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Purpose: The purpose of this research is to critically examine the Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting the export of nickel ore and its implications from a legal, regulatory, and economic perspective. By conducting a thorough analysis of relevant regulations, including Minister of Energy and Mineral Resources Regulation (Permen ESDM) No. 11 of 2019, this study aims to elucidate the rationale behind the prohibition and assess its impact on Indonesia's economic sovereignty, value addition in the nickel industry, and international trade relations. Additionally, the research seeks to provide recommendations to stakeholders, particularly the Indonesian Government, on navigating the challenges and opportunities associated with the nickel ore export prohibition, with a view toward promoting sustainable economic development and maximizing the benefits derived from the country's mineral resources. Theoretical framework: This research uses a multidisciplinary theoretical framework to analyze the Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting nickel ore exports. It uses normative legal theory, constitutional law, administrative law, resource curse theory, export-led growth theory, trade policy analysis, state sovereignty, political economy perspectives, and international relations theory to understand the policy's implications on legal, economic, and political dynamics at domestic and international levels. Design/Methodology/Approach: This research uses a mixed-methods approach, combining normative legal research with qualitative analysis, to examine the Indonesian Government's policy of prohibiting nickel ore exports. It examines the legal framework, aligns with international norms, and gathers insights from stakeholders through interviews, document analysis, and thematic analysis. The findings are then analyzed to provide a comprehensive understanding of the policy's legal, economic, and socio-political dimensions. Findings: The Indonesian Government's policy, RESUMO   Objetivo: A política do Governo Indonésio de proibir a exportação de minério de níquel visa que a Indonésia mantenha a soberania e o controlo sobre os recursos naturais, aumente o valor acrescentado dos produtos de níquel e faça uma utilização óptima da riqueza do níquel para melhorar o bem-estar das pessoas e fortalecer a economia do país.   Métodos: A pesquisa utilizada é uma pesquisa jurídica normativa que analisa as políticas do governo indonésio, conforme descrito no Regulamento do Ministro de Energia e Recursos Minerais (Permen ESDM) nº 11 de 2019, relativo ao negócio de mineração de minerais e carvão (Minerba). seu conteúdo proíbe matérias-primas, especialmente minério de níquel. Esta abordagem de investigação foi realizada através de uma abordagem jurídica qualitativa, nomeadamente analisando do ponto de vista legal e regulatório, além de fornecer explicações e argumentos relacionados com a proibição da mineração de matérias-primas e minerais, especialmente minério de níquel.   Resultados: A pesquisa realizada pelo autor resultou na conclusão de que a política do governo indonésio de proibir a exportação de matérias-primas de minério de níquel resultou em alto valor agregado para o estado indonésio, mas com esta política de proibir a exportação de minério de níquel, a Indonésia recebeu protestos e ações judiciais na OMC por países que se sentiram prejudicados pela política do governo, como a União Europeia, a América e a China.   Sugestões: Os resultados desta investigação são úteis para as partes interessadas, especialmente para o Governo indonésio, que a política de proibição da exportação de minério de níquel para o estrangeiro precisa de ser continuada porque terá um impacto positivo a longo prazo, nomeadamente aumentando as receitas do Estado, abrindo emprego oportunidades dentro do país e também transferência de tecnologia.     Palavras-chave: Política, Governo Indonésio, Proibição de Expo

