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Det nuvarande skiftet från mellanstatliga konflikter till inomstatliga konflikter har förändrat hur våld uttrycker sig nationellt. Nutida konflikter kännetecknas av utdragen lågintensiv krigföring, till skillnad från de fullskaliga inbördeskrigen som bidrog till att utforma definitionen av intern väpnad konflikt enligt humanitär rätt. Dagens nationella konflikter hamnar därmed i gråzonen mellan lagar som gäller i fredstid respektive krigstid, eftersom de betraktas som fredstida kriser enligt regelverket för mänskliga rättigheter samtidigt som de faller utanför den humanitära lagstiftningens tillämpningsområde. Folkrätten misslyckas således med att upprätthålla mänskliga rättigheter när de är som mest kritiska. Förevarande uppsats syftar till att undersöka det rättsliga tomrum som uppstår när undantagstillstånd införs för att bemöta lågintensiva nationella konflikter som misslyckas med att uppfylla rekvisiten för intern väpnad konflikt. Syftet uppfylls med hjälp av den rättsdogmatiska metoden som tillämpas för att fastställa det positiva innehållet i undantagslagar enligt regelverket för mänskliga rättigheter, samt definitionen av intern väpnad konflikt enligt humanitär rätt. En empirisk metod används därefter i syfte att tillämpa det relevanta internationella ramverket på konflikten i sydöstra Turkiet. Konflikten mellan PKK och den turkiska regeringen utnyttjas därigenom som fallstudie för att klargöra orsakerna och konsekvenserna av det rättsliga tomrummet, samt för att undersöka hur lagstiftningen kan omarbetas för att bemöta problemet. Uppsatsens resultat visar att definitionen av intern väpnad konflikt enligt humanitär rätt måste omformuleras och anpassas till karaktären av nutida konflikter. Den nuvarande klyftan mellan regelverket för mänskliga rättigheter och humanitär rätt kan enbart överbryggas genom att ersätta den binära distinktionen mellan fred och krig med ett mer flexibelt tillvägagångssätt som möjliggör för samtidig tillämpning av båda rättsområden., The shifting paradigm from conflicts between countries to conflicts within countries has changed how national violence unfolds. Contemporary conflicts are characterized by protracted low-intensity belligerency, unlike the full-scale civil wars that shaped the understanding of non-international armed conflict under humanitarian law. Modern internal conflicts thus fall into the grey area between the laws of peace and the laws of war, as they are considered emergencies under human rights law while falling outside the scope of humanitarian law. As a result, international legislation is struggling to enforce human rights standards when they are at their most necessary. This thesis aims to investigate the legal void caused when states of emergency are invoked to manage low-intensity internal conflicts that fail to satisfy the criteria of non-international armed conflict. The purpose of the thesis is fulfilled by applying the legal doctrinal method to ascertain the positive content of emergency law under the legal regime of human rights, and the definition of non-international armed conflict under humanitarian law. After establishing the international framework pertaining to the issue, the thesis employs an empirical research method by applying the legislation on the conflict in South-East Turkey. By using the conflict between the PKK and the Turkish government as a case study, the thesis seeks to clarify the causes and effects of the legal void for the purpose of identifying how the legal framework can be revised to address the issue. The findings of the thesis suggest that the definition of non-international armed conflicts in humanitarian law must be redefined to accommodate the nature of contemporary internal conflicts. In order to bridge the gap between IHRL and IHL, the binary distinction between peace and war must be superseded by a more flexible approach that allows the simultaneous application of both legal regimes.

One of the key challenges stemming from climate change will be climate displacement, as sudden and gradual events disrupt livelihoods and force millions to leave their homes. Despite the existing scholarship's focus on cross-border movement, the majority of climate displaced people will move internally instead of or before seeking refuge outside their nation's borders. What obligations do states owe to their citizens when those states have historically not been emitters but have still failed to protect domestic populations from displacement related to environmental disasters and climate change impacts? Through exploring the disaster management framework in Colombia and conducting a case study of the town of Gramalote, this Article discusses the obligations that states like Colombia owe to their internally displaced populations in the context of climate change. Given the inexorability and foreseeability of climate displacement, this Article argues that states have an obligation to recognize climate displacement, plan ahead to protect their populations' rights, and implement best practices under international human rights law throughout relocation and resettlement processes. Irrespective of the driver of displacement, displaced individuals should not be subject to a bifurcated regime of protection that treats displacement due to civil disruption, violence, or armed conflict distinctly from displacement in the context of climate change and environmental disasters.

The negotiation process of a peace agreement is an uncertain period where adversaries can have a difficult time credibly guaranteeing their commitment to an approaching agreement. However, violence is often ceased before a peace agreement is signed, demonstrating their importance for understanding non-violent and violent behavior by warring actors. Furthermore, research finds that rebels at times comply with laws of war during conflict and negotiations. Hence, the purpose of this study is to derive a better understanding of rebel groups’ non-violent behavior, and whether it relates to the commitment problem and the negotiation process. This paper argues that by complying with international law, rebels can convey a signal with a peace-making objective, increasing the likelihood of a successful negotiation. Through a qualitative, structured and focused comparative case analysis of the FMLN in El Salvador and the NPFL in Liberia, the study finds that rebel’s compliance with IHL may serve as a costly signal that mitigates the credible commitment problem and leads to the signing of a successful peace agreement. However, further research is needed to support this hypothesis.

