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For more than two decades, tax-credit scholarship (TCS) policies have helped American families provide their children with the learning environment that meets their individual needs. Now available in 19 states, nearly 300,000 students nationwide use tax-credit scholarships to attend the school of their family's choice. TCS policies create an incentive for taxpayers to contribute to nonprofit scholarship organizations that aid families with tuition and, in some states, other K-12 educational expenses. As with other policies, their ultimate success or failure depends greatly on how they are designed. This paper explores the central design features of TCS policies--such as eligibility, the tax credit value, credit caps, and academic accountability provisions--and outlines the different approaches taken by the TCS policies in each state. The paper also offers suggestions regarding each feature for policymakers who want to design a TCS policy that most likely to succeed at its central purpose: empowering families to provide their children with the education that works best for them. To that end, the paper recommends designing each policy element in such a way that they maximize the incentive that taxpayers have to contribute to scholarship organizations, maximize the number of families that can benefit from the scholarships, and maximize the freedom and flexibility that scholarship organizations have to serve those families. A summary of these suggestions can be found in the conclusion. Finally, the appendix offers policymakers a wide variety of additional resources, including model legislation, parent satisfaction and public opinion surveys, research of fiscal effects, various policy briefs on tax-credit scholarships, information about the constitutional landscape, and public relations resources. [Introduction by Theodor Rebarber. Foreword by Kendra Espinoza.]

The World Health Organization and World Bank (2011) estimate that there are more than 1 billion people with disabilities in the world. To address this population's diverse needs, the United Nations drafted their Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities (CRPD) in 2006. Article 24 (Education) of the CRPD requires ratifying countries to develop an inclusive education system to address the educational needs of students with disabilities alongside their peers without disabilities. Despite substantive improvements and movement toward inclusive education, many low- and middle-income countries (LMICs) continue to struggle with accurately identifying and supporting students with disabilities, including knowing how to effectively screen, evaluate, and qualify students for additional services (Hayes, Dombrowski, Shefcyk, & Bulat, 2018a). These challenges stem from the lack of policies, practices, and qualified staff related to screening and identification. As a result, many students with less-apparent disabilities--such as children with learning disabilities--remain unidentified and do not receive the academic supports they need to succeed in school (Friend & Bursuck, 2012). This guide attempts to address the lack of appropriate, useful disability screening and identification systems and services as countries look to educate all students in inclusive settings. Specifically, this guide introduces viable options for screening and identification related to vision, hearing, and learning disabilities in inclusive classrooms in LMICs. It also provides guidance on how LMICs can transition from an assessment-center model toward a school-based identification model that better serves an inclusive education system.

Many policies and initiatives have been proposed or implemented to address the unique needs of military families who face special challenges while supporting the service of their military member(s). Some of those policies and initiatives have sought to focus on military-connected children (MCCs) and the particular academic challenges they face. The unique aspects of many of the challenges stem from the dynamics of the military lifestyle. Current efforts to address the academic needs of MCCs are built upon earlier efforts, some of which can be traced back nearly two centuries. Although ascertaining their academic performance is more challenging and less straightforward than it could and should be, there are many indications that MCCs perform academically at least as well--and sometimes better--than their non-MCC peers. Despite this, there have been assertions that federal Common Core standards are essential to improving the academic progress of MCCs and would greatly benefit them as they transition with their military parents between different military duty locations. However, such assertions are supported neither by the available evidence nor by the existing questions of rigor, legality, transparency, privacy, and state and local control that surround the implementation of Common Core. Rather than centrally and opaquely determined standards, initiatives such as the Interstate Compact on the Education of Military Children, the creation of school liaison officers, support of military homeschooling families, and the use of targeted grants, to name just a few examples, are better suited to assisting military families and military leaders address the challenges of K-12 education for MCCs. [This document contains a preface by Lieutenant General Rick Lynch, Retired Three-Star General, United States Army.]

