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In this paper I analyze how the interplay of gang and state violence shapes efforts to implement violence prevention programs in the poor, gang-controlled "red zone" of La Chacra, in San Salvador, El Salvador. In paying particular attention to the relationships between the community-organizing based violence prevention movement-- the "Prevention Round Table"--and Salvadoran state institutions, I frame a series of dialogic interactions among three different "projects of governance"; one protagonized by state institutions, one by gang networks, and one by ordinary community members involved in self-organized groups such as the Prevention Round Table. While gangs contest the state's sovereignty in its claims to collect rents and regulate life and death, the Prevention Round Table's efforts to reduce violence in all its forms envisions a project of governance that entails a more horizontal relationship with state institutions, and constitutes a mediating force between gangs and state security forces with the potential to illuminate a path toward more peaceful, participatory, and democratic governance in El Salvador. However, my ethnographic interrogation of the Prevention Round Table reveals the complex "gray zones" that trouble both the analytic borders among state, gangs, and community-based organizations, as well as the practical sustainability of the Prevention Round Table's incipient project of governance. Specifically, partisan divisions, internal hierarchies, frequent subordination to gang mandates, and an internalization of the state's right to use deadly force constitute significant obstacles to the Prevention Round Table's objective to strengthen their communities' social fabric. Still, the Prevention Round Table's efforts have reduced the incorporation of local youth into gang structures, and its participants' collective learning processes around internal dynamics and external relations with authoritarian, violent actors provide valuable lessons for efforts for peace with justice throughout the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African Americans were under-represented in the anti-Iraq War movement of the 2000s. Even though they lean strongly Democrat and disapproved of the war more than Whites, only 6% of protesters were Black compared with 12% in the American population. This paper argues that this reflects the organizational decoupling of the antiwar movement from the African American community. Furthermore, we find evidence of frame "misalignment," where Blacks were less likely to adopt the dominant frames of the antiwar movement and instead employ auxiliary frames that focused on being a movement ally. These argument are supported with data from over 6,000 protesters surveyed at antiwar rallies in the 2000s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of not enough studied themes of WWI is the Ententes ambitions and projects about Cilicia during the war. Cilicia is situated on the north-eastern coast of the Mediterranean. It was under Ottoman rule and was included in Adana and Aleppo provinces in the eve of War. It occupied a strategically important position; it was on the way of Berlin-Bagdad railroad, it was rich in minerals and fertile fields. Cilicia was settled with Christian majority. This rich and strategically important region was attracted Great Powers. The Allies discussed the projects to land expedition troops in Cilicia and attack Turks from that side several times. During World War I Russia, Great Britain, France and Italy were in diplomatic struggle for that region. At last Russia and Britain recognized the French influence in Cilicia during the negotiations in 1914-1916. But in late 1916, Italy informed the desire to rule Cilicia. This issue has become a cause for acute diplomatic discussions. The Allies finally convinced Italy, and in 1917 was signed St. Jean de Maurienne Agreement. Italy refused Cilicia, and in return it was promised large areas in the south and west of Asia Minor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas the concepts of human living is the fulfilment of needs, interests and values to achieve greater benefits, so the conflict is a natural part of human existence and communication, and it is therefore impossible to avoid all conflicts and their consequences. In intercultural context as well as in international relations, conflict is defined as the perceived or actual incompatibility of values, expectations, processes, or outcomes between two or more parties from different cultures. Intercultural conflict typically starts with misunderstanding and insufficient communication. In international relations can intercultural conflicts escalate to violent conflicts, accompanied by human casualties humanitarian crises and may cause enormous material, population and ecological damage. The goal of this article is to provide a basic synthetic theoretical analysis of intercultural conflicts, reasons of their inception and the ways for preventing intercultural international conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As long as people are separated by artificial barriers, and consider the needs, wants and rights of their group/tribe/countrymen to have a higher value than the needs, wants and rights of members of any other group, there will be the potential for conflict, and the prospects for permanent peace will remain low. This paper will examine the origin and development of the Social Compact, in which (most) members of a group or state valuing their membership in that group or state highly voluntarily surrender certain of their rights and accept certain obligations, believing that they have received more from membership than they gave up in rights. Despite the occasional occurrence of civil wars and despite the existence