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BackgroundAssess the associations between ten severe maternal hardships and food insecurity experienced during pregnancy.MethodsData on 14,274 low-income/lower-income women (below 400% of the income to federal poverty guideline ratio) from the statewide-representative 2010-2012 California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment were used to estimate food security status prevalence. Prevalence of severe maternal hardships by food security status was estimated. Multinomial logistic regression was used to assess the associations between severe maternal hardship and food security status, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics.ResultsFood insecurity was common among low- and lower-income pregnant women in California; 23.4% food insecure and an additional 11.5% marginally secure. In adjusted analysis, nine of ten hardships were associated with food security status. Only the respondent or someone close to the respondent having a problem with alcohol or drugs was not associated with food security status after adjusting for socioeconomic factors. Husband/partner losing a job, depressive symptoms, not having practical support and intimate partner violence were consistently associated with marginal, low and very low food security status. Each additional severe maternal hardship a woman experienced during pregnancy was associated with a 36% greater risk of reporting marginal food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.36, 95% CI: 1.27, 1.47), 54% for low food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.54, 95% CI: 1.44, 1.64), and 99% for very low food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.99, 95% CI: 1.83, 2.15).ConclusionsFood security status was strongly linked with several maternal hardships that could jeopardize maternal and/or infant health. Services-including prenatal care and nutritional assistance-for a large proportion of pregnant women should address a wide range of serious unmet social needs including food insecurity.

BackgroundAssess the associations between ten severe maternal hardships and food insecurity experienced during pregnancy.MethodsData on 14,274 low-income/lower-income women (below 400% of the income to federal poverty guideline ratio) from the statewide-representative 2010-2012 California Maternal and Infant Health Assessment were used to estimate food security status prevalence. Prevalence of severe maternal hardships by food security status was estimated. Multinomial logistic regression was used to assess the associations between severe maternal hardship and food security status, adjusting for sociodemographic characteristics.ResultsFood insecurity was common among low- and lower-income pregnant women in California; 23.4% food insecure and an additional 11.5% marginally secure. In adjusted analysis, nine of ten hardships were associated with food security status. Only the respondent or someone close to the respondent having a problem with alcohol or drugs was not associated with food security status after adjusting for socioeconomic factors. Husband/partner losing a job, depressive symptoms, not having practical support and intimate partner violence were consistently associated with marginal, low and very low food security status. Each additional severe maternal hardship a woman experienced during pregnancy was associated with a 36% greater risk of reporting marginal food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.36, 95% CI: 1.27, 1.47), 54% for low food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.54, 95% CI: 1.44, 1.64), and 99% for very low food security (Relative Risk Ratio 1.99, 95% CI: 1.83, 2.15).ConclusionsFood security status was strongly linked with several maternal hardships that could jeopardize maternal and/or infant health. Services-including prenatal care and nutritional assistance-for a large proportion of pregnant women should address a wide range of serious unmet social needs including food insecurity.

Although evidence exists for an association between income level and diet quality, a causal relationship has not been established. A number of studies found that the price of nutritious food and the time cost to prepare foods are economically driven reasons for this relationship. However, in addition to economic constraints, low-income individuals and families face a number of additional challenges linked with food choice, eating behaviors, and diet-related chronic conditions that contribute to diet quality and health. Low-income individuals have a higher burden of employment-, food-, and housing-related insecurity that threaten the livelihood of their household. Poverty and exposure to these insecurities are hypothesized to activate biobehavioral and psychological mechanisms-endocrine, immune, and neurologic systems-that influence food choice and consumption. Examples of biobehavioral and psychological factors that influence diet are stress, poor sleep, and diminished cognitive capacity. High levels of stress, poor sleep, and cognitive overload compound the challenges of economic constraints, creating a mentality of scarcity that leads to poor diet quality.

Associations between neighborhood food environment and adult body mass index (BMI; weight (kg)/height (m)2) derived using cross-sectional or longitudinal random-effects models may be biased due to unmeasured confounding and measurement and methodological limitations. In this study, we assessed the within-individual association between change in food environment from 2006 to 2011 and change in BMI among adults with type 2 diabetes using clinical data from the Kaiser Permanente Diabetes Registry collected from 2007 to 2011. Healthy food environment was measured using the kernel density of healthful food venues. Fixed-effects models with a 1-year-lagged BMI were estimated. Separate models were fitted for persons who moved and those who did not. Sensitivity analysis using different lag times and kernel density bandwidths were tested to establish the consistency of findings. On average, patients lost 1 pound (0.45 kg) for each standard-deviation improvement in their food environment. This relationship held for persons who remained in the same location throughout the 5-year study period but not among persons who moved. Proximity to food venues that promote nutritious foods alone may not translate into clinically meaningful diet-related health changes. Community-level policies for improving the food environment need multifaceted strategies to invoke clinically meaningful change in BMI among adult patients with diabetes.

