Search

What happens when an Australian servicemember misbehaves? When a serving member of the Australian Defence Force engages in poor performance or behavior that contradicts Defence values, but is not criminal, they may be subject to administrative sanctions. These sanctions are intended to motivate a change in behavior or provide grounds for dismissal. However, there has been little examination of how these sanctions are applied, the impact they have on those the organization wishes to retain, or the fairness of the system. This research begins to address these gaps by using descriptive statistics, Kaplan-Meier survival analysis, and Linear Probability Models to understand how sanctions are applied to the Australian Army. We find that there was an increase in the use of sanctions from 2011 to 2020. Soldiers in 2020 were 75% more likely to receive a sanction compared to 2011. Additionally, receiving a sanction early in one's career is linked to a shorter length of service. Our findings also revealed some variability in supervisor decision-making, indicating a lack of consistency in the application of sanctions. Furthermore, we find that there is some correlation between the location where a member is posted and the likelihood of receiving a sanction. In the worst locations, soldiers are 26% more likely to receive a sanction., Major, Australian Army, Approved for public release. Distribution is unlimited.

Two centuries after the creation of the private and general judicial auditors called to apply justice among the «war people», which was the coeval expression to name the military forces billeted in the provinces, this institution was extinguished by a decree ordered at the end of the Portuguese Josephine period that returned that jurisdiction to the crown magistrates. This reform cannot be characterized by its singularity, given the antiquity of the juridical institution, which provided the presence of scholars in military courts since the first reigns. For this reason, the record of reforms that had been introduced was already long. In this context, stands out a possible influence exerted by the Castilian Royal Cédula dated from 13th May 1587, that may have corresponded to one more example in which the judicial archetype established by the House of Austria exerted an indelible mark in the Portuguese legal system., Dos siglos después de la creación de auditores judiciales privados y generales llamados a aplicar la justicia entre los «pueblos de guerra» ―una expresión contemporánea para designar a las fuerzas militares estacionadas en las provincias― esta institución fue regulada por un decreto del final del período Josefino en Portugal, que devolvió esta competencia a los magistrados de la corona. Esta reforma no es aislada ni puede caracterizarse por su singularidad, dada la antigüedad de la institución jurídica, que aseguró la presencia de académicos en los tribunales militares durante mucho tiempo. Por esta razón, los resultados de las reformas introducidas ya eran largos. En este contexto, podemos señalar una posible influencia ejercida por el Real Cédulo castellano del 13 de mayo de 1587, que podría ser otro ejemplo de la marca indeleble en el ordenamiento jurídico portugués del arquetipo judicial establecido por la Casa de Austria., Deux siècles après la création des auditeurs judiciaires privés et généraux appelés à appliquer la justice parmi les « peuples de guerre » -expression contemporaine pour désigner les forces militaires cantonnées dans les provinces-, cette institution a été réglée par un décret de la fin de la période Joséphine à Portugal, qui a rendu cette compétence aux magistrats de la couronne. Cette réforme n`est pas isolée ni peut être caractérisée par sa singularité, compte tenu de l`ancienneté de l`institution juridique, qui assurait la présence d`érudits dans les tribunaux militaires depuis très longtemps. Pour cette raison, le bilan des réformes introduites était déjà long. Dans ce contexte, on peut noter une éventuelle influence exercée par la Cédule royale castillane du 13 mai 1587, qui pourrait être un autre exemple de la marque indélébile dans le système juridique portugais de l`archétype judiciaire établi par la Maison d`Autriche., Volvidos cerca de dois séculos desde a implementação dos auditores (gerais e particulares), nas diversas províncias, onde actuavam enquanto magistrados com competência para conhecerem das causas da gente-de-guerra, o legislador português opta pela sua extinção, quase no final do período josefino, devolvendo esta jurisdição aos juízes de fora. A reforma não se caracterizou pela singularidade ou sequer pela isolação, dada a vetustez da medida, que previa desde os primeiros reinados a presença de letrados nos juízos militares. Por esta razão, já era longo o registo de reformas que tinham sido introduzidas. Neste contexto sobressai ainda uma possível influência exercida pela Real Cédula castelhana datada de 13 de Maio de 1587, que poderá ter correspondido a mais um dos casos em que a construção do modelo judiciário moderno instituído pela Casa de Áustria deixou marcas indeléveis no ordenamento jurídico português.

La violencia anticlerical que se produjo como respuesta al golpe de Estado de 1936 ha sido analizada mayoritariamente en clave masculina. La historiografía ha atribuido a los hombres el papel principal de verdugos en las acciones iconoclastas y clerófobas producidas en la retaguardia republicana. Aunque resulta incuestionable que fueran en su mayor parte hombres los que participaron en estas acciones, estos estudios también han insistido en la «pasividad» con la que actuaron las mujeres, que han sido representadas como figuras impotentes que observaban pasivamente, sorprendidas, mientras los protagonistas masculinos actuaban. Su participación en estos actos de violencia ha sido incluso comparada directamente con la que llevaron a cabo los niños. Sin embargo, con el final de la guerra, las mujeres también fueron acusadas por la dictadura de participar en esta violencia anticlerical, como se refleja en los juicios sumarísimos dictados por los tribunales militares franquistas. Por ello, en este texto, además de tratar de indagar en la actuación femenina en estas acciones, se analizará la violencia que el Régimen ejerció sobre las mujeres, a las que procesó, encarceló y condenó, en algunos casos a la pena máxima, por su actuación contra la Iglesia en el verano de 1936. Un análisis pormenorizado de estos juicios nos mostrará cuáles fueron los delitos que la dictadura les atribuyó a las mujeres y si en ellos se tuvo en cuenta su género a la hora de ser procesadas por su participación en unos actos anticlericales que han sido, y que siguen siendo considerados de hombres., The anticlerical violence that occurred in response to the 1936 coup d’état has been analysed mainly from a masculine perspective. Historiography has attributed to men the main role of executioners in the Republican-rearguard iconoclastic and clerophobic actions. Although there is no doubt that men were mostly in charge of those actions, those studies have also insisted on the «passivity» with which women acted. They were represented as impotent figures who watched passively and surprised, while the protagonists masculine acted. Their participation in these acts of violence has even been directly compared to that of the children. However, at the end of the war, women were also accused by the dictatorship of participating in that anticlerical violence, as reflected in the summary trials dictated by Franco’s military courts. This paper analyses both the female performance in those actions, and the violence the Regime exercised on women, focusing on those who were prosecuted, imprisoned and sentenced –in some cases to the maximum penalty– for their actions against the Church in the summer of 1936. A detailed analysis of the trials reveals the nature of the crimes the dictatorship attributed to women and whether their gender was taken into account when being prosecuted for their involvement in anticlerical acts that have been, and continue to be, assigned to men.