of criminals who violate the social compact deliberately, those states with an intact social compact have very low levels of organized violence. However, at the current time, social compacts terminate at borders, leaving the potential for interstate war. As there appears to be a cause/effect relationship between social compacts and peace within a state, the paper will look for clues in the development of that concept within states for indicators of how a global social compact could be encouraged to develop, leading over time to a global state of permanent peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways Codepink, a feminist anti-war social movement, fits within the shifting definition of third-wave feminism. I argue part of the organization's success comes from their ability to use the successes in the anti-globalization, environmental, and social justice movements as templates for success. Further, through interviews with founding members of Codepink, I argue that Codepink is bolstered by seasoned leadership that is able to build on these templates and by that leadership's self-awareness—an awareness that thus far has allowed the organization to maintain an overall structure without becoming rigid or inflexible. The philosophy of third wave feminism has been particularly evident in the ways Codepink uses the color pink to simultaneously reclaim and parody femininity and to promote a sense of solidarity between its members; it is evident the kinds of actions that Codepink organizes. In addition, the structure of Codepink while a result of a number of factors including the growing importance of the Internet is also a means of keeping Codepink from becoming co-opted into the political system. The success and growth of Codepink and their anti-war message is tied to variety of factors, but part of their success is related to an adoption of third wave feminist philosophy. I am not arguing this is a conscious adoption by the Codepink National or the local chapters; instead, it reflects how the critiques of second wave feminism and the emergence of third wave feminism are becoming a kind of collective unconscious among feminist activists. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes why the early Vietnam antiwar movement in the United States grew within a middle class milieu and oriented itself towards a middle class audience, initially without great participation from or interest in either organized or unorganized workers in the US. To understand why that was the case, it's not sufficient to examine the extant peace networks, early mobilizing structures, or antiwar frames used by the early movement, though each of these played important roles. Rather, these proximate causes of the movement's middle class base need to be seen in light of the longer-term cultural, political and economic shifts taking place in the US during the post war era. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much of the research on frames and framing processes has focused on the use of frames by organizations. This article challenges that bias and returns to Snow et al's (1986) focus on the micro-level by examining the relationship between individuals' frame appeal and their level of organizational participation. Using original survey research, this article examines the frame preferences of anti-war movement participants. Using OLS regression, I show that higher levels of participation are significantly correlated with higher levels of support for an egalitarian feminist frame while lower levels of women's SMO participation are correlated with higher levels of support for a maternalist frame. I systematically show that frame preference, therefore, is associated with differing organizational mobilization and growth strategies and the strength of collective identity among individual movement activists within the women's peace movement. These findings show that as activists became more immersed in the women's peace movement, their ideology shifts and the frames that drew them into the movement can no longer sustain their involvement. I argue that these findings illuminate a critical strategic dilemma for social movement organizations and contemporary social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reanalyze the data of a previous study on the policy impact of antinuclear, ecology, and peace movements in three countries with the aim of replicating its findings. Our ultimate goal is to assess whether and to what extent the reliance on different techniques yields similar or contradictory results on the same subject matter. The author of that study has used a regression approach to time series analysis. We use Qualitative Comparative Analysis (QCA) to replicate the findings of that study. Specifically, we test the two main hypothesis that can be drawn from what the author has called the joint-effect model of social movement outcomes: (1) the policy impact of social movements is conditioned by the presence of powerful allies within the institutional arenas, the presence of a favorable public opinion, or (even better) both factors at the same time; and (2) the policy impact of social movements is more likely when the latter address issues and policy domains with a low degree of saliency. Our analysis confirms to a large extent the findings those arrived at through time series analysis, as they confirm the explanatory power of the joint-effect model of social movement outcomes and the varying impact of different movements on public policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the phenomenon of the peace movement post 9/11 and its manifestations within the state of Vermont. Social movement theory is used to explore the scope and direction of peace activism. Frame Alognment, Resource Mobilization, Political Process, and Relative Deprivation