The "Minnesota K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Minnesota registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, as well as the intensity of those responses. Where do Minnesotans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Minnesota voters responded to more than 20 substantive questions and items, as well as seven demographic questions. This project also included three split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose of the experiment was to see if providing a new piece of information about education can significantly influence opinion on salient issues in state politics and education policy discussions. This polling paper has four sections: (1) a summary of key findings; (2) "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project; (3) the survey's methodology, which summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews; and (4) the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering.

The "Nevada K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Nevada registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, as well as the intensity of those responses. Where do Nevadans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Nevada voters responded to more than 20 substantive questions and items, as well as six demographic questions. This project also included two split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose of the experiment was to see if providing a new piece of information about education can significantly influence opinion on salient issues in state politics and education policy discussions. This polling paper has four sections: (1) a summary of key findings; (2) "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project; (3) the survey's methodology, which summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews; and (4) the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering.

The "Delaware K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Delaware registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, as well as the intensity of those responses. Where do Delawareans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Delaware voters responded to more than 20 substantive questions and items, as well as six demographic questions. This project also included a couple of split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose of the experiment was to see if providing a new piece of information about education can significantly influence opinion on salient issues in state politics and education policy discussions. This polling paper has four sections: (1) a summary of key findings; (2) "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project; (3) the survey's methodology, which summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews; and (4) the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering.

The "Schooling in America Survey" is an annual project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI). The purpose of the project is to measure public opinion--and in some cases awareness or knowledge--on a range of K-12 education topics and reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels, differences, and intensities for the country, four major regions, and demographic groups. These annual snapshots consider the perceived direction of American K-12 education; the federal government's performance in K-12 education; education spending; grades and preferences for different types of schools; and school choice topics addressing charter schools, vouchers, education savings accounts, and tax-credit scholarships. This report contains responses to two sets of questions with a special focus on standardized testing and the Common Core State Standards, and compares split-sample responses on questions exploring public spending on education; perceptions of political party support for school choice policies; test-based accountability; and the development and implementation of academic standards. All are salient issues in state politics and reflect undercurrents in education policy discussions. This polling paper has four sections: (1) a summary of findings; (2) "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project; (3) the survey's methodology, which summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews; and (4) the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering.

As is the case in most OECD countries, boys in Norway are more likely to have lower levels of academic achievement and attainment than girls. While this phenomenon is not recent, it has become increasingly pronounced in recent years and, as a result, is attracting considerable attention from policy-makers in many countries. This paper develops evidence of gender gaps in educational outcomes in Norway and selected OECD countries and identifies examples of policies and practices that could help close existing gender gaps in Norway. The first part of the paper describes gender gaps in school achievement, attainment, attitudes, beliefs and behaviours using an international comparative analysis. Evidence from PIRLS, TIMSS, PISA and the OECD Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC) is used to identify gender gaps during primary and secondary schooling as well as young adulthood. The second part of the paper summarises evidence on policies and practices that were implemented in other countries and that could support efforts in Norway to mitigate, prevent and reduce gender gaps in achievement and attainment. Most of the evidence on policies and practices reviewed in the report comes from the peer countries Finland, the Netherlands and the United States that were identified of particular relevance for Norway, given the policy challenge Norway faces. [This report was developed in co-operation with the Norwegian National Commission on Gender Equity in Education.]

The "Missouri K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Missouri registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, as well as the intensity of those responses. Where do Missourians stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Missouri voters responded to more than 20 substantive questions and items, as well as eight demographic questions. This project also includes one split-sample experiment. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose of the experiment was to see if providing a new piece of information about education can significantly influence opinion on salient issues in state politics and education policy discussions. This polling paper has four sections: (1) a summary of key findings; (2) "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project; (3) the survey's methodology, which summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews; and (4) the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering.

The "Oklahoma K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Oklahoma registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, as well as the intensity of those responses. Where do Oklahomans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Oklahoma voters responded to more than 20 substantive questions and items, as well as eight demographic questions. This project also included a couple of split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose of the experiment was to see if providing a new piece of information about education can significantly influence opinion on salient issues in state politics and education policy discussions. This polling paper has four sections: (1) a summary of key findings; (2) "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project; (3) the survey's methodology, which summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews; and (4) the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering.

