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For many students in Engineers Without Borders (EWB), their desire to join the club is fueled by a desire to help others, pay back, or contribute to social good. Some students, as they explore scholarship and discussions on the criticisms of sustainable development, experience a sort of cognitive dissonance as they continue their work within organization they are not entirely aligned with, often questioning the impacts and motivations of their own efforts. At EWB, California Polytechnic State University, San Luis Obispo (Cal Poly, SLO), we have intentionally encouraged this process, with a desire to allow people to confront the difficult questions regarding global development. This paper will outline the salient theories, frameworks, and criticisms regarding sustainable development work and its connection to voluntourism, capitalism, and neocolonialism. Recognizing that these attempts to help others are in reality student-centered [1] and tend to fail the partner communities [2], we desire to investigate how to better center partner communities in our work [3], and describe several attempted interventions into our chapter that seek to center these concerns and more critically examine our efforts to make a positive impact and minimize our unintended harms. We also describe individual stories of this transformational process, examining our collective positionalities as "outsiders within" seeking to change an institution we are a part of but not entirely aligned with [4]. Finally, we describe the directions we are moving in to further encourage reflection and action to center sustainability and community agency in our efforts [5] [6]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Sociological research and analysis of the Dakota Access Pipeline requires one to look at the past in order to understand the current grassroots movement. American Indians and all Indigenous peoples on the lands of this nation are too often deemed as identities of the past. As a result of American colonialism driven by capitalist expansion, Native Americans !ere forced onto arid, isolated reservations, hindering spiritual and historical connections with indigenous land" each affected tribe forced to assimilate into a lifestyle !here poverty remains overwhelming, healthcare necessities are unmet, and identity has become a battle. #he Standing $ock Sioux tribe protests are not only a movement against the Dakota Access Pipeline, but also a battle to maintain an identity in present day American society where the historical traumas and legacies of coloni%ation thrive. #hrough research of academic sources, online news databases, interviews and books, the paper investigates forces of globali%ation that fueled the Dakota Access Pipeline and Standing $ock movement" establishing that this systematic exploitation of the Standing $ock tribal land and people is driven by a factor that could only be described as neo&colonial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Industrial livestock production is the main cause of growth in animal food consumption on a global scale (Weis 2013).i The feed-livestock complex produces vast quantities of industrial grains and oilseeds to feed raising populations of concentrated animals in a highly-developed agricultural process which is controlled by a few commercial enterprises with global footprints. The profit-driven, livestock industry may add to shareholder value in pension funds, but it also leads to increasing deforestation, loss of biodiversity, pollution, water scarcity and greenhouse gas emissions associated with agriculture. The widespread ecological impacts caused by the globalization of a carnist diet are documented in the social and environmental science literature, however, GHG emissions from agriculture are not addressed in the 2015 Paris Climate Accord, or in the UN's IPCC reports. In additional to environmental effects, there are social costs associated with industrial livestock production, such as landlessness, rural displacement, urban migration, and other aspects of neocolonialism. These social issues affects the lives of millions of poor people across the Global South, but are less well known. This theoretical research paper suggests that rising industrial livestock production and animal food consumption should be analyzed together as they comprise a potent long-term source of global inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kingston, Jamaica's capital city, is home to a cohort of creative and music industry workers organizing for urban creative industrial development, collective security, and social uplift. This essay uses interviews and media discourse analysis to historicize and contextualize one group, Manifesto Jamaica, and situates their work alongside close readings of new music by and additional interviews with Jamaican artists organizing as the "Reggae Revival." The groups' media is characterized by two themes: (1) a cross-textual referencing practice connected to the Rastafari folk religion's concept of "livity," or the collectivity of all things and (2) an intentional troubling of teleological, temporal order, which connects the protests, politics, and people of the 1970s reggae golden age to today through musical gestures and choices. Manifesto Jamaica and the Reggae Revival represent creative industries development and cultural production in a specific neo-colonial socio-political and Afro-diasporic world-historical context that is significant and worthy of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to clarify the concept and to recapture and to reassess its value to the field of Comparative and International Education at the present point in time. Despite the vision of founding father Jullien, from the interwar "factors and forces stage", the field of Comparative and International Education got a strong tradition of focusing on the past. In the social science phase of the 1960s, Modernisation Theory made a forceful appearance in the field, and became the principal theoretical framework in the field. However, this trend was reversed during the next phase in the historical evolution of the field, the phase of heterodoxy in the 1970s. In this decade and subsequent times, Modernisation Theory fell out of fashion and even became discredited, as rival paradigms such as Dependency Theory, World Systems Analysis, and Neo-Colonialism, and finally Postmodernism became vogue. In view of the momentous societal changes taking currently place globally, calling for a reconceptualization of education, a future-orientation for the field Comparative and