconsideration of the political uses of architecture in the region. Architecture on the Ground studies the intricate design debates that accompanied the construction of settlements. It shifts the focus away from high-profile individuals to explore how architects, amateur archeologists, real estate developers, and disparate groups of settlers, ranging from religious Zionists to bohemian artists and ultra-Orthodox wives, played a pivotal role in the design and construction of settlements. It identifies five successive settlement patterns that have emerged over the fifty years Israel has occupied the West Bank. Each pattern emerged in response to different political moments, and is defined by characteri

The end of the six-day war brought about a new balance of power and policy in the Levant especially concerning the Palestinian territories. Thus, this bachelor thesis has had the goal of analyzing the actions of the State of Israel as it pertains to the policy of expansion, occupation and settlements starting from 1967. The focus of this thesis has been the politics of the Labour-party and Likud as well as the confrontations between Israel and various Palestinian interests with regard to the new wave of migration following the six-day war and the policy of expulsion to facilitate Israeli establishment of settlements on annexed territories. The theoretical basis for this study rests upon the term settler colonialization, which was redeveloped in the late 90’s. In addition, the current state of eastern Jerusalem following the inauguration of Trump as President of The USA has been included.

This thesis focuses on the social relationships constituting domestic water management and the use of spring water for irrigation, in the rural village of Wādī Fūkīn (West Bank). It investigates how the dialectics between power strategies exerted through water policies and local resistance practices contribute to define the meaning of community, state and citizenship. The Israeli and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA)’s projects of water modernisation and the intensive farming and irrigation techniques fostered by development actors emerge as techno-politics aimed at creating colonial subjects, farmers or citizens. The analysis of the Israeli water and territory planning brings insights into the theorisation of technical planning as a new dimension of politics of the modern-state. As a response to the Israeli strategies of de-peasantisation and land expropriation, villagers view farming activities as practices of self-representation against the threat of becoming refugees. The study highlights the role of water in the Israeli and Palestinian nation-state construction. The Israeli and the PNA’s ideological constructions of water scarcity – shown as a hybrid socio-natural process – are aimed at ensuring conflicting interests, while legitimising multiple dynamics of domination. Local practices of resistance to the PNA’s water centralisation bring to light that domestic water is a political arena in which the meaning of state and its legitimacy are contested and negotiated between the political elites ruling the PNA, Israel and other local interest groups. The local spring water management reveals that this resource mediates the construction of local dimensions of identification and differentiation shaping the tribal political organisation, which emerges as an idiom of solidarity to struggle for self-determination. This study addresses the important debate about the relationships between the State and tribal political patterns. The adoption of intensive irrigation

This study aims to highlight the State and Public Administration policies on social problems and unemployment in relation to unemployment problem and employment policies in Palestine. It analyses the different trends of unemployment in West Bank and Gaza Strip as Palestine is fragmented geographically. Some of the regional unemployment characteristics are targeted in order to demonstrate effects of public administration measures and show the differences of unemployment rates between the two mentioned areas and its reasons. Comparison depending on the regional distribution is done to discuss the population density and political stability in both of them. The study has proved that Public Administration realised by Palestinian National Authorities has been effective in West Bank, whereas in Gaza Strip the unemployment rates shows continuous increment. Because of the current political situation in Palestine, Gaza Strip is no longer under the administration of the Palestinian National Authority as a result of internal Palestinian conflict., This study aims to highlight the State and Public Administration policies on social problems and unemployment in relation to unemployment problem and employment policies in Palestine. It analyses the different trends of unemployment in West Bank and Gaza Strip as Palestine is fragmented geographically. Some of the regional unemployment characteristics are targeted in order to demonstrate effects of public administration measures and show the differences of unemployment rates between the two mentioned areas and its reasons. Comparison depending on the regional distribution is done to discuss the population density and political stability in both of them. The study has proved that Public Administration realised by Palestinian National Authorities has been effective in West Bank, whereas in Gaza Strip the unemployment rates shows continuous increment. Because of the current political situation in Palestine, Gaza Strip is no longer under the administration of the Palestinian National Authority as a result of internal Palestinian conflict.

