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In the late 18th century and the first two decades of the 19th, Spanish seapower in the Pacific was in a state of decline, though it remained strong enough to contribute to the overthrow of the first attempt of the Chileans to liberate their colony from Spain, in 1814. By the time of the second, successful, emancipation of Chile in 1817, the patriots had realised the need for seapower. In that year they took into their service Lord Cochrane, a noted British naval officer then unemployed. Lord Cochrane arrived in Chile at the end of 1818. The squadron at that time is described. With this squadron Lord Cochrane made his first cruise, a reconnaissance in force of the royalist-held Peruvian coast during which Callao was attacked without success. Arising from this reconnaissance, the physical environment of the Mar del Sur is reviewed, together with the state of navigational knowledge. The intention of Lord Cochrane's second cruise, which began in September 1819, was to stage a major attack on Callao. This object was not achieved because of the' squadron's inadequate means and the viceroy's defensive measures, so in December 1819 Lord Cochrane sailed to Valdivia, a fortified city in the south of Chile still in Spanish hands, and captured it by assault in February 1820. There has been same debate about his intentions when he sailed for Valdivia. By early 1820 some of the basic social characteristics of the Chilean navy had emerged and these are examined, firstly from the point of view of the manning of the ships and secondly from the point of view of the problems of discipline and morale that arose. At the same time, the system of naval administration should be examined as its defects and malfunctioning had serious effects on the operating of the squadron, and its efficiency. This data forms the background to the squadron's participation in the liberation of Peru. Initially it played a significant role, firstly by shipping the expedition to Peru and secondly by boarding and taking out of Callao harbour the principal Spanish warship there. These successes were in 1820; in 1821 the squadron's role became less important as the relations between Lord Cochrane and San Martin, the commander-in-chief, deteriorated as a result of the refusal or inability of the latter to pay the squadron. In September 1821 Lord Cochrane seized the Peruvian public funds, allegedly to indemnify the expenses of the squadron, and left Peru. His last cruise, from October 1821 to May 1822, had the object of hunting down the remaining Spanish warships in the Pacific. This cruise here receives its first full account. The cruise completed, though not as successfully as he had hoped, Lord Cochrane returned to Chile. His brief remaining stay in that country was disturbed by difficulties in paying off the ships, disputes with San Martin, and the deteriorating political position of the government. When he received an invitation in November 1822 to take command of the Brazilian navy he accepted, resigned from the Chilean service, and left the country at the beginning of 1823. The dissertation is supplemented by the inventory of the papers in the Dundonald collection which relate to the period of Lord Cochrane's service with Chile. These amount to 2286 items.

Anglo-American relations throughout the Second World War and the years that followed, were at times coloured by the history of Zionism. This was the result of transfer of the Zionists' main effort from London to Washington in the hope of capitalizing on, and increasing, Zionist pressure there. The Zionists, faced with abandonment of British support for their aspirations in Palestine, due to strategic considerations, hoped that American intervention in British Palestine policy might cause Britain to resume that support. But no serious American attempt was made to prevent the introduction, in May 1939, of the British anti-Zionist White Paper policy. This lack of American pressure continued throughout the war. But as soon as the war ended, active American intervention began. The result, according to the evidence of the British Foreign Minister of the time (Bevin), was Britain's decision to abandon Palestine. This thesis endeavours to show the course of these Anglo-American relations, and to describe the development of the forces that prompted and perpetuated this American intervention. The thesis shows how in a first phase, which lasted until the beginning of 1943, the Government of the United States was reluctant to intervene for virtually the same reasons as governed the change in British policy that dates from 1938, when in face of the Axis threat they abandoned their attempt to impose the partition of Palestine and sought to maintain relations with the Arabs that would be good enough to suit their strategic ends. Consequently, throughout the war, world Jewry was faced with a grim combination of Nazi persecution of the Jews in Europe--later to become their total extermination --and the closing of the asylum of Palestine by the British. This combination had two main effects on the Jews: in America it enhanced the recruitment of the majority of Jews to the ranks of the Zionist movement, while in Palestine it reinforced Jewish determination to fight the White Paper, even by resort to violence. The common characteristic of both developments was the increase in Zionist impatience and Zionist militancy. In the course of that development, American Zionists, inspired by visitors from London and Palestine, pursued a dream that realists considered impossible of fulfilment. Before anyone in America knew the full dimensions of the holocaust and before victory in the war seemed in any way assured, the American Zionists illustrated their belief that "the hour of redemption would soon strike," and produced the "Biltmore" programme. These American Zionists believed that a Jewish State in the whole of Palestine, should be given to them "by the world", at the end of the war, and that this was going to be the true outcome of Jewish suffering. In the second phase, which ran between the beginning of 1943 and the end of the war, their Messianic dream gradually turned into a political programme. 1943 was the year in which the German threat to the Middle East came to an end. As the Allies' victory loomed in sight, not only the Zionists, but both the British and the United States began to consider the future of Palestine. The British Cabinet, largely under the influence of Churchill, saw the final phase of the war as providing it a better chance to tackle the problem than the post-war era was likely to be. Before long, it reached the conclusion that the White Paper must be replaced by a partition and accordingly drew up concrete plans. Significantly, however, the Cabinet decided to make its stand secret, until implementation of its plan was possible. It decided to exclude even the United States from knowledge of it. In consequence, an asymmetric relation developed between the two powers in which the British were told of American schemes and proposals for Palestine (most of which were merely random improvisations) but did not tell the Americans their own. The relationship amounted to a dialogue of the deaf. When, for reasons that this thesis will explain, the chance to implement partition was missed, Britain appeared to the Americans, as well as to the rest of the world, as doggedly adhering to the White Paper policy. This impression both increased Zionist beligerency, helping to make the post-war British position in Palestine impossible, and hardened the attitude of President Truman, causing him to start intervening. After 1943, two conflicting tendencies developed simultaneously in America, both affecting Middle Eastern policy. On the one hand, a scare about oil shortage and about other American interests in the Middle East, awakened an American wish to win Arab goodwill. On the other hand, mounting Zionist and (through Zionist effort) American public pressure on the Administration, brought about growing support for Zionist aspirations, particularly in Congress. This coincidence of pressures became a source of profound embarrassment to United States foreign policy makers. Since the British were at the same time disturbed by the prospects of growing difficulties in Palestine, springing from growing Jewish militancy, the one sense in which the two governments co-operated during the war in regard to Palestine was in an attempt to damp down Zionist agitation. This attempt gave birth to plans for a joint statement, condemning this agitation as impeding the Allied war effort; but the Zionists and their supporters managed to defeat this move. The result of the inner embarrassment caused to Americans was an ambiguous policy, according to which soothing statements were simultaneously made both to Jews and to Arabs only the former received these reassurances publicly; the latter learned of them in secret. This "two-way-talk" policy reached its peak towards the end of the war. Before Roosevelt's death, in April 1945, he had reached the conclusion that a Zionist solution in Palestine was impossible to implement and to maintain without resort to force. This conclusion led him to abandon his earlier support for it and to seek solutions of a different character. He, however, did not have the time or the readiness to develop his ideas much further. In his last year in office, Roosevelt struggled to stem the mounting Zionist pressure on his administration. After his failure to issue the Anglo-American statement, he scored a temporary success by managing to shelve pro-Zionist resolutions in Congress. But he was ail-but completely disarmed during the 1944 election campaign. This campaign was marked by a flood of pro-Zionist utterances, made by both political parties and their candidates for the Presidency, as a result of skilful Zionist tactics; in this election campaign, as they were again to do in the future, the Zionists instead of adhering to one Party, as they had done in the past, put their vote up to auction. Nevertheless, politically, the American Zionists achieved very little during the war. Their only impressive success was the mass recruitment of Jewry itself. All their other seeming achievements, in the form of platforms and statements and promises, seemed, when the war ended, to have vanished into thin air. But the same happened to all the plans and schemes proposed during the war by Britain and the United States. Palestine was not discussed at Yalta and formed no part of mutual post-war arrangements. The secret partition plan of the British Cabinet lay in ruins and all the other alternatives looked just as unpalatable. What remained intact was the White Paper. In the third phase, which ran from the end of the war until early 1947, American intervention began and developed. But it did not take the form for which the American Zionists had hoped; nor did it in the end bring about the results they desired.