This work falls within the field of studies on repression and dialogues especially with the lines of researchthat explore the existing articulations between the legal/illegal and visible/clandestine dimensions of State terrorism.It analyzes, in particular, the role of military justice within the repressive plots deployed at a regional/local scale during the last Argentine military dictatorship. The focus of inquiry is on the specific practices of the actors; in the strategies launched by the military auditors in order to exercise repression, hide certain procedures of the Armed Forces and exhibit others. The work of the military justice is approached without losing sight of the relationship it had with other state bureaucracies and its articulation with the media consubstantiated with the objectives of the dictatorship.The documentarycorpus of the investigation includes judicial files, files of members of the Armed Forces, military summaries, press and regulations referring to the administration of military justice., Este trabalho insere-se no campo dos estudos sobre repressão e diálogos especialmente com as linhas de pesquisa que exploram as articulações existentes entre as dimensões legal/ilegal e visível/clandestina do terrorismo de Estado.Analisa, em particular, o papel da justiça militar nas tramas repressivas implantadas em nível regional/local durante a última ditadura militar argentina. O foco da investigação são aspráticas concretas dos atores; nas estratégias implementadas pelos auditores militares para exercer a repressão, ocultar certos procedimentos das Forças Armadas e expor outros. O trabalho da justiça militar é abordado sem perder de vista a relação que mantinha com asdemais burocracias estatais e sua articulação com a mídia impressa condizente com os objetivos da ditadura.O corpus de fontes dapesquisa inclui arquivos judiciais, arquivos de membros das Forças Armadas, resumos militares, imprensa e regulamentos referentes à administração da justiça militar., Este trabajose inscribeen el campo de los estudios sobrela represióny dialoga especialmente con las líneas de investigación que exploran las articulaciones existentes entre las dimensiones legales/ilegales y visibles/clandestinas del terrorismo de Estado.Analiza, en particular,el rol de la justicia militar al interior de las tramas represivas desplegadas a escala regional/local durante la última dictadura militar argentina. El foco de indagación está puesto en las prácticas concretas de los actores; en las estrategias que pusieron en marchalos auditores militares con elfin de ejercer la represión, ocultar ciertos procedimientos de las Fuerzas Armadas y exhibir otros. La labor de la justicia militar esabordadasin perder de vista larelación que sostuvocon otras burocracias estatalesy su articulación con medios de prensaconsustanciados con los objetivos de la dictadura.El corpus de fuentes de la investigaciónincluye expedientesjudiciales, legajos de miembros de las Fuerzas Armadas, sumariosmilitares, prensa y normativa referida a la administración de la justicia castrense.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

This paper aims to address the operation of military justice in Argentina during the period of the so-called "National Organization" that began in the mid-nineteenth century. We will review the influence and survival of the Spanish military tradition expressed in the military ordinances issued by Carlos III (1768) together with the different modalities used by the military authorities to repress military crimes. For this analysis, we will delve into aspects related to the management of internal discipline and military justice that is expressed in the punitive practices applied in various situations within the units of the Army of the Line, together with the laws and military decrees sanctioned during the second mid-nineteenth century in Argentina.

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg was de facto annexed and incorporated into the German Reich during the Second World War. The laws and ordinances of the Reich applied to the local population, and male residents were drafted into the Wehrmacht and thus subject to military jurisdiction. The main reason for Luxembourgers to be tried by the Wehrmacht courts was for disobeying orders, mostly desertion. Wehrmacht court records contain not only individual and personal information about the motives of the convicts and the findings of the court but also details about their families and backgrounds. As a result of deserting from the Wehrmacht, thousands of family members of deserters were resettled in East German territories such as Boberstein (Bobrów) in Poland, and their assets were confiscated. Given these men’s forced recruitment and non-German identity and the fact that they were being asked to fight for a foreign country that had invaded their home territory, the reasons for their desertion and disobedience are self-explanatory. However, this contribution will examine the efforts of the courts and the military justice administration to capture and arrest them, seizures made in their homeland and threats and arrests of their families. These efforts reflect the cooperation between military courts and local police forces used by the occupying authorities to terrorise the inhabitants of occupied territories and to put pressure on the men in the Wehrmacht not to defect. The contribution examines the consequences for individual soldiers and their families in occupied territories such as Luxembourg. It aims to use court records and trials, as well as the corresponding police files related to the interrogation and resettlement of families, to establish a link between persecuted soldiers and the consequences for their families, thereby showing the impact of the Nazi military machine on individuals during the Second World War.

The Grand Duchy of Luxembourg was de facto annexed and incorporated into the German Reich during the Second World War. The laws and ordinances of the Reich applied to the local population, and male residents were drafted into the Wehrmacht and thus subject to military jurisdiction. The main reason for Luxembourgers to be tried by the Wehrmacht courts was for disobeying orders, mostly desertion. Wehrmacht court records contain not only individual and personal information about the motives of the convicts and the findings of the court but also details about their families and backgrounds. As a result of deserting from the Wehrmacht, thousands of family members of deserters were resettled in East German territories such as Boberstein (Bobrów) in Poland, and their assets were confiscated. Given these men’s forced recruitment and non-German identity and the fact that they were being asked to fight for a foreign country that had invaded their home territory, the reasons for their desertion and disobedience are self-explanatory. However, this contribution will examine the efforts of the courts and the military justice administration to capture and arrest them, seizures made in their homeland and threats and arrests of their families. These efforts reflect the cooperation between military courts and local police forces used by the occupying authorities to terrorise the inhabitants of occupied territories and to put pressure on the men in the Wehrmacht not to defect. The contribution examines the consequences for individual soldiers and their families in occupied territories such as Luxembourg. It aims to use court records and trials, as well as the corresponding police files related to the interrogation and resettlement of families, to establish a link between persecuted soldiers and the consequences for their families, thereby showing the impact of the Nazi military machine on individuals during the Second World War.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

Using data received through the Freedom of Information Act, this observational study explores whether Army law enforcement personnel do not find probable cause in sexual assault cases at higher rates than in other serious crimes. The study compares sexual assaults, homicides, robberies, and assaults in the Army from 2008 to 2014 and July 2015 to 2017. For the first period, the study finds that the odds are 5.30 times greater that Army law enforcement will not find probable cause in a sexual assault case when compared to other crimes, and for the second period the odds are 4.39 times greater.