CASCIARRI, BARBARA, 4412, open, This thesis focuses on the social relationships constituting domestic water management and the use of spring water for irrigation, in the rural village of Wādī Fūkīn (West Bank). It investigates how the dialectics between power strategies exerted through water policies and local resistance practices contribute to define the meaning of community, state and citizenship. The Israeli and the Palestinian National Authority (PNA)’s projects of water modernisation and the intensive farming and irrigation techniques fostered by development actors emerge as techno-politics aimed at creating colonial subjects, farmers or citizens. The analysis of the Israeli water and territory planning brings insights into the theorisation of technical planning as a new dimension of politics of the modern-state. As a response to the Israeli strategies of de-peasantisation and land expropriation, villagers view farming activities as practices of self-representation against the threat of becoming refugees. The study highlights the role of water in the Israeli and Palestinian nation-state construction. The Israeli and the PNA’s ideological constructions of water scarcity – shown as a hybrid socio-natural process – are aimed at ensuring conflicting interests, while legitimising multiple dynamics of domination. Local practices of resistance to the PNA’s water centralisation bring to light that domestic water is a political arena in which the meaning of state and its legitimacy are contested and negotiated between the political elites ruling the PNA, Israel and other local interest groups. The local spring water management reveals that this resource mediates the construction of local dimensions of identification and differentiation shaping the tribal political organisation, which emerges as an idiom of solidarity to struggle for self-determination. This study addresses the important debate about the relationships between the State and tribal political patterns. The adoption of intensive irrigation, No, open, DE DONATO, A

After the Oslo Peace Accords (1994), the West Bank, Palestine was divided into three zones as an interim agreement for establishing a Palestinian State, where Israeli control would end on the occupied region within 5 years. These zones: Zone A, under full Palestinian control, Zone B under joint control of Israeli and Palestinian authority and zone C which covers more than 60% of the West Bank area and which Israel has full control over security, planning, land administration, and construction. Most of the zone is designated for Israeli military uses, settlements and bypass roads. Palestinian communities in this zone suffer from significant shortages on different levels, among which is urban/rural planning and development. Planning in this zone is completely controlled by Israeli authority and has resulted in segregation and enclaving of the Palestinian communities. In Zone C, Palestinian communities look like scattered islands, which is a hinderance to any attempts to manage, develop or serve. This study aims at investigating planning policies in zone C, case studies for selected communities were chosen and examined to find out whether there were attempts by the Palestinians to counter Israeli planning in the assigned zone. From the cases, it is clear that there are some Palestinian attempts to counter Israeli plans, but they failed. It is concluded that planning in zone C is fully under control of the colonial power, no Palestinian plan proposal has been approved.

The end of the six-day war brought about a new balance of power and policy in the Levant especially concerning the Palestinian territories. Thus, this bachelor thesis has had the goal of analyzing the actions of the State of Israel as it pertains to the policy of expansion, occupation and settlements starting from 1967. The focus of this thesis has been the politics of the Labour-party and Likud as well as the confrontations between Israel and various Palestinian interests with regard to the new wave of migration following the six-day war and the policy of expulsion to facilitate Israeli establishment of settlements on annexed territories. The theoretical basis for this study rests upon the term settler colonialization, which was redeveloped in the late 90’s. In addition, the current state of eastern Jerusalem following the inauguration of Trump as President of The USA has been included.