The conventional picture of Bishop Bonner as the 'butcherly beast" of the Marian persecutions has never been seriously investigated. Discussion of the problems of his family and his education, together with a study of his service in Wolsey's household and his relationship with Thomas Cromwell form the first part of this thesis. Bonner's diplomatic career as Henry VIII's ambassador in Rome, Germany, France and Spain between 1532 and 1543 as well as his government service in England between 1535 and 1541 are next considered. The diocesan financial structure and Bonner's policy in clerical appointments have been analyzed for both halves of his episcopate, the nature of the sources rendering it necessary to consider his episcopal administration as a whole. Finally the development of Bonner's theological views up to 1549 and the story of his trial in that year complete this study. Bonner's was a complex personality, quarrelsome and rude, yet probably obsequious and time-serving. He was certainly ambitious and clever, but he seems to have lacked both statesmanship and judgment. This is the picture of him as he was before he participated in the storms of the Marian Counter-Reformation. Much of the material for this thesis has been taken from the State Papers. There are, however, three other main manuscript sources which have been used. The Lechmere papers in the Worcestershire Record Office throw some light on Bonner's early youth and the volume of hiB despatches in the Yelverton collection in the British Museum revealS his activity in the winter of 1535-1536. The account books of the Bishop of London's Receiver-General for 1526-1521 and 1561-1568 in the Guildhall Library and the account rolls for 1549-1550 and 1555-1556 in the Public Record Office provide the basis for the analysis of the Bishop's diocesan administration.

The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts from its foundation in 1701 to the beginning of the American Revolution attempted to minister to non-English white settlers in the North American colonies. The Society sent clergymen to Dutch, to Germans, to Swedes, and to French Huguenots in various provinces, gave financial help to foreign ministers, and distributed books to foreign churches. Anglican religious services were open to foreigners living near the Society's missions. These activities have been chronicled in 1952 in a dissertation by William A. Bultmann, who published two articles from that paper. One is a brief summary of the dissertation and the other concerns the SPG and Huguenots in South Carolina. Some work of the Society among foreign settlers is mentioned in a few histories of specific ethnic or national groups (e.g., William A. Knittle's The Early Eighteenth Century Palatine Emigration or Arthur H. Hirsch's The Huguenots of Colonial South Carolina); in some state histories of the Anglican Church (Nelson Rightmyer's The Anglican Church in Delaware and Nelson R. Burr's The Anglican Church in New Jersey); and in writings on other churches such as Frank Klingberg's article on "Colonial Anglo-Lutheran Relations." This study attempts to analyze the role of the SPG as an agency for assimilating non-English white settlers into the British North American colonies by investigating several questions. Did the Society aid foreign settlers for different reasons from those that motivated its support of Englishmen? Did the aims of the Society extend beyond acquiring converts for the Church of England to include helping to assimilate foreigners into colonial society? Did the aims and activities of colonial Anglicans coincide with the official policy of the Society? Since requests outnumbered instances of aid, how did the following factors affect the Society's decision to assist foreigners: the power or influence of individuals requesting support; the connection between religion and factional political controversy in some colonies; and the nature of the church to which the foreigners belonged, that is, its relationship to Anglican theology, polity, and liturgy. Were the Anglicans willing to allow foreigners.to retain their customary language and ecclesiastical practices? In the process of investigating these questions, this study will attempt to determine if the sources relating to religious affairs provide sufficient information to test some of the following factors of assimilation suggested by modern theorists: the size of the immigrant group in relation to other groups or to the entire community, the relation of the immigrant group to its homeland, the length of time since settlement, the number of personal relationships with members of the English society, and the role of elites -- in this instance the Clergy - in assimilation. The basic sources are letters and journals of the SPG in the Library of the Society in London and the Fulham Papers of the Bishop of London in the Lambeth Palace Library as well as pamphlets and newspapers. Collections of letters and contemporary accounts of various groups of foreign settlers have been translated into English, for example, records of Swedish parishes in Delaware, correspondence between the Dutch Reformed Church in New York and in Amsterdam, and the journals of Henry Melchior Muhlenberg concerning the German Lutherans in Pennsylvania.

Taken from the introduction: This investigation is concerned with the history of Bodie, California as a mining town and will cover briefly a history of the area before going into the main body of the paper which will research the railroad that served the mining camps of the Bodie area, as well as briefly researching neighboring railroads, to show the roles they played in the building up of this east of the Sierras town. This paper will also go into the politicing and business maneuvering of the Bodie Railroad in an effort to get connections with outside rails -- a necessity if the railroad was to survive. It will also cover the roles played by outside railroads in an effort to limit the Bodie Railroad to its own tracks. In short it will show why the railroad was built and why it could not survive.

This paper shall concern itself with the sixty-four year controversy between the Taos Pueblo Indians and the United States Forest Service over the question of who should control the Blue Lake area in northern New Mexico. To the Taos Indians, Blue Lake was their most sacred religious shrine -- the place or their emergence and re-entry into the earth after death. Also of importance because of numerous religious shrines were the 48,000 acres of wilderness watershed land adjoining the lake known as the Blue Lake area. The Indians had to convince Washington of this religious importance -- it was only by a congressional act that the land could become their own. In 1906, President Theodore Roosevelt had withdrawn the Blue Lake area from entry and placed it under the administration of the Forest Service, the newly created branch of the Department of Agriculture. At first the Indians did not mind the administration and management of the land by this organization, but as time went on they insisted on more of a say-so in the policies of administering the area. It was this change of attitude that started the controversy. Personality conflicts developed between the Indians and the Forest Service. The Indians charged that there was harassment, the Forest Service made countercharges. The Indians made petitions to anyone who could help their cause, and by 1968, they had left no stone unturned from the Department of Interior to the President. Finally, on December 2, 1970, with the aid of loud and supportive public opinion, a strong lobby, and a presidential endorsement, they won trust title to the Blue Lake area. Their precedent setting victory became national news. Information for this paper was gathered through interviews with the Indians, the Forest Service, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Many contributors wished to be quoted anonymously. Both the Forest Service and Bureau of Indian Affairs permitted this writer access to their records whenever necessary. Results of this study revealed the impossible situations incurred by both the Forest Service and the Indians. Both knew the difficulties of dealing with governmental beaurocracies, politics, and the changing tides of public opinion. When research on this paper was first begun, the sympathies of this writer lay strongly with the Indians, as indeed they still do: however, now they are not exclusively so. The Forest Service and its strongest supporter in the controversy, Senator Anderson, are no longer the villains they once seemed to be, acting with less than compassion for a group of victimized Pueblo Indians. Instead, all the figures in this controversy have emerged as real people with unusually strong convictions which they were driven to pursue.