Using data received through the Freedom of Information Act, this observational study explores whether Army law enforcement personnel do not find probable cause in sexual assault cases at higher rates than in other serious crimes. The study compares sexual assaults, homicides, robberies, and assaults in the Army from 2008 to 2014 and July 2015 to 2017. For the first period, the study finds that the odds are 5.30 times greater that Army law enforcement will not find probable cause in a sexual assault case when compared to other crimes, and for the second period the odds are 4.39 times greater.

In the military justice system, the regulation of investigative institutions, especially investigators on superiors with the right to punish (Ankum in the Military Court law, is not in accordance with the principle of professionalism because Ankum does not have investigative expertise and does not have functions related to judicial power. Therefore, the existence of investigators Superiors who have the right to punish will not guarantee due process law and cannot provide values of justice. The purpose of this study was to analyze the professionalism of investigators' authority in the military justice system in Indonesia. This study uses a constructivist paradigm and is a non-doctrinal type of research, with method of socio-legal research approach. This research is descriptive analytical, which is expected to be able to provide a detailed, systematic and comprehensive description of the object under study. The data used in this study are primary data and secondary data, namely data obtained from through interviews and from library materials collected through literature studies which were then analyzed qualitatively. The results showed that: First, Ankum was made an investigator of subordinates under his command authority, as a derivative of the principle of unity of command, and the principle of the commander in charge full responsibility to the unit and its subordinates, so that in the event that his subordinates commit a crime, Ankum can determine the fate of his subordinates. Ankum as an investigator has a legal gab, meaning that Ankum attributively in the law has the authority to investigate, but in fact Ankum cannot conduct an investigation and has never been sworn in as an investigator.

The article is devoted to review some controversies and regularities in relation to the way in which military cadres reflected on their legal situation, between the last years of the 19th century to the end of the third decade of the 20th century. Based on a review of codes and case law, as well as books and articles, all of military authorship, I expose as a distinctive feature of their reflections, the fact of producing an anthropologized law, that is to say, adjusted to a singular quasi- legal person, the army, and not to individuals as subjects of obligations (professionals) and rights., El artículo se dedica a recorrer algunas controversias y regularidades en relación al modo en que los cuadros militares reflexionaron sobre su situación jurídica, entre los últimos años del siglo XIX y finales de la tercera década del siglo XX. Apoyado en un repaso sobre códigos y jurisprudencia, así como libros y artículos, todos de autoría militar, expongo como característica distintiva de sus reflexiones, el hecho de producir un derecho antropologizado, es decir, ajustado a una cuasi persona jurídica singular, el ejército, y no a individuos en tanto sujetos de obligaciones (profesionales) y derechos.

The article is devoted to review some controversies and regularities in relation to the way in which military cadres reflected on their legal situation, between the last years of the 19th century to the end of the third decade of the 20th century. Based on a review of codes and case law, as well as books and articles, all of military authorship, I expose as a distinctive feature of their reflections, the fact of producing an anthropologized law, that is to say, adjusted to a singular quasi- legal person, the army, and not to individuals as subjects of obligations (professionals) and rights., El artículo se dedica a recorrer algunas controversias y regularidades en relación al modo en que los cuadros militares reflexionaron sobre su situación jurídica, entre los últimos años del siglo XIX y finales de la tercera década del siglo XX. Apoyado en un repaso sobre códigos y jurisprudencia, así como libros y artículos, todos de autoría militar, expongo como característica distintiva de sus reflexiones, el hecho de producir un derecho antropologizado, es decir, ajustado a una cuasi persona jurídica singular, el ejército, y no a individuos en tanto sujetos de obligaciones (profesionales) y derechos.

The article is devoted to review some controversies and regularities in relation to the way in which military cadres reflected on their legal situation, between the last years of the 19th century to the end of the third decade of the 20th century. Based on a review of codes and case law, as well as books and articles, all of military authorship, I expose as a distinctive feature of their reflections, the fact of producing an anthropologized law, that is to say, adjusted to a singular quasi- legal person, the army, and not to individuals as subjects of obligations (professionals) and rights., El artículo se dedica a recorrer algunas controversias y regularidades en relación al modo en que los cuadros militares reflexionaron sobre su situación jurídica, entre los últimos años del siglo XIX y finales de la tercera década del siglo XX. Apoyado en un repaso sobre códigos y jurisprudencia, así como libros y artículos, todos de autoría militar, expongo como característica distintiva de sus reflexiones, el hecho de producir un derecho antropologizado, es decir, ajustado a una cuasi persona jurídica singular, el ejército, y no a individuos en tanto sujetos de obligaciones (profesionales) y derechos.

This article examines the state of the conventional dialogue in Chile, taking three sentences of the Inter-American Court of Human Rights as a reference by considering also three very sensitive problems of our transitions towards democracy: we refer, in the first place, to the impugnation to the human rights violation, to the excessive extension of the competence of the military courts for processing civilians, and to the Mapuche conflict through a legal process resolved conventionally. While it is true that the State has assumed, in general, the obligations imposed by the decisions of the court, it can be seen that it has not done it in a timely, appropriate and obedient manner. Furthermore, internally it is far from applying conventionality control completely, i.e., displacing the norm by that contained in the pact. This is the greatest deficit in the integration progress of the Chilean State to the Human Rights jurisdiction., Este artigo analisa o estado do diálogo convencional no Chile tendo como referência três sentenças da Comissão Interamericana de Direitos Humanos que consideram o mesmo número de problemas muito sensíveis da nossa transição à democracia: em primeiro lugar, faz-se referência à impugnação da anistia às violações de direitos na ditadura; em segundo, à extensão sem controle da competência dos tribunais militares para julgar civis; em terceiro lugar, ao conflito mapuche por meio de um processo penal resolvido no convencional. Embora o Estado tenha assumido, em geral, as obrigações que as decisões da Comissão lhe impuseram, vemos que não tem sido de maneira oportuna, obediente e completa. Além disso, no interno, está longe de aplicar o controle de convencionalidade de forma plena, isto é, substituindo a norma pela contida no pacto. Esta é a maior deficiência que existe no processo de integração do Estado chileno à jurisdição de Direitos Humanos., El artículo examina el estado del diálogo convencional en Chile, tomando como referencia tres sentencias de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos que consideran igual número de problemas muy sensibles de nuestra transición a la democracia: nos referimos, en primer lugar, a la impugnación de la amnistía a las violaciones de derechos en dictadura; en segundo lugar, a la desmedida extensión de la competencia de los tribunales militares para juzgar civiles; y en tercer lugar, al conflicto mapuche a través de un proceso penal resuelto en lo convencional. Si bien el Estado ha asumido, en general, las obligaciones que le han impuesto las decisiones de la Corte, veremos que no lo ha hecho de manera oportuna, obediente y completa. Además, en lo interno está muy lejos de aplicar el control de convencionalidad en forma plena, es decir, desplazando la norma por la contenida en el pacto. Este es el mayor déficit que existe en el proceso de integración del Estado chileno a la jurisdicción de derechos humanos.