This doctrinal thesis centers around the topic of voluntary human shields as a complex phenomenon requiring further scholarly attention. Specifically, this paper acknowledges that the actions of certain voluntary shields renders their classification as civilians strenuous, in which it is explored if the notion of Direct Participation in Hostilities might apply. As such, the research question contemplates: To what extent, if at all, can voluntary human shields be considered as taking a direct part in hostilities when shielding lawful targets? The analyses have concentrated on both a theoretical examination of the ICRC’s Interpretive Guidance, and on an empirical investigation into two cases of voluntary human shields: the Serbian citizens in 1999 and the Palestinian women in 2006. Evidently, the findings indicate that voluntary human shields can to some extent take a direct part in hostilities, while the generalizability of our results are appreciated. Ultimately, this thesis provides additional insights into the topic, as increasingly relevant and required within the contradictory and existing research field, while also anticipating avenues for future research.

El objeto de este ensayo/editorial –que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024– es el de formular de la manera más completa posible –aunque resulte necesariamente provisional– una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino–israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe–israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico–internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico–internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional –crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio–, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino–israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico–político, en pa, Le but de cet essai/éditorial – qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 – est de formuler aussi complètement que possible – bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire – une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino–israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante–quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo–arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico–internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies. À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale – crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide –, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit israélo–palestinien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico–politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des, The purpose of this essay/editorial – closed on 8 January 2024 – is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Palestinian–Israeli conflict that has lasted at least seventy–five years, with the creation of the State of Israel, the first Arab–Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self–defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern – war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide –, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context. This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary–General. In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six–Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian quest

Aim: The purpose of the study is to investigate the protection of civilians in areas under the control of armed groups. This is done through focusing on the protection challenges, violations of International Humanitarian Law, international efforts to protect civilians and the important issues from IHL Perspective. Background and Problem: Armed groups are increasingly becoming a threat as de facto they frequently maintain control over civilian populations. International humanitarian law stipulates that non-combatants in armed conflicts are subject to certain rights and protection. However, some armed organizations may break this law and cause suffering for residents in the regions they control. Methodology: The methodology applied entailed the extensive review of existing literature. Articles were explored in terms of their various approaches to the application of international law to the protection of civilians in areas controlled by armed groups. Results and Conclusions: In some cases, armed groups violate these regulations by targeting civilians through violent attacks, kidnapping, impeding civilians’ freedom of movement and other violent acts such as forced labor and sexual assault and abuse. They may also restrict their access to necessary services and aid. Consequently, the UN continues to advance efforts to protect civilians in areas controlled by armed groups. The IHL is against the displacement of civilians and ensuring access to civilians. Overall, the international community is consistently focused on ensuring that civilians in areas under the control of armed groups are adequately protected.

This article illustrates how the concept of legal mapping opens up new ways of thinking about how the different frameworks of rules and laws that apply in territories under the control of armed groups. It demonstrates how the notion of ‘interlegality’ is a useful tool when seeking to understand how different layers and types of law (international, domestic and customary) contribute to the commonplace legal materiality in these spaces, penetrating and producing local, everyday experiences of armed conflict. Reflecting on international law’s constitutive power on the ground, the article concludes by considering how legal scholarship, teaching and practice may also play a role in reproducing maps of international law that disempower or render important experiences invisible in certain spaces.

Due diligence is a frequently used concept that describes measures aimed at preventing and mitigating adverse impacts and risks. Due diligence should be highly relevant to the defence industry: It is estimated the combined arms sales of the world’s top 100 armsproducing and military services companies to have been $531 billion in 2020, of which 21 per cent (or $109 billion) was derived from the arms sales of 26 European companies. Such an overall market size is accompanied by a general recognition of the adverse impacts that exported arms may have in either intended countries or ultimate destinations. Despite the recognition of adverse impacts, relatively limited attention has been paid to due diligence and the associated liability of arms-exporting companies compared to those applicable to some other business sectors.

Applying the international legal framework governing the use of nuclear weapons to the facts of the war in Ukraine leads to a clear answer to the question of whether the use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine by Russia would be legal. While the 1996 International Court of Justice Advisory Opinion on the Threat or Use of Nuclear Weapons did not conclusively decide whether the use of nuclear weapons was per se illegal, by applying the legal framework articulated by the International Court of Justice to the facts of Russia’s war against Ukraine it is clear that any conceivable use of nuclear weapons in Ukraine by Russia would be illegal. This article builds on the holdings of the International Court of Justice advisory opinion by applying the fundamental principles of international humanitarian law to the war in Ukraine. This includes an evaluation of several types of potential Russian nuclear strikes, including a tactical nuclear strike on a city, at sea, or in a remote location of the battlefield. This analysis demonstrates that there is no Russian nuclear strike against Ukrainian targets that could satisfy the legal requirements of international humanitarian law. Therefore, the article advises Russian military commanders to refuse to launch any nuclear launch order against Ukraine in the present armed conflict.