The purpose of this thesis is to provide for the reader an isolated study based on a thorough research of the Adams Papers, Congressional Globe, and American Foreign Relations Papers, of Adams' views on slavery, both legal and moral.

The election of 1912 was one of the most colorful of all the elections held in America. This contest was more than just an election to elect a President of the United States; it was a struggle between certain elements -- progressive and conservative -- within the political parties themselves. While appreciating the nationwide contest between the parties, I have attempted to show how the national political picture influenced the political life in North Dakota. I chose this subject because I wished to find now the National Progressive Party, established by Theodore Roosevelt, affected North Dakota, the Rough Rider's adopted state, and a region with a strong, well-developed, progressive tradition. The basis for the material used in this study has been the North Dakota newspapers, supplemented by some interviews and magazines, and, of course, various general works, published and unpublished. In the selection of newspapers I attempted to find the most representative papers of each of the state's political factions and of its regions. Because they were dailies and carried a more complete picture of the story, the publications of the larger cities in North Dakota were chosen. As it worked out, these papers fairly represented the sentiment of the different factions. Of the weekly newspapers, I chose the publications which typified the opinion of various sections of the state, hoping to find any sectional issues which were involved in this election. In the use of the newspapers, I have, for expediency, designated their affiliation or bias by the following method: (R) -- Republican (D) -- Democrat (prog-Rep) progressive-Republican (P) -- Progressive (Ind) -- Independent Because the terms 'progressive,' 'Progressive,' 'stalwart' and 'conservative' are used throughout this manuscript, I have, for clarity, capitalized 'Progressive' to indicate that this was the Progressive Party, or its members; the term 'progressive' which is not capitalized, refers to the progressive element of the Republican Party. 'Stalwart' and 'conservative' are synonymous terms, standing for the reactionary wing of the Republican Party. In writing this monograph I hope to have contributed something of value to the history of our state. R.M.N.

The purpose of this paper is to study the relationship between the hooden Yajna (Land-Gift) movement of Vinoba Bhave and the Gandhian ideal of non-violent social order for India.vis., Gervodaya. The plan of the paper is briefly as follows. The first chapter gives the background information about Vinoba Shave and the Bhoodan Yagna movement. It is indicated how this movement, beginning on April 18, 1951 in Hyderabad (scan), steadily developed into a com, reheusive all-India program during the last about five yours. The second chapter explains the meaning of sarvodaya (literally, uplift of Man also lives the stalls of the social, Economical and political order in a Sarvodaya society.

he progress of man through the ages has been definitely marked by the various means he has employed in putting his thoughts into visible form. There are defnite milestones in the progress of the written word. History teaches us of the early Babylonian scripts, the strange and unusual characters of the Egyptians, and the writing of other ancient people. After the first early writings of stone carvings came the ancient development of papyrus in Egypt, the wax tables and atylus of the Romans, and the parchment of the Middle Ages. Then in the early days of that wondrous new era known as the Renaissance came the knowledge of a new process, paper manufacture. This information came from Mohammedan sources. Following this knowledge came the first Western paper mill, which was situated in Italy in the year 1276.

This thesis was not written for the purpose of condemning the city of Los Angeles. The author has lived in the valley since 1918 and has been present during the period of conflict. Perhaps, for this reason, he is not qualified to judge the actions of the city. But the conclusions that have been made criticizing Los Angeles, the author sincerely believes, have come as a result of the investigation necessary to write this paper.Even if it is granted that the criticisms are inspired by prejudice, if the reader accepts the facts presented in this thesis, or investigates the matter for himself, he will find that fair, impartial committees have condemned Los Angeles more severely than has been done in this paper. The State Legislature has deviated from its business of legislating on two occasions to investigate the city’s record in the valley. In both instances, with almost unanimous approval, the city has been severely criticized.Many authors, journalists and engineers, who have been mentioned in the thesis, have made independent surveys of the controversy and in every instance they have become champions of Owens Valley. Morrow Mayo, in his book Los Angeles, bitterly denounces Los Angeles for its action in Owens Valley/ Judge Harlan Palmer, who served as the president of the water board, wrote in his paper, after retiring from the board, that Los Angeles could never repay Owens valley for the injury don, no matter how liberal they might be in prices paid for property.

The purpose of this paper is to report on the results of research of the United States Office of Censorship from the birth of that office in 1941 to its timely death in 1945. Jim Heath, in his article, “Domestic America during World War II: Research Opportunities for Historians,” provided the impetus for the research that has resulted in this paper. Professor Heath states that most histories of World War II have relegated the American domestic scene to a secondary place in the process of reporting on the more exciting diplomatic and military aspects of the period. He suggests that historians analyze the various published histories of the many short-lived bureaucratic offices necessitated by the contingencies of World War II. One of these offices was the U.S. Office of Censorship.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze and discuss the conflict with conformity in three novels of Sinclair Lewis from 1920 to 1925. It is also the intention of this paper to identify Sinclair Lewis as the leader of the conflict - with - conformity movement of this period.

A person living in Calaveras County is constantly reminded of the glorious past when the mines and camps were in full swing. The old buildings with their iron shutters, the great piles of worked-over gravel, and the stories of the old-timers all stimulate a person's curiosity about the romantic past. Therefore, it has been my ambition since first coming into the county to make a serious study of the early days and put down my findings in an organized paper. There are no printed works at all complete on the county as a whole. Mason's History of Amador County and Buckbee's Pioneer Days of Angels Camp have been helpful. Mason, however, deals with Calaveras County only before 1854, when Amador became a separate county, and his interest was with that area that later became Amador. Mrs. Buckbee deals only with Angel's Camp. Therefore, I believe that I have brought together in this paper the most complete history of the county up to 1866 that has ever been written.

It is the purpose of this paper to deal with the high state of culture attained by the mysterious Mayas of Central America and Yucatan. How old is their civilization? No one knows. Where did they come from? Who can say? What did they wish to tell us in their writings that have come down through those past thousands of years? No one can decipher them. The controversy over these points, and many others, has caused unlimited debate among scientists, and as yet, the questions remain unanswered. What, then, is there to write about? These people have left us beautifully carved stone buildings, palaces, and ruined cities that show careful planning; statues, pottery, etc., that show a remarkably high state of culture. This is to be the field of this paper.

The twentieth century is revealing a steady increase in the influence of the United States in the Caribbean region, both in politics and economic development. The arm of America has been gradually forcing out the European nations. Counting colonies and protectorates, the United States has under its supervision a greater Caribbean population than the population of the thirteen colonies at the time of the Declaration of Independence. In trade the United States is the best customer of Central America and the West Indies. The region is one of the chief sources of our raw-materials imports. The majority of the citizens of the United Statesdo not recognize the importance of the Caribbean to us. They are unaware of the manner in which the United States is increasing its power and influence. It is a distinct shock to many to learn of our imperialistic policy. The purpose of this paper is to trade one specific example of the intervention of the United States in the Caribbean. Nicaragua has been chosen largely because of recent troubles there and because it affords an excellent example of a virtual though unrecognized American protectorate. The difficulties in the way of a careful study of the country are very great. Historical works are especially unsatisfactory. The colonial period is much more ably treated than the recent period. The most satisfactory book on the subject is "The Five Republics of Central America" by Dana G. Munro. The thread of this paper is largely taken from the material of this one book supplemented by other shorter accounts. A large part of the material is taken from government documents, magazine articles and pamphlets of the Pan-American Union. Much of the magazine material is difficult to use because of ignorance of the ulterior motives of the writers, but there is enough of value to reveal the broad tendencies of political development. The economic development is more obscure. Data concerning the condition of the country at the present time is almost totally lacking due to the unreliability of newspaper accounts. Diplomacy prevents the giving out of material by members of the Consular service.