With the implementation of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), former military soldiers who were because of the armed conflict have been able to reduce sentences and obtain freedom. This document analyses the perception of the JEP by these soldiers based on a survey that identified the type of criminal conviction, the economic and family context, and the perception of the post-conflict for each of the participant soldiers. The results demonstrate that the interviewees consider the main harms of their imprisonment are a family breakdown and unfair treatment between the military and other actors. They hope that being included in the JEP will allow them to have job opportunities and get their families back., Con la implementación de la Justicia Especial para la Paz (JEP), los militares judicializados en Colombia a raíz del conflicto armado han podido reducir penas y obtener libertad. Este documento analiza la percepción de la JEP que estos militares tienen, a partir de una encuesta que identificó el tipo de proceso penal, la situación económica y familiar, y la percepción del posconflicto. Los resultados muestran que, para los entrevistados, los principales daños son la ruptura familiar y el tratamiento injusto entre militares y demás actores. Ellos esperan que estar en la JEP les permita tener posibilidades laborales y recuperar sus familias., Com a implementação da Justiça Especial para a Paz (JEP), os militares processados na Colômbia após o conflito armado conseguiram reduzir penas e obter liberdade. Este documento analisa a percepção que esses militares têm da JEP, com base em uma pesquisa que identificou o tipo de processo penal, a situação econômica e familiar e a percepção do pós-conflito. Os resultados mostram que, para os entrevistados, os principais danos são a separação familiar e o tratamento injusto entre militares e outros atores. Eles esperam que estar no JEP lhes permita ter oportunidades de emprego e recuperar suas famílias.

Com a implementação da Justiça Especial para a Paz (JEP), os militares processados na Colômbia após o conflito armado conseguiram reduzir penas e obter liberdade. Este documento analisa a percepção que esses militares têm da JEP, com base em uma pesquisa que identificou o tipo de processo penal, a situação econômica e familiar e a percepção do pós-conflito. Os resultados mostram que, para os entrevistados, os principais danos são a separação familiar e o tratamento injusto entre militares e outros atores. Eles esperam que estar no JEP lhes permita ter oportunidades de emprego e recuperar suas famílias., Con la implementación de la Justicia Especial para la Paz (JEP), los militares judicializados en Colombia a raíz del conflicto armado han podido reducir penas y obtener libertad. Este documento analiza la percepción de la JEP que estos militares tienen, a partir de una encuesta que identificó el tipo de proceso penal, la situación económica y familiar, y la percepción del posconflicto. Los resultados muestran que, para los entrevistados, los principales daños son la ruptura familiar y el tratamiento injusto entre militares y demás actores. Ellos esperan que estar en la JEP les permita tener posibilidades laborales y recuperar sus familias., With the implementation of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), former military soldiers who were because of the armed conflict have been able to reduce sentences and obtain freedom. This document analyses the perception of the JEP by these soldiers based on a survey that identified the type of criminal conviction, the economic and family context, and the perception of the post-conflict for each of the participant soldiers. The results demonstrate that the interviewees consider the main harms of their imprisonment are a family breakdown and unfair treatment between the military and other actors. They hope that being included in the JEP will allow them to have job opportunities and get their families back.

Com a implementação da Justiça Especial para a Paz (JEP), os militares processados na Colômbia após o conflito armado conseguiram reduzir penas e obter liberdade. Este documento analisa a percepção que esses militares têm da JEP, com base em uma pesquisa que identificou o tipo de processo penal, a situação econômica e familiar e a percepção do pós-conflito. Os resultados mostram que, para os entrevistados, os principais danos são a separação familiar e o tratamento injusto entre militares e outros atores. Eles esperam que estar no JEP lhes permita ter oportunidades de emprego e recuperar suas famílias., Con la implementación de la Justicia Especial para la Paz (JEP), los militares judicializados en Colombia a raíz del conflicto armado han podido reducir penas y obtener libertad. Este documento analiza la percepción de la JEP que estos militares tienen, a partir de una encuesta que identificó el tipo de proceso penal, la situación económica y familiar, y la percepción del posconflicto. Los resultados muestran que, para los entrevistados, los principales daños son la ruptura familiar y el tratamiento injusto entre militares y demás actores. Ellos esperan que estar en la JEP les permita tener posibilidades laborales y recuperar sus familias., With the implementation of the Special Jurisdiction for Peace (JEP), former military soldiers who were because of the armed conflict have been able to reduce sentences and obtain freedom. This document analyses the perception of the JEP by these soldiers based on a survey that identified the type of criminal conviction, the economic and family context, and the perception of the post-conflict for each of the participant soldiers. The results demonstrate that the interviewees consider the main harms of their imprisonment are a family breakdown and unfair treatment between the military and other actors. They hope that being included in the JEP will allow them to have job opportunities and get their families back.