This study provides a synopsis of the following topics: the prospective limiters levied on cyber-warfare by present–day international legislation; significant complexities and contentions brought up in the rendering & utilization of International Humanitarian Legislation against cyber-warfare; feasible repercussions of cyber-warfare on humanitarian causes. It is also to be contended and outlined in this research study that non–state actors can be held accountable for breaches of international humanitarian legislation committed using cyber–ordnance if sufficient resources and skill are made available. It details the factors that prosecutors and investigators must take into account when organizing investigations into major breaches of humanitarian legislation committed in cyber–space, as well as the jurisdictional components of transgressions of the rules and L.o.A.C (Legislation of Armed Conflict). Due to the limitations imposed by both time and space, the planned analysis cannot be thorough; rather, it will have to remain conservative and concentrate on providing a basic grasp of the topics that are most pertinent to the modern practice of statecraft. Furthermore, given the technical and statutory complication of the subject matter as well as the fact that legal research remains in its infancy, the aspiration of this study should remain low to distinguishing matters and placing those in framework. It cannot be the goal of this study to magisterially resolute the prevailing issues that have arisen.

The aim of this paper is to examine the limitations of the International Commission on Human Rights Experts on Ethiopia (ICHREE). Due to lack of sufficient resources, the ICHREE was not able to fully satisfy its mandate in “conducting thorough and impartial investigations into alleged violations and abuses of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and International Human Rights Law (IHRL) committed by all parties to the conflict in Ethiopia since November of 2020” (Human Rights Council, 2022). This has resulted in catalogue of possible IHL and IHRL violations in Oromia to go unnoticed including the arbitrary deprivation of life by airstrike targeting civilian populations, extrajudicial killings, massacres and public executions. Also, the possible enforced disappearance and torture, cruel and inhuman treatment of Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) detainees. The lack of investigations into the Oromia region has also hindered avenues for accountability under international criminal law, specifically in terms of crimes against humanity. As avenues for accountability under Ethiopia’s domestic law lacks the criminalization of crimes against humanity, it imperative that the ICHREE provide independent and impartial investigations into the atrocities committed in the Oromia region as under domestic law they would be considered as “ordinary” offences. Ultimately, this will ensure accountability and justice for victims of possible serious violations of IHL and IHLR in the Oromia region and assist in transitional justice measures.

The child soldier problem is an escalating and growing phenomenon around the world. It is a complex issue as it involves a wide range of areas such as human rights, politics and cultures. A comprehensive legal framework is in place to protect children in armed conflicts, yet they are still being targeted, recruited and deployed in armed groups and organizations. The purpose of this study is to conduct an exhaustive examination of current international law, de lege lata, regarding child soldiers aged 15-18. The legal-dogmatic method will be used to identify the merits, but above all the shortcomings and problems of the legislation. The result shows that international law treats children differently in terms of age and when they are no longer considered child soldiers. The findings demonstrate the difficulties between the two frameworks of international humanitarian law and international human rights law in relation to child rights and protection issues. Furthermore, it has been discovered that the international law regarding child soldiers is outdated, contradictory and inconsistent, as society and warfare have changed since the adoption of the documents. The lack of legal sanctions against recruiters and enablers complicates the situation even further.

This research uses the case study of Colombia and more specifically the peace negotiations between the government of Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) to identify the influence that International Humanitarian Law (IHL) can have on a peacemaking process and what its humanitarian implications are. By linking the humanitarian and peacemaking fields, the main objective of this research is to assess the extent to which IHL has influenced the peace negotiations with the FARC-EP. To conduct this study, desk research and interviews were conducted in order to find out all the subtle elements that were not documented in the literature. The final aim of this research is to highlight how humanitarian obligations under IHL have become increasingly relevant in peacemaking processes and conflict resolution strategies, particularly in non-international armed conflicts. As found out through this case study on Colombia, IHL can help establishing trust through humanitarian confidence building measures reducing humanitarian crises caused by war. Finally, IHL can strengthen accountability and reparations during and after the peace process and provide a legal framework for consolidating peace agreements.

Sjukvårdstaktiken idag grundar sig idag i reglementen och handböcker där sjukvårdsgrupper bär det Röda Korset för att kunna få de skydd som den internationella humanitära rätten ger. Dessa lagar gäller i väpnade konflikter och ska respekteras av alla parter i en konflikt. Trots dessa lagar sker attacker riktade mot sjukvårdsenheter medvetet. Senast i Rysslands invasion av Ukraina har det enligt WHO skett 859 attacker mot sjukvårdsenheter. När sjukvårdsgrupper ses som legitima mål för en motståndare skapas ett problem och ett dilemma om svenska sjukvårdsgrupper bör bära det Röda Korset för att få de skydd som den internationella humanitära rätten ger, eller om gruppen i stället bör skyddas genom att inte utmärka dem med det Röda Korset. Syftet med arbetet är att utforska, om en sjukvårdsgrupp bör bära det Röda Korset eller inte, genom att besvara frågeställningen: Vad händer med en sjukvårdsgrupps skydd när de inte bär det Röda Korset, utifrån skyddslökens lager? Slutsatsen är att skyddet kommer att öka på sjukvårdsgruppen om de inte bär det Röda Korset, men att det då måste beslutas på högre nivåer och alla i Försvarsmakten måste göra likadant. De reglementen som finns för dagens sjukvårdtaktik behöver ses över och revideras då den tänkta motståndaren inte följer krigets lagar som de är tänkta att göra. Sjukvårdsgruppers uppträdande behöver också ändras för att deras egna skydd ska kunna öka ytterligare., Medical tactics today are based on the regulations and manuals where medical units wear the Red Cross to get the protection that international humanitarian law gives. These laws apply in armed conflicts and must be respected by all parts in a conflict. Despite these laws, attacks targeting healthcare facilities still occur. Most recently in Russia's invasion of Ukraine, according to the WHO, there have been 859 attacks on medical units. When medical units are seen as legitimate targets for an adversary, it creates a problem and a dilemma as to how Swedish medical units should wear the red cross to receive the protections that international humanitarian law provides, or whether one should instead protect medical units by not using the Red Cross. The aim of this essay is to explore, if a medical unit should wear the Red Cross or not by answering the question: What happens to a medical unit’s protection when they don't wear the Red Cross, based on the layer of system survivability? The conclusion is that protection will increase for the health care group if not wearing the Red Cross, but it must be joint decisions within the Armed Forces, and everyone must do the same. The regulations that exist for today's medical unit tactics need to be reviewed and revised as the adversaries that exist today do not follow the laws of war as they are supposed to. Medical units’ tactics need to be changed so that their own protection can increase.