Preface: Tennessee has had its share of notable sons, most of whom have found their Boswell and had their deeds and contributions duly recorded. A striking exception is A. O. P. Nicholson. State legislator, U. S. senator, and state chief justice, as well as the holder of numerous minor posts, Nicholson has never rated even a scholarly monograph. Although he may be an apt subject for a biography, the primary emphasis in this study is on the political aspects of his career, with some attention to his role as editor and jurist. Since time and space do not permit, his legal career, his journalism, his presidency of the State Bank of Tennessee, and his role in developing the Nashville and Chattanooga Railroad are not studied in depth. The major reason for the neglect of Nicholson has been the paucity of personal materials. Though Mrs. Nicholson managed to keep most of her husband's correspondence and records until her death in 1894, they were afterwards scattered. A few documents and Bible records, still in family hands, have been collected and copied by Miss Mary Nicholson, of Columbia, a great-granddaughter, who generously gave of her interest and enthusiasm of the present project. The largest collection of Nicholson letters, mostly of a political nature, are dispersed throughout the collections in the New-York Historical Society. These have been assembled on microfilm by the Tennessee State Library and Archives by Dr. Joseph H. Parks, of the University of Georgia, who made them available for use in this thesis. Photostats from the James K. Polk Papers and the Andrew Jackson Papers in the Library of Congress, in the possession of Mr. William B. Nicholson, of Nashville, were kindly loaned on an indefinite basis and thus materially aide this study. Contemporary newspapers and county records provided two rich primary sources and the numerous volumes of the Tennessee supreme court reports were indispensable for his later career. For ease in handling the material certain procedures were followed. Since nearly forty years of Nashville and Columbia newspapers were used, the titles varied, Winifred Gregory's Union List of Newspapers was consulted as a guide. The Republican Banner and Nashville Whig, for example, will appear throughout the thesis as the Nashville Republican Banner. Dr. Parks has published in the Tennessee Historical Quarterly many of the Nicholson letters in the New-York Historical Society collections. In order to avoid expanded footnotes, these articles are listed only in the bibliography. For the purposes of this study all of the New-York Historical Society letters will be cited as Nicholson Letters with one exception. Any Andrew Johnson item, no matter what the original source, was used from the Andrew Johnson Project at the University of Tennessee. Besides individuals already acknowledged, I would like to mention Mrs. Frank L. Owsley, of the Tennessee State Library and Archives, who was extremely helpful in making materials from the state library available. I wish to extend thanks also to my readers, Dr. Stanley J. Folmsbee and Dr. LeRoy P. Graf, for their many useful comments and emendations. I am particularly grateful to my advisor, Dr. Ralph W. Haskins, whose guidance and advice, so often solicited, were of particular benefit in matters of both style and content.

The material for the study came primarily from the F 17 series of the National Archives, where the documents of public education are dispersed through a number of liasses. and in the T series of the archives of the Maine-et-Loire, the Mayenne, and to a lesser extent of the Sarthe. Forays into the departmental archives of the Morbihari, Ille-et-Vilaine, Seine-Atlantique, the Nord and Cher were of great help as well. In the National Archives, the chief type of document was the correspondence of the recteur of Angers with Paris, either in the form of single reports or pacquets that contained the letters and petitions of principals, professors and local notables. This correspondence was scattered through boxes seemingly unrelated to the Academy as well as through the liasses of the municipal schools. The research was by no means limited to this one jurisdiction; much work was done on the correspondence of other academies in the attempt to make a comparative analysis. The departmental archives of the Maine-et-Loire contained the papers of the old rectorate and were indispensable in providing details on the more human side of life in the Academy. Those of the Mayenne and the Sarthe offered less information.

Throughout the earlier part of the nineteenth century Vergil, Homer and Horace dominated the teaching in public schools. At Eton a boy would go through the odes two or three times at least, and would be expected to memorise them all. The handing down of interleaved texts and an unimaginative adherence to traditional systems of 'calling up' boys exempted the idle from industry or cerebration; at the same time, the knowledge of Horace acquired by a tolerably conscientious boy would probably need little enlargement to satisfy Oxford examiners, at least till the late 'fifties, though in Cambridge some familiarity with Bentley's edition would probably be required. Horace's metres were analysed by James Tate with some skill, but his paper received little attention, and most copies of Latin lyrics shew only a rudimentary knowledge of the demands of metre and vocabulary. The level at which the discussion of Horace was carried on throughout the century is demonstrated by articles in the Quarterly Review by James Hannay, novelist and essayist v in October 1333, and by Arthur Palmer, editor of the Satires, in October 1894. Horace's character is conflated from references in his works accepted with exaggerated credulity; even when the ladies of the odes are declared not to have had a real existence, Horace's attitude towards them is still discussed. Palmer and his contemporaries read and discussed the Horatian scholarship produced on the continent; Verrall and Sellar contributed to it; but new interpretations had little effect on the 'cult'. In the 'seventies William Cyples wrote two articles on Horace, in the first and most important of which he argues that the odes are virtuoso literary performances and have no basis in foot or factual morality. The articles are worth recalling for their energy, freshness and originality. By providing a contrast they reveal the general narrowness of contemporary Horatian discussion and the possibility of worshipping Horace without conforming to the cult. The characteristics of Horace and his poetry most popularly pondered are illustrated in many essays, reviews and prefaces to translations. The themes vary less than the distribution of emphasis among them. Horace's politics, philosophy and religion were discussed at much the same length as his preference for town or country. Most of his admirers supposed him to prefer the country. Disagreement was rather as to the relative importance of Horace's references to himself than as to their objective truth. Comparisons with Burns and Béranger, and with Thackeray, characterise the Horace of the nineteenth century as he usually appeared. The question of how best to translate Horace was widely debated. The flaccid 'Augustan' octosyllables of Francis were imitated by lesser translators early in the century, but they also gave rise to more self-consciously 'classical' attempts which endeavoured to demonstrate the foreign qualities of Horace's poetry. Others at the same time strove after 'popular' effects and English poetry. Every position between the two extremes is represented. Conspicuous among the 'alienists' were those who tried to write Englian verse in classical metres; some anxious to produce a more Horatian Horace, others simply using him as a conveniently fertile source of metrical variety. The difficulty of writing classical verses in English is obviously due to the different natures of Latin and English prosody. Unfortunately no analysis of the structure and dynamics of English verse has ever achieved universal acceptance. The nineteenth century experimenters encountered an additional difficulty in that they rarely agreed with one another as to how Latin verses ought to be read. The dispute was carried on with great liveliness and some ingenious solutions were suggested. Others contented themselves with forming or adapting verses on English 'rules' to serve the special needs of Horace. The first to attract much attention was Francis Newman, who set out to translate Horace in 1853 on principles similar to those which he later brought to his Iliad. In his translation of Horace the qualities which he hoped to convey were terseness and a strict adherence to the stanzaic economy of the originals. He employed rhymeless stanzas made up of iambic or trochaic lines, but fell short of elegance. Occasional successes are surrounded by passages clumsy, obscure and bizarre. His anxiety to instruct is emphasized by his decision to present the odes in a possible chronological order. The educational advantage of this scheme with reference to the 'historical' odes is self-evident, but since Newman refused to regard the 'literary houris' as fictitious, he fell into some confusion in his attempts to ascertain the order of Horace's amours. His notes on the odes sometimes reflect very strikingly his preoccupation with the political and social morality of his own times. Seven years later Theodore Martin published a complete translation of the odes. He was a prolific translator, and his Horatian activities extend from the appearance of a few versions in 1845 to a translation of Horace's complete works, accompanied by a lengthy critical biography in 1881. His aims were almost precisely opposite to those of Newman, whose translation, though it probably did not provoke Martin's, was there subject to some gentle mockery. Martin's versions are fluent and facile, recalling both to his hostile and his favourable critics the ballads of Tom Moore. They are unusual in so far as they present the odes as coherent wholes, rather than as sets of stanzas uncertainly related. The results may be a more than usually comprehensible English poem, but the intention of Horace is necessarily often distorted. The evolution of Martin's Horace over the next twenty years is influenced by the suggestions of critics, the rivalry of Conington's translation, and the translator's increasing social and literary eminence; it became something of a popular classic, a position challenged only by Conington. Conington's version which appeared in 1863, was more austere and more calculated to appeal to scholarly critics. Like Martin's it was executed in accepted English rhyming metres; like Newman's it presents, for the most part, only one English equivalent for each Latin metre. It appears that Conington took to translation as a deliberate attempt to resolve the tension between the lure of philological abstraction and a desire for a wider field of human contact. On a simple level the translation reflects this. Bven if not eminently representative of Horace, Conington's versions are more classical than Martin's: if they are rarely brilliant, they are as rarely offensive. All succeeding nineteenth century translations were liable to comparison with Conington's and it was highly praised by Quiller Couch and by Housman. Lord Lytton's translation, published in 1869, probably owed the critical attention it received largely to the fame of the author. It was undertaken originally for therapeutic purposes when Lytton's matrimonial infelicity erupted spectacularly into publicity. It has been justly described as the moat ambitious of failures in this field. Attempting to produce a version more classical than Conington's, Lytton chose, like Newman, to employ rhymeless metres; on the other hand, he allowed himself a greater degree of freedom in using more than one representative for the sapphic and the alcaic. His metres are sometimes difficult to read and probably seemed stranger to his contemporaries than they do now. By compromising Lytton failed to satisfy both those who looked for pleasant English verses and those who hoped for more servile classical approximations. As a piece of literature Gladstone's translation of Horace, executed in his eighty-fourth year, has little to recommend it either on the grounds of success or of novelty.