Theory are applicable approaches. Community Action Research has been employed to analyze the process of peace building that participants of local peace groups used to develop strategies and plans. The attempt is to explain salient goals and objectives, problem solving techniques as well as participant interaction. The incorporation of a network structure and development of open social networks have been key to adaptability and success. The internet has been the primary channel of diffusion and has proven indispensable. A chronology of events has been recorded as a case history, to identify significant peace mobilizations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the inter-organizational dynamics of the anti-Iraq War movement. Using data collected from 2500 street demonstrators who participated in major protests from September 2004 to September 2005, we look at the organizations that recruit anti-war street demonstrators and the organizational co-contact network (i.e., two organizations are linked if one person or more reported being recruited by both groups). We show that some organizations display a partisan bias, that certain organizations occupy central positions in the co-contact network, and with one notable exception, these groups remain central in the co-contact network during the period of observation. The concluding section raises questions for research and speculated about the implications of these findings for sociological theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Institutionally privileged political discourses not only legitimate the rule and policy agendas of power-holders, but also de-legitimate dissent. Oppositional discourses are social movement responses to these cultural obstacles to mass mobilization. Drawing examples from statements issued by U.S. peace movement organizations over a fifteen-year period, we conceptually map the reproduction and transformation of oppositional discourses across five conflict periods. Blending quantitative and qualitative methods, our analysis of the peace movement's democracy discourse shows that four forms of oppositional knowledge were generated to facilitate policy dialogue and accountability among authorities: counter-informative, critical-interpretive, radical envisioning, and transformative. Through their statements, peace movement organizations aimed at defining, redefining, and potentially transforming both dominant and oppositional political discourses. The study highlights the interplay between macro-level symbolic culture and meso and micro-level efforts at political persuasion. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the break up of the New Left into single issue groups at the end of the 1960s came a variety of groups representing the peace movement, environmental movement, student movement, womenÂ’s movement, and gay liberation movement. This explosion of new social movement activism has been heralded as the age of new radical politics. Many theorists and activists understand new social movements, as replacing the working class as an agent for progressive social change. Scholars and activists now alike debate the possibilities for revolutionary change in this era of multinational capitalism and new nationalisms. This paper examines some of the above claims in the context of the contemporary Serbian civil society. It explores the relationship between the civil society, activism, and narratives in Serbia. In particular, it examines the anti-MilosevicÂ’ movement Otpor! (Resistance), and its discourse, practice and politics in public spaces, through an analysis of narratives of a set of roughly 20 interviews with Otpor! activists, aged 18-35. In the following discussion, then, I will focus on some of the particular dilemmas of contemporary Serbian popular movements - they are dilemmas to do with the growing complexity of media life in the Serbian spaces. I ground my debate on particular uses of the notion of civil society in the narratives of Otpor! activists, while I focus on the question of how do Otpor! activists relate to Leftist/radical politics and the idea of civil society. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the constructing of meaning in the anti-Iraq war movement by focusing on the internal framing efforts of a prominent contemporary antiwar group-Military Families Speak Out (MFSO). 100 documents from MFSO's website (www.mfso.org) were examined including reports of action taken, letters, letters to elected officials (including President George W. Bush and Secretary Rumsfeld), speeches, and press releases. In this paper, framing concepts originally designed to address micro level mobilization efforts of social movements are extended to the meso level in a case analysis of antiwar framing efforts. Four dominant themes were discerned: (1) Against all Enemies Foreign and Domestic: Have We Been Deceived? (2) On the Honor of Our Children (3) Iraqi Freedom: Democracy or Quagmire? And (4) Leaving Holes in Hearts that will Never Heal. I argue for the utilization of this conceptual extension of micro level framing for non-retrospective (in situ) analyses of movement meaning making activities at the organizational level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work of a "military wife" and mother during a time of war comes with a set of unacknowledged assumptions about the parenting division of labor between spouses. Despite the presence of women and single parents, the military continues to operate within a gendered model that presupposes a male breadwinner and female homemaker. The military assumes that a wife will support the soldier through replacing his domestic work when "duty calls" and he is sent away. In this personal narrative, I examine my own experiences of feminist mothering during my husband's wartime military