The purpose of this study is to analyze the conflict management that has been carried out by the government through the integrative framework of Collaborative Governance. The research method used was the deductive Post-Positivist paradigm by collecting data through interviews, focus group discussions, and surveys regarding the implementation of Special Autonomy Policy. The results of the study based on the integrative framework of collaborative governance model showed that the process of collaboration in implementing the Special Autonomy policy has not been successful and is less effective., El propósito de este estudio es analizar la gestión de conflictos que ha llevado a cabo el gobierno a través del marco integrador de la Gobernanza Colaborativa. El método de investigación utilizado fue el paradigma deductivo post-positivista mediante la recolección de datos a través de entrevistas, discusiones de grupos focales y encuestas sobre la implementación de la Política de Autonomía Especial. Los resultados mostraron que el proceso de colaboración en la implementación de la Política Especial de Autonomía no ha sido exitoso y es menos efectivo.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the conflict management that has been carried out by the government through the integrative framework of Collaborative Governance. The research method used was the deductive Post-Positivist paradigm by collecting data through interviews, focus group discussions, and surveys regarding the implementation of Special Autonomy Policy. The results of the study based on the integrative framework of collaborative governance model showed that the process of collaboration in implementing the Special Autonomy policy has not been successful and is less effective., El propósito de este estudio es analizar la gestión de conflictos que ha llevado a cabo el gobierno a través del marco integrador de la Gobernanza Colaborativa. El método de investigación utilizado fue el paradigma deductivo post-positivista mediante la recolección de datos a través de entrevistas, discusiones de grupos focales y encuestas sobre la implementación de la Política de Autonomía Especial. Los resultados mostraron que el proceso de colaboración en la implementación de la Política Especial de Autonomía no ha sido exitoso y es menos efectivo.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the conflict management that has been carried out by the government through the integrative framework of Collaborative Governance. The research method used was the deductive Post-Positivist paradigm by collecting data through interviews, focus group discussions, and surveys regarding the implementation of Special Autonomy Policy. The results of the study based on the integrative framework of collaborative governance model showed that the process of collaboration in implementing the Special Autonomy policy has not been successful and is less effective., El propósito de este estudio es analizar la gestión de conflictos que ha llevado a cabo el gobierno a través del marco integrador de la Gobernanza Colaborativa. El método de investigación utilizado fue el paradigma deductivo post-positivista mediante la recolección de datos a través de entrevistas, discusiones de grupos focales y encuestas sobre la implementación de la Política de Autonomía Especial. Los resultados mostraron que el proceso de colaboración en la implementación de la Política Especial de Autonomía no ha sido exitoso y es menos efectivo.