The Reformation Era witnessed heated debates over the doctrine of the Eucharist. This doctrine was a marvelously convenient focal point for the arguments of the theologians because it embodied doctrinal, ecclesiological, pastoral, as well as ceremonial questions. Thus, many of the basic differences among the reformers and between them and the Roman Catholic Church could be expressed in the forum of the Eucharistic debates. A study of Calvin's Eucharistic doctrine, then, affords the student the opportunity of exploring not only the content of one of Calvin' s basic teachings but also provides a means of understanding many features of Calvin's theology against the backdrop of other, contemporary doctrines. This paper will, therefore, begin with a general survey of the non-Calvinist Eucharistic doctrines of the Reformation and proceed to a discussion of Calvin's doctrine, exploring at the same time the points where these doctrines crossed paths with Calvin's thought and contrasting the topics and approaches over which they differed. Calyin is not of interest solely as a means of gaining perspective on the Reformation, however. His thought, in itself, and the interpretations it has inspired are of equal interest. Having established the interconnections of Calvin's doctrine of the Eucharist with the other positions on the subject, we will be able to address two interpretations of Calvin's Eucharistic doctrine specifically that lend themselves nicely to the background we have covered. Those two can be labelled "polemic" and "ecumenical" Each has to do with understanding the origins, motivations, colorations, and atmosphere of the development of Calvin's doctrine. One position suggests that Calvin's doctrine of the Lord Supper, formed in a time of heated polemics, is an obvious product of the controversies. The "ecumenical" position suggests that Calvin was aware that his doctrine occupied a middle position theologically and that he considered it a usefultool in his efforts for uniting the fragmenting Protestant sects.

In the decade following the Mexican War, Nicaragua became one of the focal points for American expansion. Manifest Destiny, commercial interests, the spirit of adventure, and the desire for a transit route--preferably a canal--across the Central American Isthmus all contributed to the attraction this small Central American state had for official and unofficial American expansionist sentiment. The first efforts to establish a viable transit route through Nicaragua were made by Cornelius Vanderbilt who signed a treaty with the Nicaraguan government in 1849 calling for both the establishment of a land crossing and the construction of a canal. Later Vanderbilt reorganized his enterprise into three separate companies: the Vanderbilt Steamship Line to carry passengers from American ports to those in Nicaragua, the Accessory Transit Company to transport passengers across the Isthmus, and the American Atlantic and Pacific Ship Canal Company to build the canal. For financial and technical reasons, the canal construction was never undertaken. Nonetheless, a land and water transit across Nicaragua was functioning smoothly by 1855. Before that time, however, Vanderbilt's control of the transit company had been challenged by former colleagues, and this dispute was never definitively resolved. A soldier of fortune, William Walker of Tennessee, took advantage of the Liberal-Conservative civil war raging in Nicaragua in 1855 to make himself temporary master of that nation. He was finally dislodged in 1857 by Nicaraguan dissidents and the combined forces of the other four Central American republics, along with the intervention of the United States Navy. Also in 1855, Henry L. Kinney of Texas took a group of American colonists to Nicaragua to settle a portion of the Caribbean coast which he purportedly had purchased. Encountering the enmity of Walker, Nicaragua, Great Britain, and the United States Department of State, the colony foundered and died within a few months. Throughout the period, the United States government attempted to maintain a correct diplomatic posture toward Nicaragua and the other Central American states, blunt British commercial and imperialistic thrusts in the region, and restrict illegal activities of its own citizens while trying to protect their legitimate rights and interests. The State Department underwent severe frustration, having been unable to conclude a satisfactory treaty of friendship and commerce with Nicaragua during the entire decade. With the onset of the Civil War in 1861, American attention was diverted from the Isthmus, not to be renewed until the end of the century. For its part, Nicaragua emerged from the period with an increased sensitivity toward foreign intervention or entanglements, and with a heightened xenophobia directed at the United States. The most valuable sources for this study were the New York newspapers, the State Department Archives, and the collected papers and published accounts of some of the participants. Unfortunately, Nicaraguan sources are sparse: the instability of the period, subsequent changes in archival locations, and finally, the 1972 earthquake have combined to make documentary material on the period negligible.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the nature of opposition to Thomas Wolsey from 1515 to 1527 and his methods of dealing with his opponents. Many men were against the Cardinal and wanted to reduce the power he held in both the Church and the state. This thesis deals with only those men who were of great enough prestige and power to be a threat to Wolsey's position. William Warham was both a political and religious figure. His political career and opposition ended early in this period. He continued, however, to oppose Wolsey's efforts to erode the ecclesiastical position of Canterbury. This activity brought him into direct conflict with Wolsey as legate a latere from the Pope. Wolsey used this position granted by the papacy to increase his own power in the Church in England. In his opposition Warham used great restraint, but he was to a degree successful in preserving the prerogative of Canterbury. Wolsey's lay opponents were Edward Stafford and the men who made up the Howard faction. Stafford early opposed the Cardinal's foreign policy. Stafford's own indiscretions made it relatively easy for Wolsey to eliminate him. The Howard faction consisted of more discreet men, Thomas Howard II, Charles Brandon, and Thomas Boleyn. Talents, family connections, and their realization that they had to perform appointed tasks within Wolsey's policies protected them. Their opposition to the Cardinal in this period was not active. They consolidated their positions and refrained from antagonizing the Cardinal. They defended each other verbally whenever the Cardinal showed signs discrediting any one of them before the King. They clung together and waited for their foe to err, and when he did they engineered his ruin. This thesis does not deal with their activities after 1527 when they actually brought about Wolsey's downfall. The method of research used was to compare the Letters and Papers ... of Henry VIII with the accounts of certain contemporary writers, particularly Polydore Vergil and George Cavendish.