Since its national debut in 1987, Fresh Air with Terry Gross has been a highly acclaimed and much adored weekday magazine among public radio listeners. Each week, nearly 4.8 million people turn to Peabody Award-winning host Terry Gross for insightful conversations with the leading voices in contemporary arts and issues. The renowned program reaches a global audience, with over 620 public radio stations broadcasting Fresh Air, and 3 million podcast downloads each week. Fresh Air has broken the mold of 'talk show' by weaving together superior journalism and intimate storytelling from modern-day intellectuals, politicians and artists alike. Through probing questions and careful research, Gross's interviews are lauded for revealing a fresh perspective on cultural icons and trends. Her thorough conversations are often complemented by commentary from well-known contributors. Fresh Air is produced at WHYY-FM in Philadelphia and broadcast nationally by NPR., (1.) Israeli journalist AVI ISSACHAROFF (AH vee Ih-ZAH-kah-rahff) is the co-creator of the hit Israeli TV series Fauda [FOW-dah], which is currently streaming on Netflix. It's about the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and centers on an elite unit of the Israeli military and the families and private lives of the Israeli operatives and Palestinian militants. The series won 11 of Israeli equivalent of the Emmy awards last year. ISSACHAROFF is a respected journalist and author in Israel. Some of the story lines in the series came from his reporting. (INTERVIEW BY DAVE DAVIES) (THIS INTERVIEW CONTINUES INTO THE SECOND HALF OF THE SHOW) (2.) Film critic JUSTIN CHANG reviews the new mystery thriller Searching by independent filmmaker Aneesh Changanty. It won both an audience award and a special prize for its innovative use of science and technology at the Sundance Film Festival.

Water scarcity and unequal distribution of water to different social groups is a problem around the world - mostly in arid and dry climatological conditions. In Israel and the Palestinian Territories water is used as a territorial tool in what I call 'spaces of conflict and opposition'. What could the role of e.g. an architect be in spaces of conflict and opposition through the spatial embodiment of water? This master thesis elaborates on the relevancy of the relation between water and architecture; the architectural embodiment of water systems in coherence with the creation of spaces for mixed flows of people from different social groups. The building design - the Temple of Water - tries to find an architectural expression in the provision of sufficient water to the city of Hebron, while being a place for all different people to enter, meet, gather, and understand the importance of water as the source for life. The Temple of Water aims for the generation of curiosity and unpredictability in order to be a continuous source of fascination and mysteriousness. Water is the key element and is embodied in different ways, as it also expresses itself through different media e.g. sound and air humidity. The Temple of water dresses the problems of territorial water management while providing the city of Hebron of water and being the platform for social cohesion and de-segragation through architecture of water.

The hundred-year conflict in Israel/Palestine is, at its core, a struggle over competing territorial claims and narratives. But this is not just an asymmetrical territorial conflict between two competing national groups—it is a settler colonial struggle between colonizer and colonized. Since 1967, the conflict has centered on the occupied Palestinian territories (oPt), which include the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and East Jerusalem. Israeli settlement in the occupied territories began in 1967 following the Arab-Israeli War, despite the fact that the occupation and transfer of civilian population into the Palestinian territories is illegal according to the Fourth Geneva Convention and often criticized under international law. Since the beginning of the military occupation of the West Bank (or “Judea and Samaria”) in 1967, the settler population there and in East Jerusalem has risen to well over half a million Israeli Jews. Despite the fact that this territory remains contested and in a constant state of war and violence, settlement residents describe their communities as safe, desirable places to live. My dissertation analyzes the considerable discursive and material work required to construct and maintain settlements as desirable places to live; the ways in which territorial control is utilized to make the occupation possible and sustainable; and how settlers are responding to and shaping their physical and social environment in relation to the Palestinian “other.” In three substantive chapters, in addition to a chapter examining the history of settler colonialization, I deal with various contradictions of settler life in the West Bank. This research is based on seven months of ethnographic fieldwork in the occupied West Bank, over 100 in-depth interviews with settlement residents and local council officials, participant observation at community events, and document analysis of settlement periodicals, literature by and about settlers, newspaper articles, and marketing m