Although the recent wave of mortgage foreclosures has clearly been accompanied by economic hardship, relatively little research has examined how foreclosures affect the academic performance of students. This paper investigates the relationship between mortgage foreclosures and the academic performance of students using a unique dataset that matches information on the standardized test scores and attendance of individual Boston Public School students with real estate records indicating whether the student lived at an address involved in foreclosure and whether that student's parent or guardian was the owner or a tenant in the property. Econometric analysis of this relationship suggests that foreclosures are associated with slightly lower test scores and attendance, controlling for the previous-year's test score and attendance as well as other student characteristics and environmental factors. The results suggest that both the foreclosure event and the diminished student outcomes stem from underlying economic stress within the family. School changes during the school year, which are sometimes induced by foreclosure-related residential moves but also occur independently of foreclosure, may be associated with more substantial negative effects on academic performance than foreclosures, although this causal relationship is not certain. This latter finding suggests that policies that decouple residential moves from school changes during the school year may help to mitigate this indirect effect of foreclosure on student performance. This Working Paper also includes a Data Appendix.

The "Tennessee K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research Inc. (BRI), measures Tennessee registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences (using the term "net score" or "net") of voter opinion, and the intensity of responses. Where do Tennesseans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? They try to provide some observations and insights in this paper. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Tennessee voters recently responded to 17 substantive questions and 11 demographic questions. A total of 606 telephone interviews were conducted in English from February 11 to 21, 2012, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 4.0 percentage points. In this project the author and his colleagues included five split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose is to see if particular wording, or providing a new piece of information, can significantly influence opinion on a given topic. For this survey, they were particularly interested in how wording can affect responses to questions on taxes, education spending, and digital learning--all salient issues in Tennessee state politics and policy discussions. Their polling paper has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. They call the second section "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section presents their questionnaire and results ("topline numbers"), essentially allowing the reader to follow the actual interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. They set out to give a straight-forward analysis, going easy on editorial commentary, and letting the numbers and charts communicate the major findings. Key findings include: (1) Nearly three of four registered voters in Tennessee (74%) are paying attention to issues in K-12 education. About one of four voter (25%) say they pay "very little" or no attention; (2) Tennesseans are less likely to think that K-12 education is heading in the "right direction" (36%) compared to being on the "wrong track" (50%); (3) Tennessee voters are essentially split when assessing the state's public school system (47% say "good" or "excellent"; 49% say "fair" or "poor"); (4) Based on survey responses, Tennessee voters do not know how much is spent per student in public schools. There is an awareness gap; and (5) When given the latest per-student spending information, voters are less likely to say public school funding is at a level that is "too low," compared to answering without having such information. (Contains 8 notes and 1 footnote.)

The "Texas K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Texas registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, as well as the intensity of those responses. Where do Texans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? They try to provide some brief observations and insights in this memo. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Texas voters recently responded to 20 substantive questions and 11 demographic questions. A total of 613 telephone interviews were conducted in English and Spanish from March 19 to 27, 2013, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct for known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 4.0 percentage points. In this project the author and his colleagues also included one split-sample experiment. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. In this case, the purpose is to see if providing a new piece of information about education spending can significantly influence opinion on the topic--a salient issue in Texas's state politics and representing an undercurrent in education policy discussions. Their polling paper has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. They call the second section "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section displays the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. (Contains 9 notes and 3 footnotes.)

The "North Dakota K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures North Dakota registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences of voter opinion, and the intensity of those responses. Where do North Dakotans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? They try to provide some brief observations and insights in this memo. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of North Dakota voters recently responded to 19 substantive questions and 12 demographic questions. A total of 605 telephone interviews were conducted in English from February 2 to 10, 2013, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct for known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 4.0 percentage points. In this project the author and his colleagues also included one split-sample experiment. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. In this case, the purpose is to see if providing a new piece of information about education spending can significantly influence opinion on that topic--a salient issue in North Dakota's state politics and representing an undercurrent in education policy discussions. Their polling paper has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. They call the second section "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section displays the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), owing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. (Contains 8 notes and 3 footnotes.)