The thesis functions as an overview of the protection of children used in hostilities and their targetability under international law, primarly in international humanitarian law. The author questions the established presumption, that children directly participating in hostilities, shall be equally targetable as their adult colleges and counter parts. In times of conflicts, international humanitarian law offers children a special protection status. The prohibition against recruitment and use of children under the age of 15 illustrates two of the most relevant protective regimes. Despite these protective rules, children directly participating in hostilities remain lawful targets and their special protection status becomes severely less useful. For these reasons, the author argues, that the presumption of equal target ability hinders the Special protection of children to have the practical impact for children used on the battlefield it intened to.The tremendous amounts of child soldiers recruited by non-state armed groups shows that the prohibition against recruitment and use aren't respected. However, the author argues that the ICC juris prudence and national initiatives illustrate that the presumption of equal targetability can be challenged under international law. And, that the special protection for children in times of conflict, and international law as a whole does motivate differanting rules for targeting children versus adults participating in hostilities. For arguments presumably made on moral grounds, military personnel are willing to put themselves at greater risk to spare the life of a child soldiers forced to take part in a conflict, he or she definitely did not start. The Vancuver principles and the The Canadian Armed Forces Joint Doctrine Note shows that states are willing to follow in these footsteps by adding extra precautionary measures in the planning state of a military operation and to completely differentiate the rules for targeting children and

La presente investigación surge de la necesidad existente de analizar la verdadera efectividad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario para la protección de la población civil, en un contexto político como el presente, donde se está desarrollando un conflicto armado internacional entre Rusia y Ucrania, el cual ha dejado al momento de este trabajo un saldo de crímenes de guerra alrededor de los 95.000. Para cumplir este objetivo, fue necesario acudir a fuentes de información de libros especializados en el DIH, informes de las Naciones Unidas y del Comité Internacional de la Cruz Roja, e igualmente, a fuentes de prensa que permitan realizar una investigación a fondo. A través de este trabajo, se encontró que durante el conflicto armado referido se han presentado múltiples infracciones al DIH, afectando la vida y el bienestar de la población civil. Este régimen jurídico internacional no ha sido suficiente para brindarles una real protección a las personas protegidas por él, concluyendo en la necesidad de una revisión y consolidación de los instrumentos internacionales del derecho de la guerra para enfrentar los desafíos de un conflicto armado contemporáneo., This research arises from the existing need to analyze the true effectiveness of International Humanitarian Law for the protection of the civilian population, in a political context such as the present one, since an international armed conflict between Russia and Ukraine is taking place, which at the time of this investigation, it has left a balance of 95.000 war crimes. To achieve this objective, it was necessary to go to sources of information such as specialized books on IHL, reports from the United Nations and the International Committee of the Red Cross, and, to press sources that allow an in-depth investigation to be carried out. Through this work, it was found that during the armed conflict there has been multiple violations of IHL, affecting the life and well-being of the civilian population. This international legal regime has not been enough to provide real protection to the people protected by it, concluding in the need for a review and consolidation of the international instruments of the law of war to face the challenges of a contemporary armed conflict.

The new wave of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine that began on 24 February 2022, and the intensification of the armed conflict accompanied by grave breaches of international humanitarian law, has received significant scholarly attention. Many academic interventions have examined the developments in Ukraine through the frameworks of jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Some, however, have applied a genocide lens to make sense of reported numerous and widespread violations of international humanitarian and human rights law. This article contributes to the latter stream of scholarship by contextualizing the arguments for the existence of genocidal intent behind the seemingly unrelated crimes committed by the armed forces of the Russian Federation all over Ukraine. The authors pay particular attention to the language and pseudo-historical references used by Russia’s leaders as a justification for the invasion of Ukraine and argue that these statements and expressions indicate the existence of genocidal intent. This article also reflects on the issue of the systematic destruction of cultural heritage of Ukraine as further evidence of the intent to destroy the Ukrainian nation understood as a protected national group under the Genocide Convention, at least in part. Finally, the authors analyse the genocidal acts that have apparently been committed, including killings; the causing of serious bodily or mental harm; the forcible transfer of Ukrainian children to Russia, and the deliberate infliction of conditions of life aimed at the physical destruction of the Ukrainian nation. It is stressed that there are reasonable grounds to believe that the destruction of the Ukrainian nation by Russia has been pursued through commission of these prohibited acts. Their nature and large-scale character serve as further evidence of genocidal intent to destroy the Ukrainian nation.