East Timor which has now become an independent and sovereign State of Timor Leste in 2002 still leaves humanitarian problems namely human rights violations related to the claims of former East Timor independence fighters who still become refugees at East Nusa Tenggara (NTT) after helping the Indonesian government fight under their leader, Eurico Guterres since integrated with Indonesia by means of Balibo Declaration in 1976 and hence Indonesia succeeded to make the East Timor region as the 27th Indonesian province. The issue that arises now is about the status of former East Timor independence fighters at NTT and the responsibility of the Indonesian government according to human rights law. This paper aims to find out the citizenship status of former East Timor independence fighters at NTT and what should be the responsibility of the Indonesian government toward their claims. The research method used is normative juridical with case and human rights law approaches based on qualitative analysis.Based on the results of the discussion, it was concluded that in the system of modern human rights law that has been practiced by the United Nations, the Indonesian government as the duties bearer has 5 (five) obligations, namely the obligation to respect, protect, fulfill the human rights of the people, promote human rights and punish everyone who violates human rights. Having that former East Timor independence fighters had ever given advantage to Indonesia, the government should fulfill their human rights claims by means of providing facilities for the former East Timor independence fighters to obtain Indonesian citizenship status. Indonesia should also asked apologize to Timor Leste and work together to ask United Nations Organization to abolish the 403 names of former East Timor independence fighters from the black list of human rights serious crimes. The Indonesian government is also expected to immediately give compensation to 13.000 of the former East Timor independ, В Восточном Тиморе, который в 2002 г. наконец обрел независимость и стал суверенным государством Тимор-Лешти, все еще существуют гуманитарные проблемы, связанные с нарушениями прав человека. Об этом заявляют бывшие участники борьбы за независимость Восточного Тимора, сражавшиеся в партизанских отрядах под руководством Эурико Гутерриша. Однако после перехода их лидера на сторону индонезийских правительственных войск и присоединения в 1976 г. Восточного Тимора по Декларации Балибо к Индонезии, в результате чего он стал ее 27-й провинцией, они нашли убежище в провинции Восточная Нуса Тенгара (НТТ). Цель статьи – выяснение статуса гражданства бывших борцов за независимость Восточного Тимора в НТТ и ответственности правительства Индонезии за нарушение их прав. При этом автор использовал нормативно-правовой и прецедентно-правовой методы исследования прав человека, основанные на качественном анализе. Сделан вывод, что в системе современного права в области прав человека, которая практикуется Организацией Объединенных Наций, правительство Индонезии как носитель обязательств и обязанностей в области прав человека имеет 5 обязательств, а именно обязательства уважать, защищать, соблюдать права человека, обеспечивать их осуществление и наказывать всех, кто нарушает права человека. Учитывая, что бывшие участники борьбы за независимость Восточного Тимора когда-то выступали на стороне Индонезии, правительство должно выполнять свои обязательства в области прав человека, предоставив бывшим борцам за независимость Восточного Тимора возможность получить статус индонезийского гражданства. Индонезия также должна извиниться перед Тимор-Лешти и совместно обратиться в Организацию Объединенных Наций с просьбой исключить 403 имени бывших борцов за независимость Восточного Тимора из списка серьезных преступлений против человечества. Ожидается также, что правительство Индонезии немедленно выплатит компенсацию 13000 бывших борцов за независимость Восточного Тимора и позволит их детям стать воен, У Східному Тиморі, який у 2002 р. нарешті здобув незалежність і став суверенною державою Тимор-Лешті, все ще існують гуманітарні проблеми, пов’язані з порушеннями прав людини. Про це заявляють колишні учасники боротьби за незалежність Східного Тимору, які воювали в партизанських загонах під керівництвом Еуріко Гутерріша. Однак після переходу їх лідера на бік індонезійських урядових військ і приєднання в 1976 р. Східного Тимору за Декларацією Балібо до Індонезії, в результаті чого він став її 27-ю провінцією, вони знайшли притулок у провінції Східний Нуса Тенгара (НТТ).Мета статті – з’ясувати статус громадянства колишніх борців за незалежність Східного Тимору в НТТ і відповідальність уряду Індонезії за порушення їх прав. При цьому автор використовував нормативно-правовий і прецедентно-правовий методи дослідження прав людини, засновані на якісному аналізі. У результаті зроблено висновок, що в системі сучасного права в галузі прав людини, яка практикується Організацією Об’єднаних Націй, уряд Індонезії, як носій зобов’язань у галузі прав людини, має виконати 5 зобов’язань, а саме зобов’язання поважати, захищати, дотримуватися прав людини, забезпечувати їх реалізацію і карати всіх, хто порушує права людини. З огляду на те, що колишні борці за незалежність Східного Тимору колись виступали на боці Індонезії, уряд має виконувати свої зобов’язання щодо прав людини, надавши їм можливість отримати статус індонезійського громадянства. Індонезія також повинна вибачитися перед Тимор-Лешті та спільно звернутися до Організації Об’єднаних Націй з проханням виключити 403 імені колишніх борців за незалежність Східного Тимору з списку серйозних злочинів проти людства. Очікується також, що уряд Індонезії негайно виплатить компенсацію 13000 колишніх борців за незалежність Східного Тимору і дозволить їх дітям стати військовослужбовцями, поліцейськими та державними службовцями в Індонезії.

In rapid development of Information Communication and Technology (ICT), citizens need fast and easy-to-access regarding e-Government services. To fulfil the requirements, Indonesian Government has been developed and implemented e-Government services in both local and central government. However, to measure the e-Government success, there is a model to measure the ranking of e-Government in Indonesia named PeGI. The measurement is applied to ministry, non-ministry government, and local government institution. This paper aims to measure e-Government development and implementation in a Ministry institution in Indonesia. The measurement model divided e-Government into 4 dimensions; policy, institutional, infrastructure, application, and planning. The result of the measurement indicated that the Ministry has 3.37 out of 4 and it belongs to good rating. Further in this paper, we also give recommendations to improve the e-Government development and implementation in the Ministry in order to deliver better services to citizen and other partners.