The "Maine K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Maine registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences (often using the terms "net" or "spread") of voter opinion, and the "intensity" of those responses. Where do Mainers stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? The author and his colleagues try to provide some brief observations and insights in this memo. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Maine voters recently responded to 19 substantive questions and 12 demographic questions. A total of 604 telephone interviews were conducted in English from January 30 to February 6, 2013, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 4.0 percentage points. In this project they also included one split-sample experiment. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose is to see if providing a new piece of information about education spending can significantly influence opinion on that topic--a salient issue in Maine's state politics and representing an undercurrent in education policy discussions. Their polling paper has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. They call the second section "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section displays the questionnaire and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the actual interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. (Contains 11 notes and 4 footnotes.)

Moms and Schools Educational Choice, conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Americans views on area schools (district, charter, or private), school type preferences, and school vouchers. In this paper, Moms, report response levels of public opinion. For some questions, discussion to examine differences of voter opinion (sometimes using the terms ) and the intensity of responses are also expanded. This polling paper has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. The second section, "Survey Snapshots", offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section presents the questionnaire and results ("topline numbers"), essentially allowing the reader to follow the actual interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. (Contains 3 footnotes.)

The "Idaho K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by The Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research Incorporated (BRI), measures Idaho registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education issues and school choice reforms. We report response "levels" and "differences" (we use the term "net score" or "net") of voter opinion, and the "intensity" of responses. Where do the voters stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? We attempt to provide some observations and insights in the following pages of this paper. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Idaho voters recently responded to 17 substantive questions and 11 demographic questions (see pages 47-77). The next section summarizes our key findings. A total of 2,097 telephone interviews were conducted in English from October 22 to November 6, 2011, by means of both landline and cell phone. The statewide sample included 1,202 interviews, and regional oversamples included at least 500 interviews. Statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 2.8 percentage points. Margin of error for each regional sample (Boise-Nampa, Coeur d'Alene, Idaho Falls) is plus or minus 4.4 percentage points. In this project we included two split-sample experiments. A split sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose is to see if particular wording, or providing a new piece of information, can significantly influence opinion on a given topic. Our polling paper has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. We call the second section "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts illustrating the core findings of the survey. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section presents our questionnaire and results ("topline numbers"), essentially allowing the reader to follow the actual interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. We have set out to give a straight-forward analysis, going light on editorial commentary, and letting the numbers and charts communicate the major findings. (Contains 8 notes and 1 footnote.)

This is a support document to the "Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) 2009 Cohort User Guide" report. Developed for users of LSAY, the user guide consolidates information about the LSAY 2009 cohort into one document. This support document provides demographics information for the guide. [For the main report, "Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) 2009 Cohort User Guide. Technical Paper 74," see ED536971. For other supporting documents, see "Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) 2009 Cohort User Guide: Data Elements B1--Education (School and School Transition). Technical Paper 74B1" (ED536973); "Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) 2009 Cohort User Guide: Data Elements B2--Education (Post-School). Technical Paper 74B2" (ED536975); "Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) 2009 Cohort User Guide: Data Elements C--Employment. Technical Paper 74C" (ED536974); and "Longitudinal Surveys of Australian Youth (LSAY) 2009 Cohort User Guide: Data Elements D--Social. Technical Paper 74D" (ED536972).]

In addition to a historic overview of papermaking, this book explains the painstaking process of papermaking and details the results of actually making paper from samples of grass gathered from Arizona to Minnesota, and Maine to California, including 11 states and climates. The book describes how to teach papermaking and offers a list of equipment suppliers as resources for help getting started. A study of the effects of rainfall and altitude on the grasses used in making paper was conducted. The handmade paper shown in this book is only an example of what can be accomplished. Since there are so many different varieties of grass, this project has only scratched the surface of the potential for decorative paper made from grasses. The book is divided into the following sections: (1) "The Beginning of Papermaking"; (2) "Renaissance of Hand Papermaking"; (3) "Chemistry of Hand Papermaking"; (4) "A Little Bit about Grasses"; (5) "Papermaking from Grasses"; (6) "Papermaking Results"; and (7) "Teaching Hand Papermaking." (Contains 25 resources and 13 relevant Web sites.) (BT)