The aim of the article is two-fold. First, to identify the elements that distinguish private military and security companies (PMSCS) from other entities. Second, to propose a definition of PMSCS under international humanitarian law (IHL). The hypothesis of the study is that the type of military services provided by PMSCS, their direct participation in hostilities and the so-called ‘three externalities’ are the core elements of PMSCS and provide a solid basis for their definition in IHL. The research methodology applied is based upon the interpretivist epistemological orientation, which is reflected through an open research question which seeks to examine a range of elements and observable processes which contribute to determining the result. To do this, the research question is formulated in such a way that the proposed analysis illustrates the way in which social and international agents represent “the world” and an object of study (PMSCS and their personnel) through their intersubjective interpretations. This is preferred by methodological pluralism and interdisciplinary focuses., El objetivo del artículo es doble. En primer lugar, identificar los elementos que distinguen a las Compañías militares y de seguridad privadas (CMSP) de otras entidades. En segundo lugar, proponer una definición de las CMSP en el derecho internacional humanitario (DIH). La hipótesis del estudio es que el tipo de servicios militares prestados por las CMSP, su participación directa en las hostilidades y las llamadas “tres externalidades” son los elementos centrales de las CMSP y brindan una base sólida para su definición en el DIH. La metodología de investigación aplicada se basa en la orientación epistemológica interpretativista, la cual se refleja a través de una pregunta de investigación abierta que busca examinar una serie de elementos y procesos observables que contribuyen a determinar el resultado. Para ello, la pregunta de investigación se formula de tal forma que el análisis propuesto ilustra la forma en que los agentes sociales e internacionales representan “el mundo” y un objeto de estudio (las CMSP y su personal) a través de sus interpretaciones intersubjetivas. Esta es la preferida por el pluralismo metodológico y los enfoques interdisciplinarios.

My thoughts are to write about The Human Environment. I will address the recent events concerning the increased silencing of dissent and the criminal law reforms that prohibit peaceful gatherings.

Objective: The International humanitarian law addresses the tension between safeguarding people and preserving the rights of soldiers within the intricate context of armed conflicts. The proposal sets up an in-depth examination of the complex processes that support the public and armed forces within this crucial legal framework in times of conflict. The core proposal, traces the evolution of armed conflicts and international humanitarian law from their earliest days to their present-day manifestations. The Conventions of Geneva and their supplementary protocols form the basis that allows the safety of civilians and ensure the foods in war zones. The significance of differentiating between those fighting and those living in a war zone, a core premise of international humanitarian law, is clarified. The proposed concept of proportionality is investigated, bringing down the complex math that goes into balancing military requirements with the desire to prevent civilian injury. The theoretical framework offers instances taken from earlier times and current moments that illustrate the quiet interplay of these ideas. The implementation of international humanitarian law poses major challenges in an atmosphere marked by non-governmental organizations, unconventional strategies, and technological advances. The work analyzes these contemporary challenges and highlights the fuzzy boundary that divides combatants and people in this time of increased uncertainty. Migration, lack of food, mortality, and lifelong communal traumas often rush to the head when citizen safety is violated.   Method: The security of Civilians based on Human Rights (SC-HR) of war emphasizes the core principles of humanitarian law even amid conflict, emphasizing the crucial function for international organizations and humanitarian actors in alleviating humanitarian pain.   Result: The proposal provides an expression of the fundamental rights of combatants by explaining the safety measur

International humanitarian law (IHL) does not only oblige States who are directly engaged in an armed conflict to fulfil their obligation to respect its rules and principles during the conduct of hostilities and take measures to stop violations. IHL also places an obligation on all State Members to the Geneva Conventions to ensure respect and take measures to stop violations. The unfolding events in the Palestinian territory, occupied by Israel, specifically after Hamas’ attack on Israel, have clearly attracted the attention of many international law researchers and scholars. Some tried to defend Israeli bombing campaigns on Gaza, the starvation of its 2.3 million people and the imposing – rather tightening – of a total siege, justifying such actions under the principles of proportionality, distinction and the obligation to warn. Importantly, the discussions went on to look at self-defence, humanitarian access of relief aid and the classification of the conflict. Yet none of the authors of these posts discuss obligations on their own countries, particularly those who are recognizing the right of and even aiding Israel’s assault on Palestinians and their mass killings. The discussion, as of yet, has not brought the matter of States’ obligations to ensure respect for international humanitarian law in connection to Palestine. This post seeks to contribute to the discussion by considering the position of non-belligerents under Common Article 1 of the four Geneva Conventions. It starts with an overall view on the situation and moves to analyse and apply Common Article 1 on the unfolding events in Palestine. This post finally ends with a description of the needed urgent actions.

This book marks the 75th anniversary of the 1948 Hostage Case in which a US military tribunal in Nuremberg acquitted General Lothar Rendulic of devastating Northern Norway on account of his honest factual error. The volume critically reappraises the law and facts underlying his trial, the no second-guessing rule in customary international humanitarian law (IHL) that is named after the general himself, and the assessment of modern battlefield decisions. Using recently discovered documents, this volume casts major doubts on Rendulic’s claim that he considered the region’s total devastation and the forcible evacuation of all of its inhabitants imperatively demanded by military necessity at the time. This book’s analysis of archival and court records reveals how the tribunal failed to examine relevant facts or explain the Rendulic Rule’s legal origin. This anthology shows that, despite the Hostage Case’s ambiguity and occasional suggestions to the contrary, objective reasonableness forms part of the reasonable commander test under IHL and the mistake of fact defence under international criminal law (ICL) to which the rule has given rise. This collection also identifies modern warfare’s characteristics—human judgment, de-empathetic battlespace, and institutional bias—that may make it problematic to deem some errors both honest and reasonable. The Rendulic Rule embodies an otherwise firmly established admonition against judging contentious battlefield decisions with hindsight. Nevertheless, it was born of a factually ill-suited case and continues to raise significant legal as well as ethical challenges today. The most comprehensive study of the Rendulic Rule ever to appear in English, this multi-disciplinary anthology will appeal to researchers and practitioners of IHL and ICL, as well as military historians and military ethicists and offers ground-breaking new research.