From August 18, 1846, when New Mexico was Invaded by the United States Army during the Mexican War, until March 3, 1851, when the first territorial governor was Inaugurated, the conquered province was administered by a military government. To complicate matters, the American military commander established a "civil government" In New Mexico on September 22, 1846, although he had no authority to do so. During the entire period, the military and "civil" governments continued to exist either side by side, or with one superimposed on the other. The purpose of this paper Is to determine the true nature of the government of New Mexico from the time of the American conquest until establishment of the regularly organized territorial government. The government was actually military in character, and although army commanders appointed a "civil governor," they retained the title of military governor for themselves. Civil governors were such in name only, for the military governor remained final authority in ell matters, whether executive, legislative, or Judicial. A military government is proclaimed by the President under his constitutional authority as commander in chief, and is employed only in enemy or recently acquired territory. Its purpose is to supplant existing government until the treaty of peace has been signed or Congress has organized the area as a territory of the United States. The military commander is all-powerful, and may take almost any measures he considers necessary to maintain order. American military governors in New Mexico were accused of harassing and oppressing the people, interfering with their religious worship, fining and imprisoning persons without Jury trial. taxing without consent, embezzling funds, and fall Ing to provide protection promised by the treaty of peace with Mexico. It is true that American military forces in New Mexico were never strong enough to provide complete protection against the swift hit-and-run tactics of the hostile Indian tribes that surrounded the province. There is also some Justification for the charges against the Judicial arm, and it was certainly true that the military government was a financial failure. However, there is little evidence that military rule was excessively oppressive or arbitrary. On the other hand, there is much to indicate that the military governors made a genuine effort to protect the rights of the Inhabitants. To be sure, revolts were put down with vigor, but not with more than a necessary amount of force. The military government, essentially paternalistic in nature, rather than inhibiting economic and political progress, actually served as a stabilizing agent during the years that New Mexico waited for formal organization under the laws of the United States. The army was the only agency capable of enforcing law and order in the settlements, and at least hampering the activities of Indian raiders.

The artists of the Baroque, rejecting the traditional conception of Sebastian, portray the formerly invincible saint as wounded, suffering, no longer victoriously partaking of the fruits of his glorious martyrdom, but being found and cared for by Irene, the widow of the Christian martyr Castulus. Such a change in iconography involves both a shift of the outward and visible as well as the intrinsic content of the pictorial matter. the significance of this thematic revolution has often been overlooked because it parallels the stylistic developments of the age, which, until recently, have captured more fully the imagination of art historians. Therefore, it is the purpose of this paper to deal specifically with this iconographic change which involves the portrayal of the moment when the saint is found and cared for by Irene.

Standing at the corner of Tenth and O streets in the city of Lincoln, Nebraska, any week-day morning between 7:30 and 8 o'clock, you may see pass by you from ten to twenty women with little black woolen shawls on their heads. Ask any citizen who they are, and ninety-nine times in one hundred he will tell you they are "Russians" who live down on the bottoms, that they are going out into the offices and homes to wash and scrub and clean house, and that their husbands are street laborers or work for the railroad. He may then grow confidential and tell you that he "has no use for these people", that "they are only half human", and that he "would just as soon see the Chinese come here as those people". As a matter of fact the greater part of his information is incorrect, partly through race prejudice but chiefly through ignorance of their history. These people, of whom there are about 4,000 in the city (Including "beet fielders"), are Germans, not Russians: they are Teutons, not Slavs; they are Lutheran and Reformed, not Greek Catholics. To be sure they and their ancestors lived in Russia for over one hundred years and they came here directly from the realm of the Czar whoso bona fide citizens they were—but they never spoke the Russian language, never embraced the Greek religion, never intermarried with the Russians, and many of their children never saw a Russian until they left their native village for the new home in America. They despise being called "Russians" just as an Italian resents "Dago"; a Jew, "Sheeny"; and a German, "Dutchman". Ask them where they came from and most of the children and not a few of the grown people will say, "Germany". If you pursue your questioning as to what part of Germany, they will tell you "Saratov" or "Samara" - two governments in the eastern part of Russia on the lower course of the Volga river. The misconceptions concerning the desirability of these German-Russians as citizens arise from their unprogressiveness as compared with those Germans who come to us directly from the mother country. During their century's sojourn in Russia they have been out of the main current of civilization, a mere eddy in the stream of progress. They present a concrete example of arrested development, The characteristics which differentiate them from other Germans are not due to an inherent lack of capacity but to different environment. Notwithstanding this, the German- Russians have some admirable qualities. They bring us large stores of physical energy and an almost unlimited capacity for work. The majority of them are literate although the amount of their education is limited. They are thrifty and independent, almost never applying for public aid. They are law abiding, their chief offenses being those which are traceable to their communal life in Russia. They are extremely religious, all their social as well as spiritual life being bound up in the church which they support right royally. To be sure, the saloon gets their vote (the prohibition vote among them is increasing); but "was not the first miracle that Christ performed the turning of water into wine? If they would shut up the shows (theaters), they wouldn't need to shut up the saloons". The object of this paper is to give the historical setting in which the German-Russians have lived as one means to a better understanding and appreciation of them by our own citizens.

Few army officers of the post-Civil War era contributed more to the destruction of the Indian barrier to westward expansion than did Brig. Gen. Ranald Slidell Mackenzie. Yet, despite his importance to the military history of the American frontier, little is known of the man. Few if any students have exploited archival materials, while an absence of Mackenzie's personal papers has encouraged superficial sketches of his career.

This study of one great border family, the Mortimers, endeavors to show the essentially feudal atmosphere existing in England well into the fourteenth century, even while England was developing, pari passu, a more modern political organization. Although this feudal character may be portrayed and exemplified in many ways, the method chosen here is based on the beginning and subsequent fluctuations of the fortunes of one particular family, the Mortimers. Its origins on the continent cannot be easily traced, but it left an indelible impression on English history. Since the family customarily chose to cast its lot with that of the reigning monarch, its gradual accumulation of holdings serves as a good and practical indication of royal generosity and gratitude. The monarch depended upon the marcher lords to control the borders of the state and, like all medieval sovereigns, permitted them to exercise the prerogative of royal powers on the border. Theirs was the constant responsibility of keeping the Welsh within their own demesne. The development and retention of power in the instance of individual barons and baronial families were subject to limitation by a primitive type of political and competitive control. When the time came in 1318 to back the king or go their own way, the Mortimers found themselves in a position sufficiently powerful to enable them to make and follow their own decisions; however, their influence was only one of many for all the baronial interests. As long as a “balance of power” exists for all the barons, there was little trouble; but when one became too strong, threatening the positions of the others, his fate was usually decided by the discontented majority, i.e., by the dissatisfied and envious factions. Roger IV of Wigmore, whose sphere of influence as royal advisor was very great, was nevertheless reduced in political stature by a baronial coalition. In a few instances, the material available on a situation such as Mortimer’s escape from the Tower of London was so repetitious, that I eliminated all but one or two references. In other cases, it was necessary to rely heavily on secondary sources as the primary ones were not available. John E. Morris, The Welsh Wars of Edward I was an invaluable aid in drawing together parts of the paper for which no other cohesive source existed.