This lesson combines two significant art forms into one lesson. Students first learn the techniques necessary to create a relief sculpture terra cotta clay mold. Using that mold, students will experience the art of paper making and paper casting simply, safely, and economically. A brief history of the art of paper making is provided, along with samples and examples to show how the completed work will appear. Step-by-step instructions are included, along with a glossary of terms, lesson goals and objectives, background and preparation information, supply and equipment list, alternative suggestions, and additional ideas. (EH)

The "Montana K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI), measures Montana registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response levels and differences (often using the modifying term "net") of voter opinion, and the intensity of responses. Where do Montanans stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? They try to provide some observations and insights in this paper. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Montana voters recently responded to 19 substantive questions and 11 demographic questions. A total of 604 telephone interviews were conducted in English from April 12 to 19, 2012, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 4.0 percentage points. In this project the author and his colleagues included four split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose is to see if particular wording, or providing a new piece of information, can significantly influence opinion on a given topic. For this survey, they were particularly interested in how wording can affect responses to questions on education spending, taxes, and digital learning--all salient issues in Montana state politics and policy discussions. Key findings include: (1) More than three of four registered voters in Montana (77%) are paying attention to issues in K-12 education. Nearly one of four voters (23%) say they pay "very little" or no attention; (2) Montanans are more likely to think that K-12 education is heading in the "right direction" (49%) compared to being on the "wrong track" (38%); (3) Montana voters give high marks to the state's public school system (60% say "good" or "excellent"; 38% say "fair" or "poor"); and (4) Based on survey responses, Montana voters do not know how much is spent per student in public schools. There is an awareness gap. (Contains 1 footnote and 8 notes.)

Redistributing highly effective teachers from low- to high-need schools is an education policy tool that is at the center of several major current policy initiatives. The underlying assumption is that teacher productivity is portable across different schools settings. Using elementary and secondary school data from North Carolina and Florida, this paper investigates the validity of this assumption. Among teachers who switched between schools with substantially different poverty levels or academic performance levels, we find no change in those teachers' measured effectiveness before and after a school change. This pattern holds regardless of the direction of the school change. We also find that high-performing teachers' value-added dropped and low-performing teachers' value-added gained in the post-move years, primarily as a result of regression to the within-teacher mean and unrelated to school setting changes. Despite such shrinkages, high-performing teachers in the pre-move years still outperformed low-performing teachers after moving to schools with different settings. (Contains 2 figures, 17 tables, and 11 footnotes.)

The "Schooling in America Survey" is a national project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research, Inc. (BRI). The author and his colleagues methodology is in line with polling industry standards. A total of 1,000 telephone interviews were completed from April 1 to 8, 2013, by means of both landline and cell phone. A randomly selected and statistically representative national sample responded to 18 substantive questions and eight demographic questions. An initial sample included 700 American adults (age 18 and older) living in the United States. BRI then oversampled to reach an additional 300 interviews with mothers of school-age children to complete, combined with the national sample, 405 interviews with mothers having at least one child in preschool, elementary school, or high school. Throughout the remainder of this report they use "school moms" as a shorthand for this group of respondents. As a comparison group, they also track the responses of adult women and men who do not have children in preschool, elementary school, or high school, or who have no children at all, and they call this group "non-schoolers." Based on recent U.S. Census data, statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies in order to establish a representative nationwide sample of American adults. The margin of sampling error for the national sample is plus or minus 3.1 percentage points. The margin of error for the "school mom" sample is approximately plus or minus 4.9 percentage points. The author and his colleagues observe and report on respondents' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. This polling report has four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. They call the second section "Survey Snapshots," which offers charts highlighting the core findings of the project. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section displays the survey questions and results ("topline numbers"), allowing the reader to follow the interview as it was conducted, with respect to question wording and ordering. (Contains 14 footnotes.)