The aim of this thesis is to explore what impacts the IDF’s Military Orders regarding water have on Palestinians in the West Bank, taking international humanitarian law (IHL) and International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) into consideration. Thus, to discover whether or not Israel’s actions are compatible with IHL and treats everyone equal before the law, as stated in ICCPR Article 26, both quantitative and qualitative content analysis is applied to the Military Orders in question. The theory of the thesis has origins in Hannah Arendt’s theory “right to have a right” and is further developed through Edward Said’s “Orientalism” and the concept of Rule of Law. This gives an exhaustive understanding of how essential it is to have an authority with enough power to influence the fulfillment of human rights. Thereby, two main conclusions are made: Firstly, the language of the Military Orders ignores the Palestinians’ right to water access and mainly focuses on ascribing the IDF military commander all-encompassing power. The way the language is put in the Military Orders confirms earlier scholars’ studies that there is a great asymmetrical power discourse in this conflict. Additionally, this asymmetrical power discourse often results in violation of the Palestinians’ right to water access. Secondly, the meaning of citizenship in a state with enough power to influence becomes visible since the violation of Palestinians’ right to water access is a consequence of the limited power of the Palestinian Authority.

This essay seeks to explore to what extent Palestine can be described as a democracy. It uses political theorist Robert A. Dahl's model of Polyarchy, as laid out in his book Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, as theoretical framework, giving an account of Dahl's eight requirements for democracy, as well as his theoretical scale divided into the two dimensions liberalization and participation which allows one to determine how far a country has come in the process of democratization. A case study of Palestine is then conducted by comparing the polyarchic model with empirical findings, the central source being Freedom House. The conclusion is reached that Palestine is lacking in a number of key requirements for democracy, resulting in the classification of both the Gaza Strip as well as the West Bank as being best described as inclusive hegemonies, or near-inclusive hegemonies.

This essay seeks to explore to what extent Palestine can be described as a democracy. It uses political theorist Robert A. Dahl's model of Polyarchy, as laid out in his book Polyarchy: Participation and Opposition, as theoretical framework, giving an account of Dahl's eight requirements for democracy, as well as his theoretical scale divided into the two dimensions liberalization and participation which allows one to determine how far a country has come in the process of democratization. A case study of Palestine is then conducted by comparing the polyarchic model with empirical findings, the central source being Freedom House. The conclusion is reached that Palestine is lacking in a number of key requirements for democracy, resulting in the classification of both the Gaza Strip as well as the West Bank as being best described as inclusive hegemonies, or near-inclusive hegemonies.

The aim of this thesis is to explore what impacts the IDF’s Military Orders regarding water have on Palestinians in the West Bank, taking international humanitarian law (IHL) and International Convention on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) into consideration. Thus, to discover whether or not Israel’s actions are compatible with IHL and treats everyone equal before the law, as stated in ICCPR Article 26, both quantitative and qualitative content analysis is applied to the Military Orders in question. The theory of the thesis has origins in Hannah Arendt’s theory “right to have a right” and is further developed through Edward Said’s “Orientalism” and the concept of Rule of Law. This gives an exhaustive understanding of how essential it is to have an authority with enough power to influence the fulfillment of human rights. Thereby, two main conclusions are made: Firstly, the language of the Military Orders ignores the Palestinians’ right to water access and mainly focuses on ascribing the IDF military commander all-encompassing power. The way the language is put in the Military Orders confirms earlier scholars’ studies that there is a great asymmetrical power discourse in this conflict. Additionally, this asymmetrical power discourse often results in violation of the Palestinians’ right to water access. Secondly, the meaning of citizenship in a state with enough power to influence becomes visible since the violation of Palestinians’ right to water access is a consequence of the limited power of the Palestinian Authority.