Preface: In December 1923 Adolfo de la Huerta led a rebellion against the government of President Alvaro Obregón. It lasted into the last three months of 1924 and culminated in the total defeat of the rebels. The United States at once came to the support of Obregón and sided his government with munitions shipments, an embargo on arms against the rebels, naval demonstrations aimed at frustrating the naval operations of the rebels, and diplomatic services and support. The main focus of this study is the position and participation of the United States in the la Huerta rebellion. It is not intended to discuss in any detail the conflict within Mexico itself. In order, however, to acquaint the reader with background material, Chapters 1 and 2 have been incorporated into the text, with the hope that a better understanding of the role played by the United States in the rebellion might result. One problem that affected the quality of this study was the desirability of using Mexican newspapers; but they are unavailable through interlibrary loan for the period needed. They would have been of considerable help in gathering reactions to the participation of the United States. This would, however, seem to imply that the subject covered in this paper could be vastly expanded upon, in all its areas, be research undertaken in Mexican archives. It would appear to be prime dissertation material.

To Father Anselm Weber, 1862 - 1921, belongs most of the credit for establishing this Catholic mission at St. Michaels in Apache County, Arizona. In point of time he belonged to the first quarter of the twentieth century. As a missionary he has a rightful place in that long line of Catholic missionaries that ties together the centuries back to apostolic times. Anselm Weber maintained a huge correspondence with his Franciscan confreres, with the Bureau of Catholic Indian Missions, with government agencies, and with a host of friends and relative. These letters and papers, preserved in five principal collections, have furnished the base for research. Fortunately for the historian the missionary saved practically every letter he received, and made copies of all business letters he wrote, even before he used a typewriter in 1903. Moreover, he wrote regularly and on a great variety of subjects in mission and church magazines.

If the ranchers of the eighties and nineties were to return now, they would find a vastly changed country. No longer is it an area of large ranches and open ranges. The barbed wire and the "nester" have triumphed. It is now a farming country built around Clovis, the county seat. Clovis has grown from a railroad switch to a town of approximately eight thousand population. Paved roads run across the county in the place of the cow trails. There has been no "boom" period for the county, but years of consistent growth. Not all the years have been good ones and not all the people have prospered, but steadily, advancement has been made. Truly the ranchers of the early days would find vast changes and no doubt many of these "old timers" would dubiously shake their heads and say, "Not like the good old days." This point the author has no intention of affirming or disputing. This paper has been only an attempt to represent in the best manner he could, facts pertinent to the history of Curry county.

The purposes of this paper are threefold: 1) to give a better definition of the Southern Cavalier Tradition; 2) to show the relationship of one particular author, John Esten Cooke, to the Tradition; 3) to show how the Tradition was adapted in the writings of Cooke to justify the Civil War and glorify the cause and heroes of the South.

The original intent of this paper was to examine some phase of the interrelationship of the Mexican, Indian, and United States' cultures in New Mexico during the two decades of Mexico administration. Research soon revealed that cultural conflicts only contributed their share to the problems which existed on this frontier. Identification of the problem areas narrowed the period of interest of the few years preceding the "bloodless conquest" of New Mexico by the United States. These years, roughly from 1840 to 1846, saw the culmination of a combination of circumstances over which New Mexican officials had little or no control. National policies were designed to benefit the more civilized areas of Mexico, and along with extending certain privileges to the inhabitants of a frontier, failed too long to recognize the reality of the situation which faced authorities in New Mexico. At length, when increasing Indian depredations and both real and continuing threats from Texas and the United States emphasized Mexico's vulnerability to invasion from the north, constant political upheavals wasted her strength. Four major frontier problems are evident in the documentary materials consulted about the Department of New Mexico during this period: (1) the ever present threat of Indian rampage; (2) the increasingly menacing claim of Texas, and finally, the United States; (3) the constant difficulty of maintaining adequate defenses; and (4) the various internal predicaments created by, or contributing to, the previous problems. These are considered in chronological order: first in Part I as they concerned Armijo; again, in Part II, as they were assumed by Governor Martínez; and finally, in Part II, as they continued in the months when invasion from the United States seemed certain. Domestic problems are described more or less as they occurred, particularly when relative to other problems.

It is the purpose of this paper (1) to give a brief survey of the Mormon Colonies in the state of Chihuahua, Mexico; (2) to trace the relations between two of these colonies, Colonia Dublan and Colonia Juarez, and Francisco Villa during the years from 1910 through 1917; (3) to trace the relations between these two colonies and the Pershing Punitive Expedition; and (4) to show the invaluable assistance given the American soldiers, in their pursuit of Francisco Villa, by the many Mormons employed by the United States government as scouts and trackers.

It is the purpose of this thesis to examine the publications of leading physical and social science societies 1946 through 1956 with a view to finding out the degree of importance that they attach to the world's present rate of population growth. As a result of this examination of scientific literature it is the thesis of this paper that the overwhelming majority of social and physical scientists believe that the present rate of growth of the world's population is one of the most contemporary problems. The attention given has been uneven among the scientific societies. Some have devoted an adequate number of pages considering the purpose of the organization, but others which it would seem should have primary responsibility in this field have ignored it entirely. For example, the American Historical Association and the American Political Science Association did not have a single lead article on the relation of population to their disciplines during the years considered.

The Civil War in the United States was a gigantic moral and physical effort that has elicited the feelings of hundreds of its participants and thousands of its students. Yet, in all of the treatment of the conflict, a dearth of information is available on the informational agencies that contributed to the Union military victory. No historian to date has chosen to publish a definitive study of these agencies and it is the hope here that some light can be shed on four types of organizations that were, for the most part, developed as a result of the war. This paper deals only with the evolution of these units, their organization and personnel, and the ways in which they carried out their duties and the devices used. To get a clearer picture of the major organization, The United States Signal Corps, use has been made via microfilm of the letters sent from the Official of the Signal Officer, 1861 and 1862, and the original manuscript of letters written in the field by Colonel Myer during the Peninsular Campaign. When considering this thesis one definition should be kept in mind. The term Federal military information refers to any information of a military nature, or of significance to the military, both for land army or naval use, for its operations against the Southern Confederacy.

In a study of New Mexico's efforts to win statehood, the joint statehood period (1903 to 1907) presents unusual interest. It was during these years that an attempt was made on the part of the administration and certain congressional leaders to unite New Mexico and Arizona and admit them as one state. The period is a distinct episode in the struggle of New Mexico for admission in the union. It is the purpose of this paper to trace the story of jointure, to discuss the origin of the policy, and to analyze the arguments of the opposing factions. Frequent reference has been made to press comment throughout the nation, since newspapers reflect with some degree of accuracy the sentiments of the areas in which they serve. The reaction of the territories, mirrored in the press, is of special significance because in the end the opinions of the citizens, expressed at the polls, determine the future course of history for New Mexico and Arizona.