Full Text, Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Dept Intnl Bus&Asian Studies, Griffith Business School, This thesis explores the historical development of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in Indonesia. Existing literature in the field is influenced by experiences in Western liberal democracies, where pressure from internal stakeholders leads to what is called a “bottom-up” approach; pressure that leads firms engaging in CSR for voluntary rather than mandated reasons. However, this research found that the adoption of CSR in Indonesia did not follow this Western trajectory. Instead, CSR developed from a “top-down” approach where the Indonesian Government acted as the key driver of change. Reflecting this, the enactment of the Company Act 2007 made Indonesia the first country in the world to explicitly require every company to undertake CSR activities. In exploring this unusual policy outcome, this research sought answers to the following research question: Do theories about CSR that stem from Western democratic societies, which typically depict the drivers of CSR activity coming from below – with the company then voluntarily devising their own strategic CSR response – apply in developing societies? In exploring answers to this question, this thesis adopts a historical approach, considering the changing role of the Indonesian government since 1945 with particular attention paid to the so-called New Order era (1965-98) and the Reformation era (1998-2015). This case study answers the questions utilising legitimacy theory, institutional theory, and stakeholder theory through analysis of relevant regulations, official statistics, document analysis interviews with key stakeholders, and analysis of company Annual Reports. This research found that at first, the Indonesian government initiated CSR activities through the policies pursued by State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) that have occupied a disproportionately important role in the Indonesia economy. Under the New Order era, CSR policies were mainly directed towards improving economic and social outcomes in agriculture, wher

The emergence of private sustainability standards and certification schemes in the last twenty years has changed the production of agricultural commodities in Southern countries. Most of these standards and schemes are developed by Northern-based businesses and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) or by partnership between them. This study argues that Southern governments, such as Indonesia, need to reconsider their authority in the market system. This process of ‘claiming authority’ creates many tensions, as it is being realized in a decentralized and fragmented government system through various institutional arrangements. The research explores how the Indonesian government positions itself in the sustainability contestations and the different ways Indonesia claims its authority in the confrontation with Northern-based private standards and certifications.

In rapid development of Information Communication and Technology (ICT), citizens need fast and easy-to-access regarding e-Government services. To fulfil the requirements, Indonesian Government has been developed and implemented e-Government services in both local and central government. However, to measure the e-Government success, there is a model to measure the ranking of e-Government in Indonesia named PeGI. The measurement is applied to ministry, non-ministry government, and local government institution. This paper aims to measure e-Government development and implementation in a Ministry institution in Indonesia. The measurement model divided e-Government into 4 dimensions; policy, institutional, infrastructure, application, and planning. The result of the measurement indicated that the Ministry has 3.37 out of 4 and it belongs to good rating. Further in this paper, we also give recommendations to improve the e-Government development and implementation in the Ministry in order to deliver better services to citizen and other partners.

In rapid development of Information Communication and Technology (ICT), citizens need fast and easy-to-access regarding e-Government services. To fulfil the requirements, Indonesian Government has been developed and implemented e-Government services in both local and central government. However, to measure the e-Government success, there is a model to measure the ranking of e-Government in Indonesia named PeGI. The measurement is applied to ministry, non-ministry government, and local government institution. This paper aims to measure e-Government development and implementation in a Ministry institution in Indonesia. The measurement model divided e-Government into 4 dimensions; policy, institutional, infrastructure, application, and planning. The result of the measurement indicated that the Ministry has 3.37 out of 4 and it belongs to good rating. Further in this paper, we also give recommendations to improve the e-Government development and implementation in the Ministry in order to deliver better services to citizen and other partners.

This thesis explores the historical development of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) in Indonesia. Existing literature in the field is influenced by experiences in Western liberal democracies, where pressure from internal stakeholders leads to what is called a “bottom-up” approach; pressure that leads firms engaging in CSR for voluntary rather than mandated reasons. However, this research found that the adoption of CSR in Indonesia did not follow this Western trajectory. Instead, CSR developed from a “top-down” approach where the Indonesian Government acted as the key driver of change. Reflecting this, the enactment of the Company Act 2007 made Indonesia the first country in the world to explicitly require every company to undertake CSR activities. In exploring this unusual policy outcome, this research sought answers to the following research question: Do theories about CSR that stem from Western democratic societies, which typically depict the drivers of CSR activity coming from below – with the company then voluntarily devising their own strategic CSR response – apply in developing societies? In exploring answers to this question, this thesis adopts a historical approach, considering the changing role of the Indonesian government since 1945 with particular attention paid to the so-called New Order era (1965-98) and the Reformation era (1998-2015). This case study answers the questions utilising legitimacy theory, institutional theory, and stakeholder theory through analysis of relevant regulations, official statistics, document analysis interviews with key stakeholders, and analysis of company Annual Reports. This research found that at first, the Indonesian government initiated CSR activities through the policies pursued by State-Owned Enterprises (SOEs) that have occupied a disproportionately important role in the Indonesia economy. Under the New Order era, CSR policies were mainly directed towards improving economic and social outcomes in agriculture, wher, Thesis (PhD Doctorate), Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), Dept Intnl Bus&Asian Studies, Griffith Business School, Full Text