International Education is argued for. In this scheme of things, a re-appraisal of Modernisation Theory is called for. Rather than summarily discarding this theory, or on the other hand embracing it uncritically, a more nuanced place for Modernisation Theory in a Comparative and International Education relevant to and valuable for the twenty-first century world seems to be apt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this manuscript, child morbidity in Zimbabwe is examined from an Africana feminist sociological perspective. A framework is presented that considers the ways in which globalization/neocolonial relations, ethnolinguistic/political conflict, and other dimensions intersect to impact upon the accomplishment of Millennium Development Goals in regards to hunger, environmental sustainability, and child health in Zimbabwe. Demographic and Health Surveys are analyzed from 1988, 1994, 1999, 2005-06, and 2010-11 for this country. On the basis of the Africana feminist framework, it is argued that early childhood morbidity cannot be understood unless the socioeconomic, political, and cultural contexts are taken into account. The hypothesis that militarism (especially state violence) and ethnolinguistic/political conflict in Zimbabwe have deleterious effects on equitable distribution of safe water, improved sanitation, and on child health is tested. Utilizing logistic regression analysis and by testing statistical interactions, it is found not only that safe water and sanitation are in short supply but further, that the mal-distribution of these development resources has a deleterious impact on early childhood nutrition. This work contributes to the social scientific literature in the social demography of Africa because it adapts the vibrant intellectual work of Africana feminists to a quantitative methodology. Further, on the basis of this novel methodological approach, this work elicits results that give rise to useful maternal and child health-related policy recommendations that may inform future discussions and post-2015 revisions of Millennium Development Goals, namely that within-country ethnolinguistic cleavages must be taken into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper, which builds upon research linked to the development of sustainable study abroad programs in emerging nations, focuses on key challenges to true partnerships between emerging and established universities. It begins with an analysis of challenges which may occur when attempting to develop an equitable partnership based on joint grants and/or research projects. It also includes a discussion of struggles experienced by academic staff who desire a more equitable relationship that will enhance the missions of both institutions. The paper will then analyze one particular partnership between two universities (the University of Central Florida, USA, and the University of Botswana) during study abroad programs funded by the Fulbright-Hays Groups Project Abroad (2011) and the U.S. State Department (2012- 2015). An analysis of this partnership is particularly relevant as it focuses on the initial steps, dialogues, perspectives and actions of both institutions as they worked through a host of preconceived notions on neocolonialism and the challenges of successfully operating by another's "rules of engagement" within a dynamic geopolitical platform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the image of the new ¡§feminist¡¨¡Xthe beautiful-and-bad woman¡Xto explore how feminism gets defined in popular media in Taiwan and the power relationships involved in this construction of this particular version of feminism, hence, feminist identity. My argument is, the history of popular feminism in Taiwan adheres to two contradictory stories¡Xbeautiful-and-bad, difference and sameness. These two seemingly contradictory rhetorical strategies coexist in order to construct a global female subject for capital production and consumption. In constructing this new feminist subject, Western second¡Vwave feminism is assigned to the past, while American postfeminism is designated as ¡§our¡¨ feminism. This process of translation of Western feminism makes clear the ideology of heterosexuality and consumerism that structure the inclusion and exclusion of heterogeneous feminist events. This selective appropriation of Western feminism has to be explained within the context of media production, Taiwanese women¡¦s movements, and mostly, neocolonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this research is to identify and analyze the historical development of the Dominican Republic from 1492 to 1891, using the economy as the foundation of political dynamics. The study uses a historical materialist theory and methodology to explore the economic and political development of the Dominican Republic from 1492 to 1891. A historical materialist theoretical framework examines the changes in the productive system of society, its mode of production, which includes both the forces of production and the relations of production, and analyzes the role of the political superstructure ? the state and political struggles ? within the economic context. Using a descriptive historical methodology the research draws economic and political data from existing historical studies on the Dominican Republic. The study, beginning with a brief description of the pre-colonial conditions, before 1492, is divided into two eras: Colonialism, 1492 to 1821, and Neo-Colonialism, 1822 to 1891. Each era is subsequently divided into periods. Within each period the mode of production and political superstructure are analyzed and the data are presented in tables for each of the periods. The findings of this research suggest that as the mode of production developed, corresponding shifts in the political superstructure occurred. Over the entire period of study, 1492 to 1891, the Dominican Republic went from a ranking society ? based in primitive agriculture, hunting and gathering techniques and relatively equal ownership, control and distribution of the forces of production ? to early stages of global capitalist development ?based in primitive accumulation and large-scale production of agricultural commodities for sale in the growing world market. The political superstructure also changed from a ranking society of Taino people to political struggles among the Spanish, French, Haitians, Mulattos and Mestizos for control of the Dominican state. The Dominican Republic gained its political independence in 1844 and by 1891 the United States emerged as the primary neo-colonial power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]