This qualitative study examines how the Israeli occupation affects and interferes with Palestinian intimate relationships in the Occupied Palestinian Territories. The research material consists of semi-structured interviews with female students and graduates conducted during a short period of fieldwork in the West Bank in September 2016. The thesis shows that Israeli mechanisms of control, such as restricted mobility and differentiation of ID cards, interfere with the women interviewees’ choice of marital partners. It examines how the unpredictability of checkpoints, border crossings, and imprisonment affect Palestinian women’s abilities to plan their social lives. The thesis explores also how the idea of sumud, a responsibility of staying in the land, has led to Palestinian self-restrictions on migration. Furthermore, it shows that the informants’ everyday resistance to occupation can be contradictory and is always highly entangled with kinship ties and personal aspirations. The thesis aims to broaden the theoretical perspectives on intimacy, and move beyond the European and American context to explore the reshaping of intimate relationships in a situation of occupation. I develop for the purpose of the thesis the concept ‘occupied intimacies’, that seek to shed light on how the mechanisms of control connected to occupation interfere with occupied subjects’ intimate relationships. Moreover, it highlights how the same subjects find ways to resist the occupation. I suggest also that the concept ‘occupied intimacies’ may offer fruitful angles to analyse cases beyond that of Israel-Palestine.

Based on examples from the West Bank and central Colombia, this paper investigates how, in conflict settings, symbolic violence affects populations and their perceptions of place, lifestyle and culture. It also looks at the potential that sense of place and place-making have to enhance conflict transformation and strengthen resilience and symbolic reparation. In extreme environments, symbolic violence in daily life and in daily practices has become way to actively impose social or symbolic domination; it can be challenged by community-based peace-building and place-making initiatives., Baseados nos exemplos da Cisjordânia e da Colômbia central, este artigo pesquisa como em cenários de conflito a violência simbólica afeta a população e suas percepções sobre lugar, estilos de vida e cultura. Igualmente, também analisa o potencial do sentido de lugar e a criação de espaços que realçam a transformação do conflito e fortalecem a resistência e a reparação simbólica. Em espaços extremos, a violência simbólica na vida e nas práticas diárias transformou-se no meio para imporativamente a dominação social ou simbólica, a qual pode ser contestada pelos construtores de paz comunitários e pelas iniciativas de formação de paz., Basados en los ejemplos de West Bank y Colombia central, este artículo investiga cómo en escenarios de conflicto, la violencia simbólica afecta a las poblaciones y a sus percepciones sobre lugar, estilos de vida y la cultura. De igual forma, también analiza el potencial del sentido de lugar y la creación de espacios que realzan la transformación del conflicto y fortalecen la resistencia y la reparación simbólica. En espacios extremos, la violencia simbólica en la vida y en las prácticas diarias se ha convertido en el medio para imponer activamente la dominación social o simbólica, la cual puede ser impugnada por los constructores de paz comunitarios y por las iniciativas de formación de paz.

Based on examples from the West Bank and central Colombia, this paper investigates how, in conflict settings, symbolic violence affects populations and their perceptions of place, lifestyle and culture. It also looks at the potential that sense of place and place-making have to enhance conflict transformation and strengthen resilience and symbolic reparation. In extreme environments, symbolic violence in daily life and in daily practices has become way to actively impose social or symbolic domination; it can be challenged by community-based peace-building and place-making initiatives., Baseados nos exemplos da Cisjordânia e da Colômbia central, este artigo pesquisa como em cenários de conflito a violência simbólica afeta a população e suas percepções sobre lugar, estilos de vida e cultura. Igualmente, também analisa o potencial do sentido de lugar e a criação de espaços que realçam a transformação do conflito e fortalecem a resistência e a reparação simbólica. Em espaços extremos, a violência simbólica na vida e nas práticas diárias transformou-se no meio para imporativamente a dominação social ou simbólica, a qual pode ser contestada pelos construtores de paz comunitários e pelas iniciativas de formação de paz., Basados en los ejemplos de West Bank y Colombia central, este artículo investiga cómo en escenarios de conflicto, la violencia simbólica afecta a las poblaciones y a sus percepciones sobre lugar, estilos de vida y la cultura. De igual forma, también analiza el potencial del sentido de lugar y la creación de espacios que realzan la transformación del conflicto y fortalecen la resistencia y la reparación simbólica. En espacios extremos, la violencia simbólica en la vida y en las prácticas diarias se ha convertido en el medio para imponer activamente la dominación social o simbólica, la cual puede ser impugnada por los constructores de paz comunitarios y por las iniciativas de formación de paz.