Why are some non-state armed groups more violent than others? Why do some groups resort to inhumane means and methods of war while others restrain from doing so? In trying to answer these questions, a growing number of scholars and practitioners have focused on the drivers of restraint behaviour. However, defining and measuring restraint can be challenging. In this post, Henrique Garbino, Doctoral Candidate at the Swedish Defence University, discusses how we can define and measure restraint focusing on the use of landmines and similar explosive devices by non-state armed groups. This post is based on Henrique’s recent article, “Rebels Against Mines? Legitimacy and Restraint on Landmine Use in the Philippines,” published in Security Studies on 23rd June 2023., Understanding restraint in civil wars: What explains variation in landmine use by non-state armed groups?

This study focuses on appraising the right of the wounded and sick to medical confidentiality within the context of international armed conflict in International Humanitarian Law. It finds a correlation between the right to medical confidentiality and the general protection accorded to the wounded and sick in IHL. The paper argues that in hostilities, just like in peacetime, the right to medical confidentiality exists to protect the wounded and sick. However, it is the major finding of this paper that as important as the right to medical confidentiality may be, because military medical personnel owe dual loyalty, (one to the medical profession and the other to the Military), they face the dilemma of striking a balance between these responsibilities, which in turn affects their obligation to respect medical confidentiality. To address this challenge, the paper recommends greater commitment and respect by States to their obligations under IHL through the provision of adequate training for their military and civilian medical personnel on what the duty of confidentiality entails; and the stipulation of effective sanctions against the violation of this right through their domestic laws.

There is no doubt that, for the past 47 years, Morocco has been the occupying power over most of the territory of Western Sahara. However, a brief analysis of institutional and relational practice shows that, on the one hand, both the main international organisations concerned — the United Nations and the European Union — and the Western powers — the United States, France, etc. — maintain a certain degree of indeterminacy regarding the legal regime that should be applied to Morocco, in accordance with the rules of international law in force, particularly with respect to international humanitarian law. On the other hand, an analysis of the practice shows the lack of response or reaction from the United Nations, the European Union and Western powers to the North African state’s flagrant and prolonged non-compliance with these norms. More specifically, Spain, the former administering power of Western Sahara, takes little interest in Morocco’s compliance with these norms. The Spanish government has even recently stated that it supports the annexationist theses defended by the Moroccan monarchy. Given this situation, Spain’s international law doctrine could adopt a more active and organised role in defending compliance with international law in relation to the Western Sahara conflict, and in general in the development of Spain’s foreign policy as a whole. In short, in defending the validity of rule of law in international relations.

This chapter explains the development of international and European law from a gender perspective and describes how the process from a gender-neutral to a gender-sensitive approach was developed. Since 1945 and the adoption of the UN Charter, the idea of achieving greater gender equality was merged into many international documents, including the first catalog of women’s rights—Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women. Many principal and subsidiary bodies were established, contributing to the elimination of gender discrimination and to awareness-raising on some critical issues which were an impediment to achieving gender equality. Twenty years ago, UN Security Council Resolution 1325 was adopted, due to a global effort to establish a platform as a foundation to national and international policies to ensure greater protection of women and girls, during and after, armed conflicts. International Humanitarian Law, enshrined in the Geneva Conventions, also has rules that specifically seek to protect women during armed conflicts. Also, International Criminal Law has been developed to recognize extreme forms of sexual violence as international crimes. On the European level, under the auspices of the Council of Europe, several international conventions were adopted to achieve gender equality. One of the main instruments, the European Convention on Human Rights, provides broad protection from discrimination based on gender, established in a comprehensive jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights. The EU has a set of primary and secondary sources on anti-discrimination, which provides comprehensive protection from gender discrimination and serves as an inspiring model to States candidates and other European countries., Authors are listed in alphabetical order. Rigmor Argren authored Sects. 8.2.2–8.2.4 and Sect. 8.3; Marco Evola authored Sect. 8.6. Sections 8.1.3 and 8.5 are written by Thomas Giegerich and Ivana Krstić authored Sects. 8.1.2, 8.2.1 and 8.4.

The past decade was the warmest decade ever recorded. As climate impacts intensify, numbers of people displaced and in need of relocation increase. International law has yet to adapt to a changing climate and its implications for those most vulnerable. Experts still debate whether the existing refugee regime could provide a solution for those displaced by climate across international borders, while national governments continue to reckon with the domestic implications of internal displacement fueled by climate impacts. In this article, we apply a human rights lens to climate induced displacement, drawing from two case studies to highlight the human rights obligations of the national governments and the international community towards individuals facing climate-induced displacement across and within borders. We explore the plight of communities in the Northern Triangle of Central America and Raizal communities in the island of Providencia, Colombia to understand and address current protection gaps in international and domestic frameworks with respect to climate-induced displacement.