The emergence of private sustainability standards and certification schemes in the last twenty years has changed the production of agricultural commodities in Southern countries. Most of these standards and schemes are developed by Northern-based businesses and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) or by partnership between them. This study argues that Southern governments, such as Indonesia, need to reconsider their authority in the market system. This process of ‘claiming authority’ creates many tensions, as it is being realized in a decentralized and fragmented government system through various institutional arrangements. The research explores how the Indonesian government positions itself in the sustainability contestations and the different ways Indonesia claims its authority in the confrontation with Northern-based private standards and certifications.

In rapid development of Information Communication and Technology (ICT), citizens need fast and easy-to-access regarding e-Government services. To fulfil the requirements, Indonesian Government has been developed and implemented e-Government services in both local and central government. However, to measure the e-Government success, there is a model to measure the ranking of e-Government in Indonesia named PeGI. The measurement is applied to ministry, non-ministry government, and local government institution. This paper aims to measure e-Government development and implementation in a Ministry institution in Indonesia. The measurement model divided e-Government into 4 dimensions; policy, institutional, infrastructure, application, and planning. The result of the measurement indicated that the Ministry has 3.37 out of 4 and it belongs to good rating. Further in this paper, we also give recommendations to improve the e-Government development and implementation in the Ministry in order to deliver better services to citizen and other partners.

In rapid development of Information Communication and Technology (ICT), citizens need fast and easy-to-access regarding e-Government services. To fulfil the requirements, Indonesian Government has been developed and implemented e-Government services in both local and central government. However, to measure the e-Government success, there is a model to measure the ranking of e-Government in Indonesia named PeGI. The measurement is applied to ministry, non-ministry government, and local government institution. This paper aims to measure e-Government development and implementation in a Ministry institution in Indonesia. The measurement model divided e-Government into 4 dimensions; policy, institutional, infrastructure, application, and planning. The result of the measurement indicated that the Ministry has 3.37 out of 4 and it belongs to good rating. Further in this paper, we also give recommendations to improve the e-Government development and implementation in the Ministry in order to deliver better services to citizen and other partners.

Concern regarding corporate governance is a new phenomenon in Indonesia. It became apparent in the business community when the economic crisis hit the country in 1997. Due to its recent recognition, it appears that very little is known about corporate governance in Indonesia and there has been no academic study conducted on corporate governance in the Indonesian Stateowned Enterprises (ISOEs) despite the fact that their performance is closely linked to the development of the country. The main objectives of this study are two-fold: first is to examine corporate governance systems and the roles of the Boards of ISOEs; and second is to assess the effectiveness of government initiatives in improving corporate governance practices in ISOEs. This study employed both qualitative and quantitative methods. The quantitative analysis was derived from numerical data obtained from government reports and other public documents. The qualitative analysis was based on the results of in-depth interviews with key individuals and other sources such as public opinions published in the mass media. Several key findings were obtained from the results of this study. Firstly, the study found that using agency theory to explain the relationships between the agents and the principals was more problematic in ISOEs than those in private enterprises. This is because an ISOE is a loose coalition of various agents with no real owner. Consequently. agency theory, if it is used to redefine the relationships among parties in ISOEs. should be approached at two different levels. At the micro level the agency theory examines the agent-principal relationships among the ISOE management, the Boards and the government-the corporate governance tripod. At the macro level it examines the agent-principal relationships between the corporate governance tripod and the ISOEs stakeholders (the public, labour unions, politicians in the People's Representative Assembly and others). Secondly, the results of this study c