The core purpose of the Interstate Survey series is to survey statistically representative statewide samples and report the "levels" and "gaps" of voter opinion, knowledge, and awareness when it comes to K-12 education and school choice reforms--particularly with respect to state performance, education spending, graduation rates, achievement rankings, charter schools, virtual schools, tax-credit scholarships, and school vouchers. In this paper the author and his colleagues compare voter responses in six states: Alabama, Arkansas, Kansas, Mississippi, New Jersey, and New York. Why choose these states? In a sense these states comprise the open frontier for reforms in K-12 education. None has enacted school voucher or tax-credit scholarship systems. Arkansas, New Jersey, and New York have seen some growth in the charter school sector, but charter school student populations do not exceed 2 percent of the overall student populations in these states. Only New Jersey has had a consequential public debate about voucher or tax-credit scholarship programs in the last couple of years. This project's six states are similar in that none has been exposed to school choice programs in action, and the charter school sectors (non-existent in Alabama) and virtual school sectors (non-existent in New York) are still in early stages of development. The paper is presented in four sections. The first section summarizes key findings. The second section, "Survey Snapshots," represents the body of the paper. The third section describes the survey's methodology, summarizes response statistics, and presents additional technical information on call dispositions for landline and cell phone interviews. The fourth section lays out the questionnaire and question-by-question results (topline data), essentially allowing the reader to follow the actual interview as it was conducted in terms of question wording and ordering. This paper sets out to provide fundamental analysis, going light on editorial commentary, and letting the charts and numbers communicate the major findings. (Contains 12 footnotes.)

Merit pay initiatives transparently alter the teaching profession and goings-on within classrooms, and thereby promise to stoke the self-interests of the two most prominent stakeholders in public education: teachers and parents. This memo summarizes the authors' ongoing efforts to empirically evaluate the extent to which public debates about merit pay pit key stakeholders, rather than well-defined political constituencies, against one another. The authors examine the content of public opinion on these issues; the willingness of different groups to update their views in light of new information; and the ways in which expressed opinions on these policies figure into the larger assembly of education policies. When it comes to public debates about merit pay, they find, cleavages between parents and teachers are not merely evident. They utterly overwhelm those differences observed between either Democrats and Republicans or liberals and conservatives. The authors use the 2009 "Education Next"-Program on Education Policy and Governance (PEPG) Survey conducted by Knowledge Networks[R]. The survey was fielded to a stratified nationally representative sample of 3,251 adults, including an oversample of 709 teachers. The sample also includes 863 parents with children under the age of 18. Samples were drawn from the probability-based KnowledgePanel[R], and surveys were administered over the internet between February 25 and March 13, 2009. (Contains 13 tables, 2 figures, and 5 footnotes.)