This article analyses the procedural right to a remedy under human rights law when applied to armed groups controlling territory and exercising governance. Using the Al Hassan case before the International Criminal Court as a reference point and drawing on literature on rebel governance from other disciplines, the article conducts a critical review of the application of the right to a remedy to armed groups. Finding that the right to a procedural remedy applied to armed groups can be useful and realistic, the articles evaluates how the main tools of the right to a remedy (1) domestic law and (2) domestic courts, can and should be treated, when dealing with territory controlled by armed groups. Adopting a high-altitude perspective that identifies and discusses the dynamics within the discourse that resist recognition of armed groups’ law and courts under human rights law, the article highlights key tensions within the system of international law and reflects on what the legal framework, taken as a system, can expect and require from armed groups.

René Provost’s latest book, Rebel Courts: The Administration of Justice by Armed Insurgents, collects an impressive amount of practice of organized armed groups concerning the administration of justice in armed conflicts, and offers a detailed analysis of the legal issues surrounding the creation and functioning of insurgent courts. Drawing from field work and adopting a legal pluralistic methodology, Provost offers a comprehensive overview of how the rebel administration of justice functions in practice and of how international law regulates its different aspects, including the legality of rebel courts, due process guarantees, as well as international, transnational, and national recognition of the judicial practices of armed groups. In this review essay, I highlight the importance and novelty of Provost’s approach, exploring the book’s connections with other legal and non-legal literature on armed groups, and contextualize some of Provost’s arguments concerning rebel law and rebel courts.

The article is devoted to the peculiarities of the international regulations of the organization of the investigation and collection of evidence of military crimes. The objective is to analyze the effective minimization of the impact of destructive factors on the investigation of military crimes, so it is necessary to create a special governmental institution to cooperate with the International Criminal Court with the appointment of national coordinators in relation to amendments to the Code of Criminal Procedure of Ukraine, which provides for the possibility of investigation. The methodological basis of the research was the methods and techniques of scientific knowledge, specifically the main method of research was the dialectical method. It is concluded that the concept of investigation of military crimes committed in armed conflict and criminal prosecution of perpetrators can be defined as of important scientific and practical significance, a holistic interdisciplinary comprehensive theoretical system of activities under special conditions, which generally combines theoretical provisions on specific patterns in the field of legal support, organization of investigation and collection of evidence of military crimes. : search, arrest and transfer of officials involved in military crimes and implementation of international proceedings against the accused., El artículo está dedicado a las peculiaridades del reglamento internacional de la organización de la investigación y recolección de pruebas de delitos militares. El objetivo consiste en analizar la minimización efectiva del impacto de los factores destructivos en la investigación de delitos militares, por lo que es necesario crear una institución gubernamental especial para cooperar con el Tribunal Penal Internacional con la designación de coordinadores nacionales en relación con las enmiendas al Código de Procedimiento Penal de Ucrania, que prevé la posibilidad de investigación. La base metodológica de la investigación fueron los métodos y técnicas del conocimiento científico, específicamente el método principal de la investigación fue el método dialéctico. Se concluye que el concepto de investigación de delitos militares cometidos en conflictos armados y enjuiciamiento penal de los perpetradores puede definirse como de importante significado científico y práctico, un sistema teórico integral interdisciplinario holístico de actividades en condiciones especiales, que generalmente combina disposiciones teóricas sobre patrones específicos en el campo de apoyo legal, organización de la investigación y recolección de pruebas de delitos militares: búsqueda, detención y traslado de funcionarios involucrados en delitos militares e implementación de procesos internacionales contra los imputados.

This article demonstrates a priori cosmopolitan values of restraint and harm limitation exist to establish a cosmopolitan “no-harm” duty in warfare, predating utilitarianism and permeating modern international humanitarian law. In doing so, the author exposes the atemporal and ahistorical nature of utilitarianism which introduces chaos and brutality into the international legal system. Part 2 conceptualises the duty as derived from the “no-harm” principle under international environmental law. Part 3 frames the discussion within legal pluralism and cosmopolitan ethics, arguing that divergent legal jurisdictions without an international authority necessitates a “public international sphere” to mediate differences leading to strong value-commitment norm-creation. One such norm is the “no-harm” duty in warfare. Part 4 traces the duty to the Stoics, Christianity, Islam, Judaism, African traditional culture, Hinduism, and Confucianism. Parts 5 and 6 explain how the duty manifests in principles of distinction and proportionality under international humanitarian law.

This essay argues that international law binds the United States to adopt comprehensive policy providing accessible and affordable child care as a right of women. Women disproportionately assume the responsibility of unpaid and undervalued child care and therefore are impeded from full participation in public life. These discriminatory effects compound for minority women. Despite its wealth, the United States is outside the mainstream of international morality and out of bounds of its obligations under the American Declaration, ICCPR, ICERD, and customary international law. This essay employs intersectionality analysis and the due diligence principle to add missing texture to the significance of this debate for the United States. The plan proposed by Senator Elizabeth Warren in her 2020 bid for president meets the United States’ affirmative obligations. In adopting this plan, the United States would also align with its allies and advance its own economic, political, and security interests.