Associations between neighborhood food environment and adult body mass index (BMI; weight (kg)/height (m)2) derived using cross-sectional or longitudinal random-effects models may be biased due to unmeasured confounding and measurement and methodological limitations. In this study, we assessed the within-individual association between change in food environment from 2006 to 2011 and change in BMI among adults with type 2 diabetes using clinical data from the Kaiser Permanente Diabetes Registry collected from 2007 to 2011. Healthy food environment was measured using the kernel density of healthful food venues. Fixed-effects models with a 1-year-lagged BMI were estimated. Separate models were fitted for persons who moved and those who did not. Sensitivity analysis using different lag times and kernel density bandwidths were tested to establish the consistency of findings. On average, patients lost 1 pound (0.45 kg) for each standard-deviation improvement in their food environment. This relationship held for persons who remained in the same location throughout the 5-year study period but not among persons who moved. Proximity to food venues that promote nutritious foods alone may not translate into clinically meaningful diet-related health changes. Community-level policies for improving the food environment need multifaceted strategies to invoke clinically meaningful change in BMI among adult patients with diabetes.

BackgroundNeighborhood characteristics have been associated with poor maternal and child health outcomes, yet conceptualization of potential mechanisms is still needed. Census data have long served as proxies for area level socioeconomic influences. Unique information captured by neighborhood inventories, mostly conducted in northern US and Canadian urban areas, has shown important aspects of the community environment that are not captured by the socioeconomic and demographic aggregated individual statistics of census data. In this paper, we describe a neighborhood data collection effort tailored to a southern urban area.MethodsThis study used data from the Pregnancy, Nutrition and Infection (PIN) prospective cohort study to describe neighborhoods where low- and moderate-income pregnant women reside. Women who participated in the PIN study and who resided in Raleigh, NC and its surrounding suburbs were included (n = 703). Neighborhood attributes captured by the inventory included litter, housing condition, road condition, and social interactions that informed theoretical constructs of physical incivility, territoriality and social spaces. US Housing and Population Census 2000 data at the block group level were also assessed to identify the unique contribution of directly observed data. We hypothesize that neighborhood environments can influence health through psychosocial mediated pathways that lead to increased stress, or through disadvantage leading to poor neighborhood resources, or by protective attributes through increased social control.ResultsFindings suggest that directly observed neighborhood attributes distinguished between different types of areas in which low-income pregnant non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black women lived. Theoretically informed scales of physical incivilities, territoriality and social spaces were constructed and found to be internally consistent. Scales were weakly associated indicating that these constructs capture distinct info

BackgroundNeighborhood characteristics have been associated with poor maternal and child health outcomes, yet conceptualization of potential mechanisms is still needed. Census data have long served as proxies for area level socioeconomic influences. Unique information captured by neighborhood inventories, mostly conducted in northern US and Canadian urban areas, has shown important aspects of the community environment that are not captured by the socioeconomic and demographic aggregated individual statistics of census data. In this paper, we describe a neighborhood data collection effort tailored to a southern urban area.MethodsThis study used data from the Pregnancy, Nutrition and Infection (PIN) prospective cohort study to describe neighborhoods where low- and moderate-income pregnant women reside. Women who participated in the PIN study and who resided in Raleigh, NC and its surrounding suburbs were included (n = 703). Neighborhood attributes captured by the inventory included litter, housing condition, road condition, and social interactions that informed theoretical constructs of physical incivility, territoriality and social spaces. US Housing and Population Census 2000 data at the block group level were also assessed to identify the unique contribution of directly observed data. We hypothesize that neighborhood environments can influence health through psychosocial mediated pathways that lead to increased stress, or through disadvantage leading to poor neighborhood resources, or by protective attributes through increased social control.ResultsFindings suggest that directly observed neighborhood attributes distinguished between different types of areas in which low-income pregnant non-Hispanic white and non-Hispanic black women lived. Theoretically informed scales of physical incivilities, territoriality and social spaces were constructed and found to be internally consistent. Scales were weakly associated indicating that these constructs capture distinct info