This paper starts analyzing the Constitutional Court’s Eichin and Antilef cases on the scope of the competence of the military justice in Chile. In Eichin and Antilef, the Constitu-tional Court applied both the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights caselaw. The research addresses the question of whether these cases reflect a paradigm shift in public Law and of dialogue between judges. We argue that Eichin and Antilef cases are examples of a process of transition toward a new constitutional paradigm, which is essentially marked by the intensification of the dialogue between judges in human rights, Este estudo começa examinando os casos Eichin e Antilef ante o Tribunal Constitucional chileno sobre a competência da justiça militar. Nestes casos, o Tribunal recorreu tanto à Convenção Americana sobre Direitos Humanos quanto à jurisprudência da Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. A presente investigação aborda a questão da possibilidade de considerar os casos sobre justiça militar como exemplos de mudança de paradigma no direito público e diálogo entre tribunais. Propomos que os casos mencionados relativos à competência da justiça militar no Chile constituem um exemplo da transição para um novo paradigma constitucional caracterizado por uma intensificação do diálogo entre juízes em matéria de direitos humanos.

This paper starts analyzing the Constitutional Court’s Eichin and Antilef cases on the scope of the competence of the military justice in Chile. In Eichin and Antilef, the Constitutional Court applied both the Inter-American Convention on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights case-law. The research addresses the question of whether these cases reflect a paradigm shift in public law and of dialogue between judges. We argue that Eichin and Antilef cases are examples of a process of transition toward a new constitutional paradigm, which is essentially marked by the intensification of the dialogue between judges in human rights., Este estudio comienza examinando los casos Eichin y Antilef ante el Tribunal Constitucional chileno sobre competencia de la justicia militar. En estos casos, el Tribunal recurrió tanto a la Convención Americana sobre Derechos Humanos como a la jurisprudencia de la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos. La presente investigación aborda la interrogante acerca de si es posible considerar los casos sobre justicia militar como ejemplos de cambio de paradigma en derecho público y de diálogo entre tribunales. Nosotros planteamos que los casos mencionados relativos a la competencia de la justicia militar en Chile constituyen un ejemplo de la transición hacia un nuevo paradigma constitucional caracterizado por una intensificación del diálogo entre jueces en materia de derechos humanos.

El estudio aborda la etapa en que Bernardo de Gálvez asume el gobierno de la Luisiana, en donde se producen situaciones atípicas pero que también deben darse a conocer, como la convivencia de gente de procedencia muy diversa que, por lo tanto, no tienen un idioma común ni un mismo credo. La presencia militar foránea, como la compañía suelta americana al mando de un oficial inglés que desertó de su unidad, podía alterar el quehacer cotidiano de Nueva Orleans. La toma de Pensacola dejó una serie de huellas profundas en la provincia de la Luisiana, como testimonia el caso presentado en este estudio. La documentación procede de la correspondencia entre Bernardo de Gálvez y la Corte, así como de expedientes judiciales, en concreto el pleito del oficial inglés del regimiento de Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon., The study approaches the stage in which Bernardo de Gálvez assumes the government of the Louisiana, where atypical situations take place but that also must be announced, as the conviviality of people of very diverse origin that, therefore, there have a common language nor same creed. The military foreign presence, as the free American company supervised by an official Englishman that deserted of his unit, could alter the daily occupation of New Orleans. Pensacola’s capture left a series of deep fingerprints in the province of the Louisiana, since it bears witness to the case presented in this study. The documentation comes from the correspondence between Bernardo de Gálvez and the Court, as well as from judicial processes, in I make concrete the lawsuit of the official Englishman of the regiment of Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon.

El estudio aborda la etapa en que Bernardo de Gálvez asume el gobierno de la Luisiana, en donde se producen situaciones atípicas pero que también deben darse a conocer, como la convivencia de gente de procedencia muy diversa que, por lo tanto, no tienen un idioma común ni un mismo credo. La presencia militar foránea, como la compañía suelta americana al mando de un oficial inglés que desertó de su unidad, podía alterar el quehacer cotidiano de Nueva Orleans. La toma de Pensacola dejó una serie de huellas profundas en la provincia de la Luisiana, como testimonia el caso presentado en este estudio. La documentación procede de la correspondencia entre Bernardo de Gálvez y la Corte, así como de expedientes judiciales, en concreto el pleito del oficial inglés del regimiento de Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon., The study approaches the stage in which Bernardo de Gálvez assumes the government of the Louisiana, where atypical situations take place but that also must be announced, as the conviviality of people of very diverse origin that, therefore, there have a common language nor same creed. The military foreign presence, as the free American company supervised by an official Englishman that deserted of his unit, could alter the daily occupation of New Orleans. Pensacola’s capture left a series of deep fingerprints in the province of the Louisiana, since it bears witness to the case presented in this study. The documentation comes from the correspondence between Bernardo de Gálvez and the Court, as well as from judicial processes, in I make concrete the lawsuit of the official Englishman of the regiment of Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon.

El estudio aborda la etapa en que Bernardo de Gálvez asume el gobierno de la Luisiana, en donde se producen situaciones atípicas pero que también deben darse a conocer, como la convivencia de gente de procedencia muy diversa que, por lo tanto, no tienen un idioma común ni un mismo credo. La presencia militar foránea, como la compañía suelta americana al mando de un oficial inglés que desertó de su unidad, podía alterar el quehacer cotidiano de Nueva Orleans. La toma de Pensacola dejó una serie de huellas profundas en la provincia de la Luisiana, como testimonia el caso presentado en este estudio. La documentación procede de la correspondencia entre Bernardo de Gálvez y la Corte, así como de expedientes judiciales, en concreto el pleito del oficial inglés del regimiento de Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon., The study approaches the stage in which Bernardo de Gálvez assumes the government of the Louisiana, where atypical situations take place but that also must be announced, as the conviviality of people of very diverse origin that, therefore, there have a common language nor same creed. The military foreign presence, as the free American company supervised by an official Englishman that deserted of his unit, could alter the daily occupation of New Orleans. Pensacola’s capture left a series of deep fingerprints in the province of the Louisiana, since it bears witness to the case presented in this study. The documentation comes from the correspondence between Bernardo de Gálvez and the Court, as well as from judicial processes, in I make concrete the lawsuit of the official Englishman of the regiment of Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon.