mobilization. I argue that feminist mothering directly conflicts with the position of a "military wife." This essay considers the experience of living with such contradictions, the relationship between feminist mothering and anti-war activism, and the development of independence among military wives. As I questioned both the goals of the war and the assumed gender division of labor, the "military wife" role clearly contradicted my feminist approach to mothering. The implications for feminist parenting and fathering are also discussed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper applies a structural cycle of protest lens to the contemporary U.S. women's movement and analyzes women's activism within the anti-war movement. I argue that through this broad theoretical perspective scholars can gather information about emerging feminist groups and track innovations in repertoires of contention. I integrate original qualitative and quantitative data collected at protest events in New York and DC between November 2002 and January 2005 to show the diversity of women's activism triggered and facilitated by the expansion in POS generated by this cycle of protest. I show that despite a high degree of feminist identification among individual participants in these protest events, feminism was not integrated into anti-war frames in the early months of the movement. The contributions of this paper are both methodological and theoretical. I argue that in order to collect data on contemporary movements, it is essential to look outside the subjective boundaries of the movement of interest and instead look toward the entire cycle of protest. The data presented in this paper illustrate that participation in the anti-war movement and a broad cycle of protest invigorated women's organizing in the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, the particular emotive and cognitive framing techniques utilized in fourteen anti-war songs from the Vietnam era, seven of which were in the Top Ten and seven that never charted on the Billboard Hot 100, were coded to compare which framing techniques were considered more likely to build oppositional ideologies amongst two groups: activists and non-activists. Specifically, emotive framing techniques that could build oppositional ideologies such as anger, suspicion, fear as well as hopefulness and compassion were coded within the songs. In addition, four cognitive frames were looked at: (i.e., the blaming elites frame, the war is senseless frame, the Vietnam specific frame, and the interdependence frame). The findings from this coding analysis are examined and the paper ends with discussing the implications of these findings for the broader field of social movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interactions between the Anti-War (AW) and the Support Our Troops (SOT) movements, which mobilized in response to the recent Iraq war. Through the strategic use of identity and claims of legitimacy, the AW and SOT movements attempted to bolster the power of and support for their movements while denouncing the activists and goals of the opposing movement. We explore these dynamics through the use of ethnography, including participant observation and interviews. This research was conducted at 3 war protest sites in Southern California over a four-month period from before the war began until after the combat stage was declared over. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the demonstrations that on February 15 2003 took place in eight Western countries (USA, UK, Spain, Italy, Netherlands, Switzerland, Belgium and Germany) against the Iraqi war. Each of those marches was the product of coalitions between highly diversified actors, including both associations and more informal protest milieus. I map the underlying structure of those coalitions by investigating the links between different instances of both the associational and the protest fields. These links consist of the multiple involvements of demonstrators in associational and protest activities. Two very different structures emerge: a polarized one, showing little connections between the associational and the protest field, and a caucus/center-periphery one, characterized by greater integration of protest milieus and associations. The former prevails in liberal democracies, the latter in conservative welfare regimes. Empirical evidence comes from a survey of almost 7,000 demonstrators, which was conducted by an international team coordinated by Stefaan Walgrave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the role played by the Internet and alternative forms of media in enhancing the global, yet grassroots political mobilization in the anti-war effort in the post September 11, terrorist attacks environment. Citizens all around the world are increasingly linking their online efforts to form a coordinated online movement that offers unique mobilizing strategies to combat war and promote peace. This cyberactivism enhances the understanding of social movements, and the Internet has become a central means of communicating grievances and sharing and expanding communication across various transnational constituencies.

This article focuses on the rise of anti-war movement in the United States. The country has witnessed nation-wide protests from people related to various classes in support of anti-war movement. The present anti-war movement is historically unprecedented in terms of both the rapidity of its growth and its breadth. The intensity of protests against the second war in Iraq far exceeded the size of protests against the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan in 2001 and the first Gulf War in the early 1990s. According to political analysts, the spread of electronic media is responsible for the sudden growth of this antiwar movement.

