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This thesis reveals how social class plays a motivating and constraining role in the return to education for 29 mature working class women. Education is part of the government's post-Covid strategy towards 'levelling up' the country, and increasing social mobility has been identified as a core objective (SMC, 2022). Popular and policy discourses present Higher Education (HE) as a mechanism for promoting upward social mobility and achieving social justice (Cunningham & Samson, 2021). Mature working class students are a target group in the widening participation agenda. One route to HE for mature students is an Access to HE course. Despite many successes, a significant proportion of students achieving Access to HE Diplomas decide not to continue to HE (QAA, 2022). My thesis illuminates how social class inequalities are crucial for understanding problems with widening participation policy and places a much-needed focus on Access to HE students. Narratives were collected through focus groups and depth-interviews, which included Play-Doh as a creative method. The stories bought to light determination, stigmatisaion, racism and a sense of 'knowing one's place' in the class structure. My study expands upon research that identifies class and gender as barriers to course completion (e.g. Brine & Waller, 2004; Wakefield, 1993). It makes significant theoretical contributions by showing how Bourdieu's concept of habitus provides a useful framework for thinking about the meaning of class identities, values, and positions amongst students on Access to HE courses. I explore the racialised elements of habitus that is underdeveloped in Bourdieu's work and argue that Access to HE courses can provide the conditions where racial doxa may be challenged. This study offers explanations for why HE participation rates are not that high, enduring educational inequalities and how class-conditioned perceptions and dispositions, money and responsibilities structured the women's HE choices. Neo-liberal discourses influenced decisions to return to education which the women narrated as a moral project of the self. Despite their emphasis on self-responsibility for upward social mobility, structural barriers prevailed. This highlighted difficulties that could prevent educationally successful women from continuing into HE.

As the populations of public schools in the United States grow increasingly more diverse, it is critical for district and school leaders to understand how educators make sense of their responsibility to improve outcomes for historically marginalized students. Culturally responsive practice (CRP) is a framework of beliefs and practices to enhance these students’ success. Additionally, it is well established that family engagement in schools also supports student achievement. This qualitative case study explores the intersection of CRP and family engagement by focusing on two research questions: (1) How do educators understand CRP in efforts to engage families of marginalized students and (2) How do educators enact that understanding in practice? It is part of a larger case study examining understanding and enactment of CRP in a diverse Massachusetts school district. Along with Mapp’s (2013) Dual Capacity Building Framework of family engagement, I apply Maitlis’ (2005) organizational sensemaking theory to data collected from semi-structured interviews, document review and an online survey. Findings reveal that educators understood CRP in regards to family engagement as the need to know students and families and recognize differences in their cultures. Also, educator understanding emanates from both personal and professional experiences including learning from colleagues, students and families. However, educators lack a common definition or understanding of CRP in regards to family engagement. Consequently, family engagement practices vary and tend to be more traditional versus reflective of CRP. This study revealed the need for stronger district direction and support for CRP and family engagement.