El estudio aborda la etapa en que Bernardo de Gálvez asume el gobierno de la Luisiana, en donde se producen situaciones atípicas pero que también deben darse a conocer, como la convivencia de gente de procedencia muy diversa que, por lo tanto, no tienen un idioma común ni un mismo credo. La presencia militar foránea, como la compañía suelta americana al mando de un oficial inglés que desertó de su unidad, podía alterar el quehacer cotidiano de Nueva Orleans. La toma de Pensacola dejó una serie de huellas profundas en la provincia de la Luisiana, como testimonia el caso presentado en este estudio. La documentación procede de la correspondencia entre Bernardo de Gálvez y la Corte, así como de expedientes judiciales, en concreto el pleito del oficial inglés del regimiento de Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon., The study approaches the stage in which Bernardo de Gálvez assumes the government of the Louisiana, where atypical situations take place but that also must be announced, as the conviviality of people of very diverse origin that, therefore, there have a common language nor same creed. The military foreign presence, as the free American company supervised by an official Englishman that deserted of his unit, could alter the daily occupation of New Orleans. Pensacola’s capture left a series of deep fingerprints in the province of the Louisiana, since it bears witness to the case presented in this study. The documentation comes from the correspondence between Bernardo de Gálvez and the Court, as well as from judicial processes, in I make concrete the lawsuit of the official Englishman of the regiment of Maryland, Winder le Count Cannon.

In response to the American military's perceived inability to handle sexual assault cases, many members of Congress have lost confidence in those who run the military justice system. Critics say that those who run the military justice system are sexist and perceive sexual assault cases differently than the public does. This article is the first to empirically test that assertion. Further, this is the first study to focus on the military population that matters – those who actually run the military justice system. This study finds that this narrow military population endorses two constructs that are associated with the acceptance of inaccurate rape schemas – traditional gender role beliefs and conservatism – to a much higher degree than the general population. Regression models based on these findings predict that in a test rape case, 54% of the general public would find the man guilty while only 41% of this narrow military population would. This suggests that at the macro-level, those who run the military justice system may be honestly committed to resourcing the fight against sexual assault and to finding a solution to the problem. But at the micro-level, when looking at a particular case, they have an unconscious cognitive process that interferes with their ability to accurately solve it.

In response to the American military's perceived inability to handle sexual assault cases, many members of Congress have lost confidence in those who run the military justice system. Critics say that those who run the military justice system are sexist and perceive sexual assault cases differently than the public does. This article is the first to empirically test that assertion. Further, this is the first study to focus on the military population that matters – those who actually run the military justice system. This study finds that this narrow military population endorses two constructs that are associated with the acceptance of inaccurate rape schemas – traditional gender role beliefs and conservatism – to a much higher degree than the general population. Regression models based on these findings predict that in a test rape case, 54% of the general public would find the man guilty while only 41% of this narrow military population would. This suggests that at the macro-level, those who run the military justice system may be honestly committed to resourcing the fight against sexual assault and to finding a solution to the problem. But at the micro-level, when looking at a particular case, they have an unconscious cognitive process that interferes with their ability to accurately solve it.

The American military is in a well-publicized struggle to address its sexual assault problem. Critics say that those in the military who run the military justice system have a bias against the victims in these cases, where that bias is likely related to some form of sexism.This article explores that problem and offers a social psychology explanation that supports the critics' position. This article explains the cognitive process that people use to solve these legal problems and then highlights a serious flaw in that process – the use of inaccurate rape schemas. This article focuses on two potential groups that tend to process rape problems using these schemas and uses data from to other studies to show that those two groups are overrepresented in the military. This article also shows that these inaccurate rape schemas are further amplified in the military context. From that, it appears that the critics appear to be right. Those in the military who are responsible for solving the rape problem have a cognitive blind spot which prevents them from seeing the problem for what it is.

The American military is in a well-publicized struggle to address its sexual assault problem. Critics say that those in the military who run the military justice system have a bias against the victims in these cases, where that bias is likely related to some form of sexism.This article explores that problem and offers a social psychology explanation that supports the critics' position. This article explains the cognitive process that people use to solve these legal problems and then highlights a serious flaw in that process – the use of inaccurate rape schemas. This article focuses on two potential groups that tend to process rape problems using these schemas and uses data from to other studies to show that those two groups are overrepresented in the military. This article also shows that these inaccurate rape schemas are further amplified in the military context. From that, it appears that the critics appear to be right. Those in the military who are responsible for solving the rape problem have a cognitive blind spot which prevents them from seeing the problem for what it is.

After 1810, the obligation of the inhabitants of Buenos Aires to serve in the militia continued for to the whole free population. It was an exceptional situation that became permanent due to the armed conflict. In this context, the military courts had to act on a broader set of individuals than those destined to the veteran regiments. While not considered part of the military corporation, these volunteers were, however, excluded from the regular courts. This paper examines the application of military justice on the main bodies of the militia from the city, civic regiments, from its creation to its dissolution in 1820. For this purpose, it is analyzed the set of summarie s raised to members of these forces, with particular attention to the forms of administration of justice, the degree of adherence to current legislation (Ord inances of 1768) and the use of jud icial discretion. Finally, we examine the ideas of the jurists of the time on the application of military law to these unforeseen, but extended , case s., Luego de 1810, la obligación de los habitantes de Buenos Aires de servir en las milicias continuó extendida al conjunto de la población libre. Una situación excepcional que se volvió permanente debido a los conflictos armados. En e se contexto, la justicia militar tuvo que actuar sobre un conjunto de individuos más amplio que los destinados a los regimientos veteranos. Sin ser considerados parte de la corporación castrense, estos voluntarios eran, de todos modos, sustraídos a la justicia ordinaria. Este trabajo examina la aplicación de la justicia militar sobre los principale s cuerpos milicianos de la ciudad, los tercios cívicos, desde su creación hasta su d isolución en 1820. Se analiza, para ello, el conjunto de sumarios levantados a los integrantes de estas fuerzas, prestando particular atención a las formas de aplicación de la justicia, al grado de apego a la legislación vigente (las Ordenanzas de 1768) y a la utilización del arbitrio judicial. Por último, se realiza un recorrido por las ideas de los juristas de la época sobre la aplicación del Derecho Militar para estos imprevistos pero extendidos casos.