In this paper, we investigate the influence of media frames on the financial support for the Dutch anti-war movement during its protest against intervention in Iraq in the period 15 January 2003- 15 May 2003 using a Box-Jenkins ARIMA-model. Controlling for the influence of demonstrations, we find that the frames that focus on the actions of the movement and the general issue of intervention influence financial support positively, while focus on legitimization of the war has a negative effect. This research is among the first to show such media-framing effects on social movement support. The paper demonstrates the usefulness of both analyzing media-coverage of contested issues in terms of frames as well as using daily data to research the evolvement of this coverage and its effect in times of political contention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both the Bush Administration and the peace movement in the United States generated high levels of public support for opposing policy perspectives in the aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. We hypothesize that this seeming anomaly can best be explained by both pro-war and anti-war framing performing well on seven dimensions of resonance and potency. To assess our hypothesis, we use NVivo software to data-mine and analytically model the text of speeches made by President Bush as well as official statements issued by 9 different US peace movement organizations between September 11th and December 31st of 2001. The results support our expectations. Framing in President Bush's speeches took full advantage of discursive and emotional opportunities to craft highly resonant and potent messages supportive of war and repression. In response, framing by U.S. PMOs both challenged and harnessed hegemony. In challenging hegemony, PMOs undermined the symbolic and emotive basis of resonant and potent pro-war framing while simultaneously attaining resonance and potency among traditional constituents belonging to oppositional cultures. In harnessing hegemony, PMOs utilized the same opportunities available to the Bush Administration to mobilize consensus and action beyond its traditional adherents. Four contributions of our research to the literature are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this dissertation is to find which factor is critical for peace or anti-war movements to influence public opinion and policymaking. In order to find those factors we need to see it through historical context. I believe the most important factor for peace movements' success comes from circumstances related to national security. This holds true regardless the size, strategy, or method of such peace movements. Through the history of peace movements, the potential consequences of most peace movements greatly depend on certain circumstances in which there is respectively little threat by external force or enemy. In this paper, I will demonstrate that national security mainly contributes to success of peace movements by comparing the recent peace movements with the one during the Vietnam War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the framing by the New York Times of the Israeli peace movement between 1984 and 2002. Peace Now carefully positioned itself as a mainstream organization in an attempt to counter the Herut party insistence that they represented only a marginal presence in Israeli society. Positive frames in the newspaper include texts that discuss the peace movement's mobilization efforts, or its effectiveness, its positive contribution to the peace effort, its high degree of organization or its large support base.

The article analyzes patterns of sourcing and framing in newspaper coverage of two social protests set decades apart, the Vietnam anti-war protests in October 1967 and the anti-WTO protests in November-December 1999. The results reveal journalists' increasing reliance on official and authoritative sources. In particular, the patterns are unaffected by the use of the Internet by journalists for their research and sourcing.

Political elites use deeply engrained beliefs regarding soldiers and citizenship to mobilize support for war and limit dissent. To analyze how the US peace movement has responded to this hegemony, we qualitatively and quantitatively analyze statements from up to 15 US peace movement organizations over three wars (the Gulf War, 9/11 and the War in Afghanistan, and the Iraq War). We find that PMOs altered their constructions of soldiering and citizenship in response to social history, elite counter-framing, shifts in the political and cultural climates, and to their organizational identities. Battling the mythology of being anti-soldier during the Vietnam era, PMOs have increasingly expressed support for soldiers while developing a discourse portraying pro-war elites as betraying soldiers. Mobilization late in a protest cycle, opening political opportunities and the public?s weariness of nationalism encouraged PMOs to challenge American identity during the Gulf War. In contrast, mobilization early in a protest cycle, rapid political closure and a hyper-patriotic, security conscious climate all encouraged PMOs to harness nationalism in the aftermath of 9/11. Promoting peace became the duty of American citizens. Splits within the UN and extensive transnational mobilization encouraged PMOs to strengthen international hegemony during the Iraq War. Our study highlights how the lessons of past contention combine with structural and culture changes to shape movement framing strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates support for the peace initiative known as the Roadmap among Palestinians living in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. We analyze support for four elements of the Roadmap: ? Ending incitement against Israel by all official Palestinian institutions ? Declaring an unequivocal end to violence and terrorism, and undertaking efforts to arrest, disrupt, and restrain individuals and groups conducting and planning violent attacks on Israelis anywhere ? Cutting off funding and all other forms of support for groups supporting and engaging in violence and terror ? Restoring pre-Intifada links between Arab states and Israel To understand support for the Roadmap, we focus on two important factors, personal identities and social distance between Israelis and Palestinians. Our data are drawn from a probability sample of Palestinian adults carried out in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip in June 2003. Our results provide evidence that Palestinian support for the