The "Louisiana K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research Incorporated (BRI), measures Louisiana registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. In this paper the author and his colleagues report response "levels" of public opinion. For some questions, they also expand the discussion to examine "differences" of voter opinion (using the term "net score" or "net") and the "intensity" of responses. Where do Louisiana's voters stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? They make an effort to provide some observations and insights. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Louisiana voters recently responded to 18 substantive questions and 11 demographic questions. The author and his colleagues' methodology included probability sampling and random-digit dial. A total of 2,218 telephone interviews were completed in English from February 14 to 27, 2012, by means of both landline and cell phone. There was a hiatus between February 19 through February 22 to account for prohibited Sunday dialing, Mardi Gras, and Ash Wednesday. The statewide sample includes 802 registered voters in Louisiana. BRI oversampled to reach another 1,634 total interviews in the following parishes to complete, combined with the statewide sample, approximately 325 interviews in each: East Baton Rouge (326), Livingston (325), Orleans (325), St. Tammany (333), Tangipahoa (325). Based on U.S. Census data, statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 3.5 percentage points. The margins of sampling error for the parish samples are approximately plus or minus 5.4 percentage points. Key findings include: (1) The vast majority of Louisiana's voters (79%) are paying attention to issues in K-12 education. Only 21% of voters say they pay "very little" or no attention; (2) Louisianans are much less likely to think that K-12 education is heading in the "right direction" (34%) compared to being on the "wrong track" (50%); (3) Louisiana voters are much more likely to share negative ratings when assessing the state's public school system (34% say "good" or "excellent"; 63% say "fair" or "poor"); (4) Generally speaking, Louisiana voters do not know how much is spent per student in public schools. There is a clear lack of information; (5) When given the latest per-student spending information, voters are less likely to say public school funding is at a level that is "too low," compared to answering without having such information; (6) Voters are much more likely to give grades "A" or "B" to private/parochial schools in their areas, compared to other types of schools; (7) When asked for a preferred school type, Louisiana voters demonstrate a serious disconnect between their preferred school types and actual enrollment patterns in the state. Nearly half of the state's voters (49%) would first choose a private school over other school types. About 3 of 10 voters (31%) would select a regular public school; (8) Roughly equal numbers of respondents in the survey prioritize a "better education" and "individual attention" (14% each impression) as the key attribute they are looking for in the selection of his/her preferred school. The next most important attributes, each suggested by 8% of all respondents, are "teachers" and "discipline or structure"; (9) Louisiana voters are much more likely to favor charter schools (61%), rather than oppose such schools (22%). Nearly 4 of 10 voters (37%) say they are at least "somewhat familiar" with charter schools; (9) Louisiana voters solidly support school vouchers--63% say they favor the school choice policy compared to 29% who say they oppose such a voucher system. Almost 4 of 10 voters (39%) say they are at least "somewhat familiar" with school vouchers; (10) Voters from across the state, and across many demographics, support the Student Scholarships Program. Nearly two of three voters (63%) say they favor the program, versus 26% of respondents who say they oppose it. Almost one-fourth of voters (23%) say they are at least "somewhat familiar" with the voucher program; (11) More than 17% of respondents say they support the Student Scholarships Program because it offers a "better education," doubling the number of responses given for the second-most frequently cited reason. Almost 9% of voters said the program afforded "choice, freedom, or flexibility"; (12) By a two-to-one margin, Louisiana voters support expanding school voucher eligibility--statewide, low and middle income families, and low-rated C, D, and F schools (60% favor vs. 30% oppose); (13) A plurality of voters (47%) say they favor allowing tenure for public school teachers. There is about equal intensity, positive versus negative, on both sides of the issue (23% "strongly favor" vs. 24% "strongly oppose"); and (14) A solid majority of Louisianans (56%) support a new plan to overhaul the guidelines for tenure, seniority status, and teacher salaries. About one of three voters (33%) say they oppose the proposal. There is considerable positive intensity regarding the idea. Those who say they "strongly favor" outnumber those who "strongly oppose" by a two-to-one margin (36% vs. 18%, respectively). (Contains 1 footnote.)