After 1810, the obligation of the inhabitants of Buenos Aires to serve in the militia continued for to the whole free population. It was an exceptional situation that became permanent due to the armed conflict. In this context, the military courts had to act on a broader set of individuals than those destined to the veteran regiments. While not considered part of the military corporation, these volunteers were, however, excluded from the regular courts. This paper examines the application of military justice on the main bodies of the militia from the city, civic regiments, from its creation to its dissolution in 1820. For this purpose, it is analyzed the set of summarie s raised to members of these forces, with particular attention to the forms of administration of justice, the degree of adherence to current legislation (Ord inances of 1768) and the use of jud icial discretion. Finally, we examine the ideas of the jurists of the time on the application of military law to these unforeseen, but extended , case s., Luego de 1810, la obligación de los habitantes de Buenos Aires de servir en las milicias continuó extendida al conjunto de la población libre. Una situación excepcional que se volvió permanente debido a los conflictos armados. En e se contexto, la justicia militar tuvo que actuar sobre un conjunto de individuos más amplio que los destinados a los regimientos veteranos. Sin ser considerados parte de la corporación castrense, estos voluntarios eran, de todos modos, sustraídos a la justicia ordinaria. Este trabajo examina la aplicación de la justicia militar sobre los principale s cuerpos milicianos de la ciudad, los tercios cívicos, desde su creación hasta su d isolución en 1820. Se analiza, para ello, el conjunto de sumarios levantados a los integrantes de estas fuerzas, prestando particular atención a las formas de aplicación de la justicia, al grado de apego a la legislación vigente (las Ordenanzas de 1768) y a la utilización del arbitrio judicial. Por último, se realiza un recorrido por las ideas de los juristas de la época sobre la aplicación del Derecho Militar para estos imprevistos pero extendidos casos.

After 1810, the obligation of the inhabitants of Buenos Aires to serve in the militia continued for to the whole free population. It was an exceptional situation that became permanent due to the armed conflict. In this context, the military courts had to act on a broader set of individuals than those destined to the veteran regiments. While not considered part of the military corporation, these volunteers were, however, excluded from the regular courts. This paper examines the application of military justice on the main bodies of the militia from the city, civic regiments, from its creation to its dissolution in 1820. For this purpose, it is analyzed the set of summarie s raised to members of these forces, with particular attention to the forms of administration of justice, the degree of adherence to current legislation (Ord inances of 1768) and the use of jud icial discretion. Finally, we examine the ideas of the jurists of the time on the application of military law to these unforeseen, but extended , case s., Luego de 1810, la obligación de los habitantes de Buenos Aires de servir en las milicias continuó extendida al conjunto de la población libre. Una situación excepcional que se volvió permanente debido a los conflictos armados. En e se contexto, la justicia militar tuvo que actuar sobre un conjunto de individuos más amplio que los destinados a los regimientos veteranos. Sin ser considerados parte de la corporación castrense, estos voluntarios eran, de todos modos, sustraídos a la justicia ordinaria. Este trabajo examina la aplicación de la justicia militar sobre los principale s cuerpos milicianos de la ciudad, los tercios cívicos, desde su creación hasta su d isolución en 1820. Se analiza, para ello, el conjunto de sumarios levantados a los integrantes de estas fuerzas, prestando particular atención a las formas de aplicación de la justicia, al grado de apego a la legislación vigente (las Ordenanzas de 1768) y a la utilización del arbitrio judicial. Por último, se realiza un recorrido por las ideas de los juristas de la época sobre la aplicación del Derecho Militar para estos imprevistos pero extendidos casos.

In this work we propose to approach the political discussions concerning the validity and application of the military ordinances dictated by Carlos III for the Spanish army of the 18th century in the military Argentine organization during the process of construction of the national State. These discussions produced in a context of strong militarization of the politics, question the role of this legislation monárquica in the frame of the constitutional culture and the republican system that tried to be consolidated., En este trabajo nos proponemos abordar las discusiones políticas en torno a la vigencia y aplicación de las ordenanzas militares dictadas por Carlos III para el ejército español del siglo XVIII en la organización militar argentina durante el proceso de construcción del Estado nacional. Esas discusiones, producidas en un contexto de fuerte militarización de la política, cuestionan el papel de esa legislación monárquica en el marco de la cultura constitucional y el sistema republicano que se pretendía consolidar.

El objetivo de este estudio es analizar hasta qué punto el proceso de militarización en Colombia, que se viene dando en la última década como parte de la llamada política de seguridad, ha incidido en la agudización de la violencia, el desplazamiento forzado y la violación de los derechos humanos, justificado en la derrota a la insurgencia mediante la confrontación militar. El aumento en el pie de fuerza no ha dado lugar a mayor seguridad ni al fin del conflicto armado; por el contrario, ha generado pérdida de libertades civiles y políticas. En el artículo se mencionan las principales características desarrolladas durante la vigencia de esta política.

In this work we propose to approach the political discussions concerning the validity and application of the military ordinances dictated by Carlos III for the Spanish army of the 18th century in the military Argentine organization during the process of construction of the national State. These discussions produced in a context of strong militarization of the politics, question the role of this legislation monárquica in the frame of the constitutional culture and the republican system that tried to be consolidated., En este trabajo nos proponemos abordar las discusiones políticas en torno a la vigencia y aplicación de las ordenanzas militares dictadas por Carlos III para el ejército español del siglo XVIII en la organización militar argentina durante el proceso de construcción del Estado nacional. Esas discusiones, producidas en un contexto de fuerte militarización de la política, cuestionan el papel de esa legislación monárquica en el marco de la cultura constitucional y el sistema republicano que se pretendía consolidar.

El objetivo de este estudio es analizar hasta qué punto el proceso de militarización en Colombia, que se viene dando en la última década como parte de la llamada política de seguridad, ha incidido en la agudización de la violencia, el desplazamiento forzado y la violación de los derechos humanos, justificado en la derrota a la insurgencia mediante la confrontación militar. El aumento en el pie de fuerza no ha dado lugar a mayor seguridad ni al fin del conflicto armado; por el contrario, ha generado pérdida de libertades civiles y políticas. En el artículo se mencionan las principales características desarrolladas durante la vigencia de esta política.