The proliferation of Israeli settlements in the West Bank is one of the main stumbling blocks to move the peace process forward, insofar as it constitutes a serious violation of International Humanitarian Law. While the European Union excludes from the scope of application of the association agreement with Israel the products originating in the settlements, and for this it has developed different measures notably the labelling, there is a debate about the fulfilment of the international obligations of the European Union and its Member States on this phenomenon. This paper aims to shed light on this issue, where International Humanitarian Law, international responsibility and the European Law does not always interact harmoniously., La proliferación de los asentamientos israelíes en Cisjordania constituye uno de los principales escollos para que el proceso de paz avance, en tanto que constituye una violación grave del derecho internacional humanitario. Si bien la Unión Europea excluye del ámbito de aplicación del Acuerdo de Asociación con Israel a los productos originarios de los asentamientos, y para ello ha desarrollado diferentes medidas entre las que destaca su etiquetado, existe un debate acerca del cumplimiento de las obligaciones internacionales tanto de la Unión como de sus Estados miembros sobre este fenómeno. Este artículo pretende arrojar luz sobre esta cuestión, donde el derecho internacional humanitario, la responsabilidad internacional y el derecho europeo interactúan no siempre de forma armoniosa.

Background: Chronic diseases are considered the greatest public health concern globally, and contributor to a large burden of disease in developed world, and increasing rapidly in developing countries as well as Palestine. Where, Palestineis experiencing an epidemiological transition and a rapid increasing burden of chronic diseases as a consequence of rapid modifications in people behaviors. The Global Burden of Disease (GBD) project has made possible a new methodological approach and conceptual framework to estimate the burden of diseases and other health problems in populations everywhere nationally and globally. Objective: We quantify the burden of chronic diseases using disability – adjusted life years (DALYs) for 2010 in the Palestinian healthcare sector. Methodology: In this study, we adapted Global Burdenof Diseases (GBD) methodology for measuring the burden of chronic diseases in the main two entities of Palestinian territories, using Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) measurement. The measurement tools and their standards templates were specially designed for assessing the burden of disease, developed by the World Health Organization (WHO) to estimate and quantify the burden of chronic diseases. The study used secondary data extracted from multiple sources including Ministry of Health (MOH) materials and annual reports about chronic diseases mortalities registered in 2010 and also data about chronic diseases morbidity collected by Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) Demographic & Health Survey data 2010 (DHS) performed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Results: In 2010, DALYS lost due to selected chronic diseases in the current study were estimated as (60/1000 DALYs) in the West Bank while (57/1000 DALYs) in GazaStrip respectively, considering that each one DALY is thought of as one lost year of ideal healthy life. Ischemic heart disease(IHD) and hypertension contributed to the highest proportion of DALYs among males and females in 2010