The "Washington K-12 & School Choice Survey" project, commissioned by the Friedman Foundation for Educational Choice and conducted by Braun Research Incorporated (BRI), measures Washington registered voters' familiarity and views on a range of K-12 education topics and school choice reforms. The author and his colleagues report response "levels" and "differences" (using the term "net score" or "net") of voter opinion, and the "intensity" of responses. Where do Washington's voters stand on important issues and policy proposals in K-12 education? The author and his colleagues attempt to provide some observations and insights in this paper. A randomly selected and statistically representative sample of Washington voters recently responded to 17 substantive questions and 11 demographic questions. A total of 602 telephone interviews were conducted in English from February 9 to 20, 2012, by means of both landline and cell phone. Statistical results were weighted to correct known demographic discrepancies. The margin of sampling error for the statewide sample is plus or minus 4.0 percentage points. In this project they included four split-sample experiments. A split-sample design is a systematic way of comparing the effects of two or more alternative wordings for a given question. The purpose is to see if particular wording, or providing a new piece of information, can significantly influence opinion on a given topic. For this survey, they were particularly interested in how wording can affect responses to questions on taxes, education spending, and digital learning--all salient issues in Washington state politics and policy discussions. Key findings include: (1) The vast majority of Washington's voters (79%) are paying attention to issues in K-12 education. Only 5% of voters say they pay no attention; (2) Washingtonians are much less likely to think that K-12 education is heading in the "right direction" (31%) compared to being on the "wrong track" (52%). The statewide sample produces a negative net score (-21 net), suggesting major discontent among voters; (3) Washington voters tend to be positive in the way they rate the state's public school system (52% say "good" or "excellent"; 44% say "fair" or "poor"). In lay terms, the electorate is saying the schools are pretty good, but in light of the previous question, voters are saying they are not content with the pace of improvements; (4) Generally speaking, Washington voters do not know how much is spent in the public schools. There is a yawning information gap; (5) When given the latest per-student spending information, voters are less likely to say public school funding is at a level that is "too low" compared to answering without having such information; (6) In a split-sample experiment, it appears voters are more likely to want tax increases to fund public schools at the state level (47%), rather than increases at the local level (30%). A plurality of voters would like an increase at the state level, compared to keeping taxes "about the same" (36%) or a decrease (13%). On the other hand, a plurality of voters would like local taxes to "stay about the same" (45%), compared to those wanting an increase (30%) or decrease (19%) in local taxes; (7) When asked for a preferred school type, Washington voters demonstrate a serious disconnect between their preferred school types and actual enrollment patterns in the state; (8) About 15% of voters in the survey prioritize a "better education" as the key attribute they are looking for in the selection of a school. The second most important attribute, as suggested by 11% of all voters, is "individual attention"; (9) Washington voters are much more likely to favor charter schools (60%), rather than oppose such schools (23%). More than 4 of 10 voters (46%) say they are at least somewhat familiar with charter schools, which is similar awareness compared to what the author and his colleagues have seen in other states; (10) Depending on terminology, voters appear to shift their lightly-held views on virtual/online schools. In a split-sample experiment, the author and his colleagues asked identical questions, but alternated the terms "virtual school" and "online school"; (11) Washington voters clearly support "tax-credit scholarships." The percentage of those who favor (59% or 66%, depending on the question version) is more than double the number of people who say they oppose the policy (25% and 21%). No matter the wording of the question, the author and his colleagues measure very positive reactions (+34 net and +45 net); (12) Washington voters support an "education savings account" system (also called "ESA"). The percentage of those who favor ESAs (57%) is much larger than the proportion who say they oppose (31%) the policy. The net score is large (+26 net) with some enthusiasm (+7 intensity); and (13) Washington voters give solid support for school vouchers, 55% say they favor the school choice policy compared to 35% who say they oppose such a system. About one-third third of voters (35%) say they are at least somewhat familiar with school vouchers, which is a bit lower awareness compared to what the author and his colleagues have seen in other states.

The Concurrent Courses Initiative (CCI), funded by The James Irvine Foundation from 2008 until 2011, comprised eight secondary/postsecondary partnerships across California that offered dual enrollment programs with supplemental student supports. The goal of the CCI was to expand access to supportive, career-focused dual enrollment for students often underserved by such programs and underrepresented in higher education, with the expectation that participating students would prosper in college subsequently. We use longitudinal administrative data on individual students who participated in 2008-09 and 2009-10, compared with data on other students from their districts, to test for evidence of differences in outcomes. Relative to comparison students, CCI dual enrollees had similar GPAs but higher graduation rates in high school. CCI dual enrollees entered college at similar rates to the comparison group, but entered four-year institutions and persisted at higher rates. Notably, CCI dual enrollees accumulated more college credits than the comparison group, and this difference in credit accumulation grew over time. After two years in college, CCI dual enrollees had accumulated 20 percent more credits than their district peers. These are the results of the data pooled across the sites; we also report results for the individual sites, which vary. Appended are: (1) Partnership Overview; and (2) Supplemental Activities. (Contains 14 tables and 19 footnotes.)[To access "Bridging College and Careers: Using Dual Enrollment to Enhance Career and Technical Education Pathways. NCPR Brief" see ED533874.]