The governance of global migration increasingly relies on what critical migration scholarship refers to as externalized control. Externalization encompasses limiting human mobility through the imposition of migration control measures by transit states, as well as by states that are geographically proximate to destination states. Destination states are at a minimum complicit in the creation and operation of these externalized migration control systems. To capture this phenomenon, this Article offers a reconceptualization of externalization as transnational migration deterrence. The objective of this nomenclature is to provide a framework that highlights the role of destination states, to build a lexicon of accountability for extraterritorial human rights violations against migrants. Transnational migration deterrence systems often arise through ad hoc policies and practices, typically as a response to a migration “crisis,” and continue there-after as long-lasting mechanisms of regional migration control. Destination states typically provide assistance for less-resourced states to carry out migration control on their behalf through financial and logistical support, while also levying threats if they fail to deter migration. This Article begins with transnational migration deterrence in the Americas, describing first the historical context of the U.S.-Caribbean migrant deterrence system and then present-day migration control practices between the United States, Mexico, and Central America. It then turns to the transnational migration deterrence systems in Europe and Australia, chronicling arrangements of interdiction at sea and offshore detention in both regions. The Article concludes by exploring a framework of accountability that recognizes the relational nature of how externalized migration controls are operationalized, emphasizing the need for systems of accountability with respect to destination countries’ role in migration deterrence practices.

The present work formulates an analysis of the main milestones of the emergence and development of IHL, as well as the guarantees that Ecuador exercises in its application, covering all those laws with which this country works in order to validate these rights. For this, a descriptive study was carried out, through a documentary bibliographic review. With what was obtained as a result that Ecuador to date has had significant progress on the implementation of IHL both in legislative terms through the COIP, where it is sanctioned with a custodial sentence of one (1) up to twenty-six (26) years. on the commission of war crimes, as well as institutional ones, in the sense that it recognizes the organizations that have an inter-agent functionality for the achievement of the objectives set by IHL. In addition, through an analysis of comparative law with respect to the application of IHL in other countries such as Colombia, Bolivia, Panama and Venezuela, it was possible to determine the margin of competence that local courts have for the exercise of universal jurisdiction, which is a tool which seeks to guarantee the international obligation to prevent, punish and sanction violations of IHL., El presente trabajo formula un análisis de los principales hitos del surgimiento y desarrollo del DIH, así como las garantías que ejerce el Ecuador en la aplicación del mismo, abarcando todas aquellas leyes con las cuales trabaja este país para poder validar estos derechos. Para esto se realizó un estudio de tipo descriptivo, a través de una revisión bibliográfica documental. Con lo que se obtuvo como resultado que Ecuador hasta la actualidad ha tenido avances significativos sobre la implementación del DIH tanto en términos legislativos a través del COIP, donde se sanciona con una pena privativa de libertad de uno (1) hasta veintiséis (26) años sobre el cometimiento de delitos de guerra, así como institucionales, en el sentido que reconoce a los organismos que tienen una funcionalidad de interagentes para la consecución de los objetivos planteados por el DIH. Además, mediante un análisis de derecho comparado con respecto a la aplicación del DIH en otros países como Colombia, Bolivia, Panamá y Venezuela se logró determinar el margen de competencia que tienen los tribunales locales para el ejercicio de la jurisdicción universal la cual es una herramienta que busca garantizar la obligación internacional de prevenir, castigar y sancionar las infracciones del DIH.

The ancient Kriegsraison doctrine awarded absolute predominance to the achievement of military advantages in armed conflicts and therefore granted the opportunity to secede from all restrictive laws of war. The doctrine was therefore formally condemned as abusive and inconsistent with modern International Humanitarian Law. Especially the contemporary military necessity principle is viewed as a factor that ruled out the Kriegsraison doctrine. Despite this narrative of a clear rejection, it remains challenged that the military necessity principle really differs from the Kriegsraison doctrine. After assessing both concepts in detail, this paper thus compares the military necessity principle in modern International Humanitarian Law with the Kriegsraison doctrine. The analysis of the military necessity principle highlights the relevance of this comparative study by illustrating that the principle is indicative for the essence of the International Humanitarian Law system. A high level of systematic comparability between the concepts, based on teleological, conceptual, and functional similarities, suggests the domination of military considerations in International Humanitarian Law. Nonetheless the assessment additionally reveals that the modern law − that surrounds the isolated military necessity principle − ensures a high level of inviolable protection for individuals in armed conflicts. This protective system of modern International Humanitarian Law prevents the resurrection of the Kriegsraison doctrine through the military necessity principle. In conclusion, the thesis illustrates that the military necessity principle and modern International Humanitarian Law did not completely break with the Kriegsraison doctrine. The legal system continues to facilitate military considerations. But at the same time, there are inviolable elements for the protection of individuals at the core of International Humanitarian Law. The thesis therefore exemplifies a conflicting essence of th

This article aims to demonstrate that respect for international humanitarian law (IHL) may help reduce the impact of organized crime in areas affected by armed conflict through a case study of the conflict in Sierra Leone (1991-2002). In this conflict, a symbiosis in violence was created, with diamond smuggling being essential to achieve the parties' military objectives, and those objectives being increasingly shaped by involvement in diamond smuggling. This led to further violence connected with the conflict and breaches of IHL. Ensuring compliance with IHL may therefore reduce the impact of these activities in armed conflicts. An important tool in securing this compliance is the influence of other States not party to the conflict, further to their obligation to ensure respect for IHL.

There is a common Nordic perspective on international humanitarian law (IHL) and international criminal law (ICL) which may be explained by a common historical and cultural heritage as well as by conscious and close Nordic cooperation in the field of legislation, including criminal law. This chapter examines how ICL and IHL has been implemented in a domestic context in relation to three themes: implementing legislation; prosecutorial discretion, jurisdiction, and government involvement, and situations investigated and cases adjudicated by courts in the Nordic countries. This is based on separate country and thematic studies previously conducted by several scholars. For each of the three themes there will be an initial account for each of the Nordic countries, followed by a comparative analysis. Particular attention is paid to transplants from one Nordic country to another.