The purpose of this paper is to trace the background of the statehood movement in Arizona to the year 1902; to discuss the qualifications of Arizona for statehood as brought out in the arguments for and against the omnibus bill in the fifty-seventh congress; to give a critical analysis of the findings of the sub-committee of investigation in Arizona in 1902; and to determine why the United States Senate declined to admit Arizona as a state in the fifty-seventh Congress.

The Mexican presidential election of 1940 is of transcendental importance in the political annals of modern Mexico...The purpose of this paper is to study the factors which brought about the change in the Mexican power structure from a regime committed to the social, political, and economic betterment of the "popular" classes to a government by and for the benefit of the middle sectors.

This thesis is a study and evaluation on the premises and charges underlying the National Origins and related quota systems which restricted the so-called "new" immigrants from southern and eastern Europe. Nativists charged that these new immigrants were racially and culturally inferior to the "old" type immigrants from northern and western Europe--the Anglo-Saxons, Teutons or Aryans--and therefore harmful to economic, social and other factors of American culture. Concomitant with these broad premises were more specific charges or theories of harm such as "lower intelligence quotients," and "higher crime rates," which convinced Americans and their congress in the early 1920's of the necessity of particularly reducing the new immigrant quota. This paper will analyze and evaluate the premises of the inferiority and harmfulness of the new immigrants, and their historical application at times of national crisis, especially during the post-World War I period when all the important immigration restriction laws were enacted. Much attention will be given to who said what (and why) regarding immigration restriction in congressional debates, hearings, proposals and other contemporary attitudes towards it after the 1880's, but particularly by the 68th congress which enacted the first effective and permanent restrictive legislation.

This study is based largely on the original minutes of the meetings of the Valladolid Conference, and the letters of Alonso de Valdes and Juan de Vegara, two of Erasmus' most active supporters in Spain. The monumental study of Marcel Bataillon, Erasme et l'Espagne, was invaluable in providing a complete background for the entire subject as well as supplying an exhaustive bibliography. The great works of P.S. and H.M. Allen, Luis Getino, Fermin Caballero, and Marcelino Menendez y Pelayo were indispensable in providing copies of the extant letters of the period. For purposes of this study, most of the documents used in this paper have been transcribed and included in the Appendix.

This paper is a study of the place of the New Mexico Indians in the Civil War and of their relationship to the governments involved. The part which New Mexico played in the struggle between the North and South was so overshadowed by the conflict in the East that little mention of it is made in general accounts. The Indian as a participant has received even less consideration.

The purpose of this study of Walter Barnard Hill (1851-1905), Macon lawyer and Chancellor of the University of Georgia, is to explore his ideas on court reform, the labor problem, the Negro question, and southern education. Based primarily on his public statements, the study will show that when Hill considered each of these social issues he was concerned with the rights of the individual. According to Ralph H. Gabriel, a liberal in late nineteenth-century America was one who believed that individuals could alter the course of their lives and that the state or the group should help persons achieve their greatest potential as human beings. In an analysis of Hill,s ideas, I shall suggest that to a degree Hill approached Gabriel's definition. This study, however, will also show that Hill was a southerner who lived and worked within a conservative atmosphere and even shared with his associates some of their prejudice against the Negro. But, unlike many. Hill did not allow his personal feelings to dominate him. Thus, although Hill eluded Gabriel's definition of a liberal, the Georgian merits credit for his openmindedness and humanitarianism. On the basis of the thesis' conclusions, I have chosen to label Hill a constructive southern American. Because of G. Ray Mathis' recent dissertation on Hill's administration at the University of Georgia, I have de-emphasized the chancellorship and have attempted to study an unworked area of Hill's contribution by concentrating upon his concepts of human rights. Therefore, in this study. Hill is treated as a leader in public education rather than as a university administrator. For consideration and assistance in this undertaking, I wish to thank each member of the graduate faculty of the history department of Georgia Southern College, especially Dr. John Perry Cochran, who as my major professor has given invaluable guidance and encouragement during each stage of the completion of the study. For aid in the collection of materials for research, I am grateful to Mrs. Lilla Hawes and her staff at the Georgia Historical Society in Savannah, to Mr. John Bonner and Mrs. Susan B. Tate of the special collections division of the University of Georgia Libraries in Athens, and to Mrs. Mildred B. Sanders of the Georgia Southern College Library in Statesboro, I also wish to thank Mr. Brian S. Brown of Atlanta and Mrs. Walter B. Hill, Jr. of Clarkesville, who have kindly allowed me to examine some of the Hill family papers. Finally, I am indebted to my family for their assistance, patience, and understanding.

This study is a survey of plays of Negro authorship in America from 1858 to 1970. It is intended to give a historical view of the Negro effort in the drama and show general trends during the twentieth century. The paper is arranged chronologically, beginning with the first play by a Negro author in 1858 and continuing through the 1960's. Synopses of plays are offered, but very little historical or sociological information is given and little literary criticism is added.

This thesis discusses and explores the difficulties and conflicts arising during the World Disarmament Conference, 1932-1934. The primary focus of the paper is on the role of the British within the conference.

The purpose of this paper is to view Faulkner's use of history from a different perspective by examining in detail the myths and historical facts with which Faulkner dealt. First, several of the prevailing myths about the Old South and the Civil War will be examined. Second, the actual historical facts will be compared and contrasted with legendary tradition. Third, and most important, several of Faulkner's works will be examined to show how he uses both the myths and historical facts to create his own "legend" of the South. Finally, Faulkner's view of the New South will be examined.

This paper is a study of the history of the Chinese Communists, what they stand for, how they attained power in China, their connection to Russia, and the dangers of their success.

This paper is the result of a study made in Guanajuato, Mexico, in the summer of 1945. It is an attempt to set forth the development of the methods used in making pottery and tiles in this region -- to trace the methods, forms, and motifs from the pre-Conquest period through the Colonial and contemporary periods, to find what changes have come about in the art of making pottery and tiles, and to discover the causes of these changes.

This paper will attempt to provide a regional analysis of settlement patterns in the Salado Canyon, an intermittent tributary of the Rio Puerco, (T. 12 N.), Sandoval County, New Mexico.

The purpose of this paper will be to report an analysis of information verbal information about the history and present conditions of the village of Valdez. The information data will be supplemented by a limited amount of documentary data defining some past and present material conditions and confirming and corroborating some of the informant recalled events. From this analysis, trends in the changes and adaptations of the people of Valdez will be noted and described and perhaps can be used in the future as guidelines to a study more comprehensive than was possible within the temporal and financial boundaries of this project.

After much study and research this paper, on one of the big questions of the World War, "Secret Treaties of the Allies," is presented, and the facts contained herein, it is hoped, will be of interest. The student of history becomes deeply concerned about the why of such action on the part of great nations combined together to fight the greatest war of all history. This particular field of the past, for the one desiring to do research work, will remain fertile for a long time. It is like the "hidden treasure" in that the facts will only be discovered after long and careful searching. It has proven to be a most delightful study, and all of our time spent among the records and documents of ten to fifteen years ago has been time well spent. These treaties were secret during the war and they have been kept secret since the war by the Allies, and my prophecies are that they will remain, so far as any official investigation is concerned, secret. The original text of some of these treaties may never be known, but the context of all of them is known, and on the following pages it is hoped that information will be given that will provide the reader with a good knowledge of "The Secret Treaties of the Allies."