The Australian military justice system has been reviewed by six separate inquiries since 1997, with each one recommending the adoption of fair trial standards of independent and impartial adjudication, as accepted in the civilian criminal justice system and required by the norms of public international law. Yet, despite the numerous recommendations for civilianising reform, the Australian military has resisted change, consistently arguing that its separate system of justice was not only fair, but should remain in-house. Nevertheless, reform has occurred. Thus, two competing propositions emerge: on one hand, the military is resistant to civilianising reform, yet, on the other, reform has and is occurring. The question then is, why. Accordingly, the argument advanced in this thesis is: because of the nature of the military as a total institution, civilianising reforms to the Australian military justice system only occur when the military is coerced to do so by external forces.This hypothesis is examined in a number of ways:1. critically assessing the bodies of literature which argue for, or against the separate military justice system, as well as literature which assesses military justice from a human rights, fair trial perspective. 2. applying two separate sociological theories: ‘total institutions’, which assists in understanding why the military is resistant to civilianising reform of its justice system. ‘Isomorphism’ assists in understanding how reform occurs to an otherwise resistant entity. 3. identifying the fair trial flaws of the Australian military justice system, with particular emphasis on the right to an independent and impartial trial.4. analysing the Australian military’s response to the six inquiries held between 1997 and 2005, 5. identifying the motivators for civilianizing reform in comparative jurisdictions. Consequently, the thesis draws upon these themes to identify the legal, social, and political contexts in which reform

Thesis: Insurgent attacks on personnel, logistics, and key infrastructure in Iraq are a well established reality for that theater. Private security contractors (PSC's), hired by both the United States government and private companies; have filled a void; providing security where the military cannot. The security provided by PSC's could be considered effective, however numerous incidents in the application of deadly force by PSC's have called into question their accountability and effectiveness to the overall mission of Operation Iraqi Freedom. Discussion: Private security contractors have been protecting personnel, logistics, and infrastructure in Iraq since 2003. The contractors have performed their security mission well, but sometimes at the cost of overall mission in Iraq. While the military is governed under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, and the application of deadly force determined appropriate by the Rules of Engagement; PSC' s are not held to the same standard, even though they perform a core-mission of the military. In fact, in some cases PSC's who have been determined to have applied deadly force inappropriately have not been held accountable at all. Some have been merely been fired, and sent back to their respective countries; whereas military personnel suspected of the same offense have been court-martialed. A stark gap of accountability exists. Conclusion: The U.S. Government, as well as numerous private corporations, employ a plethora of PSC' s in Iraq, in order to enhance the security provided by the military. Providing security in a combat zone is a core-mission of the military. PSC' s who perform this core-mission of the military should be held accountable for their actions in the same manner as the US military, under the Uniform Code of Military Justice.

This document contains 13 sections, with the 13th being Appendices. The sections are as follows: 1) Military Justice; 2) Nonjudicial Punishment; 3) JAGMAN Investigations; 4) Administrative Separations 5) Personnel Issues; 6) Sexual Harassment, Fraternization & Hazing; 7) Correspondence Issues; Freedom of Expression and Grievance Procedures; 8) Interactions with Civilians; 9) Outside CONUS; 10) Legal Assistance; 11) Family Relationship Issues; 12) Ethics; and 13) Appendices. Each section is further broken down by topics. Each topic begins with a list of relevant reference materials and instructions such as the Manual for Court-Martial (RCM 303) and instructions. Each topic then contains a distillation of the legal high points such as the right of members being investigated for offenses to be consulted as to their right to a lawyer (Miranda Rights) and against self-incrimination.

This Commander's Quick Reference Handbook deals with a variety of legal issues in the Navy and Marine Corps military community.

The return to a democratic order in the Republic of Argentina created the political conditions necessary for a legally-constituted civil leadership to rethink national defense policy and, therefore, determine the new role of the Armed Forces under such framework. The bases to enable the re-institutionalization of the Armed Forces according to democratic rules--especially in compliance with the principle of subordination to civilian control and the limited assignment of roles and responsibilities--were laid down through the enactment of a series of laws comprising the corpus iuris of national defense, namely: National Defense Act 23,554 (1988), Domestic Security Act 24,059 (1992), Volunteer Service Act 24,439 (1994), Armed Forces Reorganization Act (1998) and National Intelligence Act 25,520 (2001). In spite of the progress represented by the creation of a regulatory framework for the sector, the efforts to make defense policy a truly consistent and agreed-upon State policy encountered several hindrances due to a complex range of factors. It is important to underscore, among those factors, the dynamic nature of the global and regional context in which the defense sector is inserted (the profound reconfiguration of the world after the end of the cold war, followed by the dramatic turning point of the post-cold war era represented by the attack on the World Trade Center on September 11, 2001), as well as the direct incidence of domestic political factors. In the latter case, we cannot ignore the particular characteristics of the country's democratic transition process triggered by the political, economic and military collapse of the last de-facto government.

This paper addresses the question of whether it is just that the commanding officer who convenes a court-martial selects the voting members of the court-martial panel. Is is fundamentally fair that members of the armed forces are tried by a court composed of their military superiors rather than by a court of their peers? This practice seemingly conflicts with Western (and especially American) values like democracy and equality. How can we accept these values and defend such a practice? Are there values other than democracy and equality that support the practice, and how can we reconcile these other values with democracy and equality? Undemocratic panel composition cannot be justified by any amount of description or historical research because the question is philosophical, not legal or historical. In articulating why panel composition might be legitimate despite being undemocratic, we must consider the origins of authority, duty, and law. To pursue a meaningful answer to our question, the paper attempts an "interdisciplinary" approach of employing philosophical reasoning, with historical and literary illustration, in the evaluation of a legal practice. The second part of the introduction distinguishes philosophical reasoning from legal reasoning to clarify the paper's use of sources and "authorities," which will differ from Anglo-American legal practice. The first substantive portion of the paper will offer an elementary model of natural law reasoning as a point of departure for thinking about law and justice. Although the term "natural law" has many implications, in this paper it stands for the modest common sense proposition that some rights and duties can be discerned, by operation of our reason, from our common humanity and our human relationships. Natural law reasoning has been extended far beyond this basic proposition -- but not in this paper, which concedes that disagreement is reasonable and inevitable in the application of this proposition.

From the Roman law to the present time, the desertion has been considered an obvious example of military crime. The present article tries to provide a global vision of the evolution of this military crime throughout the 19th century constitutionalism and its consolidation in our legal system, already in the 20th century, both at the Code of Military Justice of 1945 as at the Military Penal Code, approved by Statutory law 13/1985, as well as the perspective of its permanence in our legal system in accordance with the new challenges of the national defense and their incidence in the military law.

From the Roman law to the present time, the desertion has been considered an obvious example of military crime. The present article tries to provide a global vision of the evolution of this military crime throughout the 19th century constitutionalism and its consolidation in our legal system, already in the 20th century, both at the Code of Military Justice of 1945 as at the Military Penal Code, approved by Statutory law 13/1985, as well as the perspective of its permanence in our legal system in accordance with the new challenges of the national defense and their incidence in the military law.