Background: Chronic diseases are considered the greatest public health concern globally, and contributor to a large burden of disease in developed world, and increasing rapidly in developing countries as well as Palestine. Where, Palestineis experiencing an epidemiological transition and a rapid increasing burden of chronic diseases as a consequence of rapid modifications in people behaviors. The Global Burden of Disease (GBD) project has made possible a new methodological approach and conceptual framework to estimate the burden of diseases and other health problems in populations everywhere nationally and globally. Objective: We quantify the burden of chronic diseases using disability – adjusted life years (DALYs) for 2010 in the Palestinian healthcare sector. Methodology: In this study, we adapted Global Burdenof Diseases (GBD) methodology for measuring the burden of chronic diseases in the main two entities of Palestinian territories, using Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) measurement. The measurement tools and their standards templates were specially designed for assessing the burden of disease, developed by the World Health Organization (WHO) to estimate and quantify the burden of chronic diseases. The study used secondary data extracted from multiple sources including Ministry of Health (MOH) materials and annual reports about chronic diseases mortalities registered in 2010 and also data about chronic diseases morbidity collected by Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) Demographic & Health Survey data 2010 (DHS) performed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Results: In 2010, DALYS lost due to selected chronic diseases in the current study were estimated as (60/1000 DALYs) in the West Bank while (57/1000 DALYs) in GazaStrip respectively, considering that each one DALY is thought of as one lost year of ideal healthy life. Ischemic heart disease(IHD) and hypertension contributed to the highest proportion of DALYs among males and females in 2010

Background: Chronic diseases are considered the greatest public health concern globally, and contributor to a large burden of disease in developed world, and increasing rapidly in developing countries as well as Palestine. Where, Palestineis experiencing an epidemiological transition and a rapid increasing burden of chronic diseases as a consequence of rapid modifications in people behaviors. The Global Burden of Disease (GBD) project has made possible a new methodological approach and conceptual framework to estimate the burden of diseases and other health problems in populations everywhere nationally and globally. Objective: We quantify the burden of chronic diseases using disability – adjusted life years (DALYs) for 2010 in the Palestinian healthcare sector. Methodology: In this study, we adapted Global Burdenof Diseases (GBD) methodology for measuring the burden of chronic diseases in the main two entities of Palestinian territories, using Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) measurement. The measurement tools and their standards templates were specially designed for assessing the burden of disease, developed by the World Health Organization (WHO) to estimate and quantify the burden of chronic diseases. The study used secondary data extracted from multiple sources including Ministry of Health (MOH) materials and annual reports about chronic diseases mortalities registered in 2010 and also data about chronic diseases morbidity collected by Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) Demographic & Health Survey data 2010 (DHS) performed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Results: In 2010, DALYS lost due to selected chronic diseases in the current study were estimated as (60/1000 DALYs) in the West Bank while (57/1000 DALYs) in GazaStrip respectively, considering that each one DALY is thought of as one lost year of ideal healthy life. Ischemic heart disease(IHD) and hypertension contributed to the highest proportion of DALYs among males and females in 2010

Background: Chronic diseases are considered the greatest public health concern globally, and contributor to a large burden of disease in developed world, and increasing rapidly in developing countries as well as Palestine. Where, Palestineis experiencing an epidemiological transition and a rapid increasing burden of chronic diseases as a consequence of rapid modifications in people behaviors. The Global Burden of Disease (GBD) project has made possible a new methodological approach and conceptual framework to estimate the burden of diseases and other health problems in populations everywhere nationally and globally. Objective: We quantify the burden of chronic diseases using disability – adjusted life years (DALYs) for 2010 in the Palestinian healthcare sector. Methodology: In this study, we adapted Global Burdenof Diseases (GBD) methodology for measuring the burden of chronic diseases in the main two entities of Palestinian territories, using Disability-Adjusted Life Years (DALYs) measurement. The measurement tools and their standards templates were specially designed for assessing the burden of disease, developed by the World Health Organization (WHO) to estimate and quantify the burden of chronic diseases. The study used secondary data extracted from multiple sources including Ministry of Health (MOH) materials and annual reports about chronic diseases mortalities registered in 2010 and also data about chronic diseases morbidity collected by Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics (PCBS) Demographic & Health Survey data 2010 (DHS) performed in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Results: In 2010, DALYS lost due to selected chronic diseases in the current study were estimated as (60/1000 DALYs) in the West Bank while (57/1000 DALYs) in GazaStrip respectively, considering that each one DALY is thought of as one lost year of ideal healthy life. Ischemic heart disease(IHD) and hypertension contributed to the highest proportion of DALYs among males and females in 2010