elements of the Roadmap is linked to social distance between Palestinians and Israelis and to the status Palestinians derive from their schooling and income. Social distance appears to be district-specific. The identity effects are unambiguous among men ? the greater the status derived from schooling, the lower the support for the Roadmap, but the greater the status derived from income, the greater the support for the Roadmap. Among women, the results are less unambiguous, and both schooling- and income-based identities exert a negative influence on support for the Roadmap. There are pervasive and striking gender differences, including a highly suggestive effect of the immediate locality among women but not among men. These and other results are discussed in the context of the current conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although social movements in the United States are staged by coalitions, the politics of movement coalitions, and the internal and external factors that affect their formation, maintenance, and dissolution are understudied. Here, we use the 2002-03 movement against the impending war in Iraq to sharpen theory on social movement coalitions. We contend that external circumstances, or political opportunities, are the most important factors in affecting groups? propensities to cooperate in common cause. By looking at the antiwar movement generally, and the Win Without War coalition in particular, we show that cooperation was borne from the political opportunities presented by the Bush administration. As the war began, however, cooperating groups generally abandoned or downplayed their involvement in the antiwar movement, and returned to focus on their own core issues. We conclude with a call for more research on social movements as coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integrating ethnographic participant observation data, informal and formal interviews of anti-war movement activists and organizers, with analysis of organizational literature, web sites, e-mail listserves and press coverage, this paper examines the ways in which women?s and feminist organizations responded to the anti-Iraq War movement of 2002-2003. The most significant finding is that there was a marked change over time with women?s SMOs and women-specific messages almost non-existent toward the beginning of the mobilization in October and significant women?s organizing and the emergence of several new women-specific organizations by the time war was declared in March. The largest component of this new organizing utilized an emotional maternalist frame? asserting that women should be particularly concerned about war due to their natural tendency to care for children. The particular attraction of maternalist language and frames underscores the strength of emotional appeals to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The September 11, 2001 attacks on the United States radically changed the political opportunity structure for American peace movement organizations (PMOs). By analyzing the collective action framings employed by eight American PMOs during the fall of 2001, this paper documents an important aspect of recent peace movement activity. We blend quantitative and qualitative methods to analyze the framing practices used in the official statements and press releases of these organizations, noting how and why they chose to discursively "challenge hegemony" or to "harness hegemony" in this new political climate. These PMOs tried to create and disseminate four kinds of oppositional knowledge, which are also delineated here. We examine the ways emotions, race, class, gender, and collective identities impacted, or were used in the documents. How these eight PMOs responded to a political environment charged with super-patriotism is highlighted through textual analysis of their appropriation of "American identity," and their framings of civil liberties repression. A potential master frame of "global justice" is considered as the framing practices of these organizations are placed in the wider context of transnational social movement activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project explores how feminists and mothers form an antimilitarist and peace movement in Turkey by examining the ways in which peace negotiation processes are framed and navigated differently by women. I study two streams of peace activism: feminist peace activists, and "Peace Mothers," who are the mothers of the Kurdish militants engaging in a peace movement in Turkey, especially in Istanbul and Ankara. This peace movement emerged in the 1990s as a reaction to the violent ethnic conflict between Turkish military forces and Kurdish militants. Regarding this social movement's antimilitarist and antiviolence political position, I am concerned with understanding how new political subjectivities, such as the feminist activists and mothers of Kurdish militants, position themselves in the context of the ethnic conflict between Kurdish militants and Turkish military forces. Feminist women and mothers in diverse organizational settings are making attempts to consolidate peace between the two conflicting sides. Personal narratives of women help me to capture how diverse forms of identities are contested, negotiated and framed during the ethnic conflict. By relying on in-depth interviews and the analysis of written sources, I investigate how the discourses of feminist activists and mothers of Kurdish militants differ and how women's activism constructs "collective memory" by referring to a variety of historical events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sergei Eisenstein's 1925 Soviet constructivist classic, Battleship Potemkin, has recently been presented with a live soundtrack by synthpop duo Pet Shop Boys. Drawing on Potemkin and Pet Shop Boys scholarship, I argue that the venerable film and contemporary soundtrack weave together revolutions political and sexual. This juxtaposition, although voiced in what scholars have called an ambiguous "double-voicedness," articulates an intertextual expression of alternative masculinities. Working from a multivalent perspective, I read this nuanced cinematic/aural experience as not merely subversive messages—Iraqi war protest or queer Eisenstein revisionism—but critical juxtapositions. Double-voicedness operates in the true constructivist spirit of audio montage, but without jarring disruptions: audio montage as conceptual rather than sonic, to push the film's narrative beyond heteronormative masculinity. An idealized struggle for social freedom contextualizes an ongoing plea for idealized acceptance of alternative masculinities: liberation from tyrannies tsarsist and gendered. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Vietnam War period, U.S. poets of the peace movement relied heavily on Buddhism for their political language. That artists use religious and philosophical discourses in the course of politicization is understandable, but the dominance of Buddhism over radical Catholicism, existentialism, and neopaganism is surprising--all of these were viable choices for dissenting poet given the history of U.S. dissent, and each had significant advantages over Buddhism. I solve this puzzle by examining the power balance between poets and the legitimate specialists of these traditions. This balance was tilted toward the poets in the cases of Buddhism, neopaganism and existentialism because of the superior social capital stock of the poets, but the specialists were resourceful enough to constitute worthy allies only in the case of Buddhism. These findings indicate that a dialogue with social movements scholarship has significant potential to enrich the sociology of intellectuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the complicated identity of military peace movement activists. Using ethnographic data, including participant observation, in-depth interviews, and organizational archives, I explore the role of U.S. military veterans and families in the anti-Iraq War movement. Activist experiences cause these veterans and their families to distinguish themselves from the wider military, and they form a culture of action distinct from the larger peace movement in its goals, organizational forms, emotion culture, rituals, tactics, and strategies. In this article I highlight a hitherto neglected level of identity at work in social movement activism: the culture of action level of identity. This identity is broader than any single organization, but it is also separate from group identity as member of the military community and from the movement level within the wider peace movement. These activists are at once both insiders within the peace movement and within the military as well as outsiders within both of these groups. The military peace movement culture of action provides individuals a place to negotiate their seemingly contradictory identities as military and as antiwar activist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social responsibility that comes with communication can be decidedly viewed in the area of social protest and one of the most consistent types of American protest throughout our history has been the protest poster. Susanne Langer began to define the meeting place of the discursive and the presentational in the early 20th century, but rhetorical scholars still need to take more steps to clearly define the role of visual rhetoric in the dominatingly visual world of the 21st century. This essay takes a step closer to defining that meeting place by evaluating protest images of the war on terror depicted on posters that focus on functioning to target an external audience and developing a generic approach to the analysis of visual protest rhetoric. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Earlier antiwar movements were slow to build, and expensive to maintain, both financially and in human effort. Because of the Internet, today's antiwar movement has the chance to grow very quickly and to reach a much greater audience than our predecessors. So far, however, such growth has been limited and short-lived. For the modern antiwar movement to take control of this revolutionary media tool, we need to fully come into 21st Century thinking, rejecting old models of communication and political alliances. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As noted in the goals and perspectives statement that summarizes this panel, a unique ecological condition of modern war and pro-war and anti-war political movements is the rise to power, prominence, and popularity of the Internet in general and instant interactive venues of public affairs discourse like blogs, Facebook, MySpace, and YouTube. Other panelists will concentrate on the use of new media technologies in the service of various iterations of the anti-war cause. I want to look at the opposition to the opposition, specifically to examine the visual persuasion strategy-that is, the use of imagery-via right-wing pro-war or anti-anti-war blogs. Drawing from content analyses, personal interviews, and focus groups, my presentation will a) present an overall survey of the kinds of anti-anti-war pictures displayed on right-wing blogs during the length of the Iraq war. For example, I will detail the genres that range from "freaky anti-war kooks" to atrocity images attributed to Saddam Hussein b) report, drawing from interviews and my own analysis, on the strategic and tactical intentions of the anti-anti-war warriors, speculating on motives ranging from outright support of the war in Iraq to a more fundamentally political opposition to any anti-war movement at any time, and c) present possible reactions to and effects of the anti-anti-war imagery. How do people react to exemplars of the alleged iniquity and perversion of peace activists and the attendant visual display of their "bizarre" behavior? The main population for analysis will be drawn from anti-anti-war blogs such as zombietime, The Autonomist, Confederate Yankee, little green footballs, and Jawareport. However, I will also cite self-critiques of anti-war imagery within the anti-war movement itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Civil disobedience is the deliberate violation of law committed in public as a form of protest. Since the civil rights and anti-war movements of the 1960s, its practice has become a regular feature of the struggle for peace and social justice. Yet little is known about the characteristics of those engaging in civil disobedience or about the personal and political consequences resulting from their actions. What demographics characterize the seasoned protestor? How are protestors handled by the police and treated while in state custody? What are the consequences of their public dissent both personally and professionally? Have their actions resulted in meaningful policy change, and how do protestors define "meaningful?" The present study utilizes a snowball sample of activists arrested for past involvement in civil disobedience to gather information about the precursors to and consequences of civil disobedience in the post-civil rights era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]