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The article critically examines the directions of application of the design methodology to the development of closed administrative-territorial units of the Russian Federation (CATU), mainly the so-called "atomic" CATU, the city-forming enterprises of which are production associations of the State Corporation Rosatom. The authors analyze the nature of origin, features of genesis, the specifics of topical problems of these closed cities. Based on this, it is concluded that it is necessary to search for and develop effective tools for transformations. As such a toolkit, social design is proposed based on the interaction of stakeholders and actors. It is noted that the project concept for development of closed cities may be based on the idea of the transition of closed atomic cities to the post-design phase (in the context of the liquidation of the Soviet nuclear project, the end of the Cold War and the arms race) and the need to develop appropriate management decisions and programs that would take into account the specifics the phase state of the closed object as a unified system. Such an approach will allow us to get away from situational and disparate low-efficiency decisions at the level of managing subjects, and will help to form a single logical and consistent strategy for development of CATU considering the internal characteristics and external factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The consolidation of democracy in post-communist Europe and the political transformation of Central and Eastern Europe, always focuses on the fall of the communist regime and the democracies in transition. For the purposes of this paper it is worthwhile to turn our attention to the political developments after 1989 to assess the factors that have contributed to the degree of consolidation of democracy in these countries. Political transformations in CEE should be seen as part of changes where democracy is in social harmony and has an impact on the forces of transition. Since the end of the Cold War, the EU has become increasingly involved in operations to install democracy in post-communist countries. My focus is the CEE countries. To implement the full range of its missions, the EU must be able to implement its plans that bring democracy to post-communist states through aid programs. Thus, since the fall of the Berlin Wall, the EU's focus has been on regions where assistance and assistance programs are needed. Political processes in all CEE countries show a strengthening of democracy with the best result achieved in Slovenia. Most democratic institutions are unstable but positive trends are evident. These tendencies tend from the tendency towards European values. Democratic consolidation in Central and Eastern Europe must be seen as an integral part of the scale of far-reaching social transformations, which involve a fundamental change in these countries. Some scholars of democracy have paid attention to social factors that influence political outcomes. For Central and Eastern Europe, the ethnic composition of a society is considered important for democratic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The end of the Cold War, technological progress and vast trade liberalization intensified the global trade integration since the end of 1980s. But the rapid growth of global trade halted as the global financial crisis erupted in 2008. Some researches claim that post-crisis rising protectionism and cyclical factors have been the main reason behind the slow growth of global trade since the financial crisis. Cyclical factors are the ones that have ocurred in relation with 2008-2009 crisis and had only short-term impact on the global trade level. But some also point out the role of structural changes of global economy on the weakened world trade. This paper estimates the role of 2008-2009 financial crisis on the weakening of global trade integration using Panel ARDL model. The estimation results reflects that the global financial crisis had both short run and long run negative impact on trade globalization. But the long impact of financial crisis have been much stronger than its short run impact on trade integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization is a manifestation of the modern post-industrial stage of economic and social development in relations between the countries of the world. The economic self-determination of countries is inseparably linked with their entry into the world economy, with finding their place in the globalization processes. Acquiring its own logic, globalization, has an increasing impact on the economic development of the world's different countries. The main economic globalization sources are a small group of countries with new industrial economies, and a larger number of countries are experiencing the contradictory effects of globalization. Arising from the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the "bipolar" system, globalization creates a new stable bipolar system between developed and developing countries. At present, globalization is in a very tense situation with contradictory economic development trends. The further evolution of globalization requires the identification of its components and making the globalization controllable on the common interest's basis of the world community, taking into account all countries. It should be noted that in these circumstances, the issue of control will increasingly head to the macro level, because at the national level it is impossible to eliminate certain subjectivity, and besides, it is much more difficult to cover the entire global picture. It is quite obvious that globalization is objectively determined by a specific historical situation, but this does not mean that everything that is happening on the world stage is justified. Some contradictions are inherent in the very essence of globalization, while others arise against the background of the aggravation of these contradictions and they should be regulated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US Space Force, established recently, is the sixth arm of the US Military. While the Force has not yet engaged in military activities in Outer Space, its parent act, the National Defence Authorisation Act, 2020, does not preclude the possibility of placing weapons, deploying trained personnel or even constructing bases in Outer Space. Further, it is pertinent to note that the legislation does not provide for undertaking dedicated risk assessments, which are required in order to anticipate and prevent harm to the space environment. These possibilities pose a serious threat to the peaceful use of outer space. Even though self-defence is often considered to be an inherent right of a State, the authors believe that the act of establishing commands and training individuals for warfighting missions in space is currently unnecessary, since such a practice has not been adopted by other space-faring nations. The institution of such a military force by the United States would lead to the creation of similar forces by other States, leading to a new arms race in Outer Space, which would further result in a circumstance where weapons in Outer Space would be inevitable and irreversible. Therefore, in order to keep Outer Space as a conflict-free zone, this paper aims to analyse the existing legal framework in light of recent developments, looks for solutions in general international law, and seeks to apply the same to the realm of outer space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The manic nuclear weapons development in the Soviet Union during the Cold War left an unprecedented environmental legacy which has yet to fully be characterized. Within the framework of the treadmill of destruction theory the article examines the historical development of the Soviet nuclear weapons complex. Adopting a path dependency method, it explores the dynamics of a societal commitment to "exterminism." The article argues that this commitment generated a treadmill of destruction - a contingent and historical anthropogenic process that accelerates additions to and withdrawals from the environment. In presenting this history, it asserts that the crystallization of an "exterminist" social context facilitates the emergence and inertia of this treadmill, and its widespread radioecological consequences. Within-case comparative historical evidence of treadmill of destruction dynamics in the commodity chain of extraction and production of nuclear weapons is identified in the uranium mining and milling boomtowns that were driven by military imperatives rather than economic growth coalitions, and in the enormous secret nuclear weapons production cities constructed to meet the demands of the exterminism. Although the radioactive risks of Soviet nuclear warmaking are widespread, Gulag prison laborers, ethnic and indigenous groups have been unevenly victimized by the resulting environmental contamination. Ongoing efforts to ameliorate risks to these groups and the broader society continue to suffer from the historical suppression and systematic distortion of evidence linking the Soviet Union (and Russia) with environmental damage resulting from its nuclear activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the origin and career of the metaphor of weaponization that became ubiquitous around the 2016 presidential election. As a concept, the word originated in the Cold War defense industry as a literal description of the logistical deployment of weapons systems. As its use mutated into a metaphor between 1999-2003, it took on its contemporary moral meaning of over-politicizing things that had been, and should remain, neutral or peaceful. By 2017 "the weaponization of everything" implied that all aspects of social life were newly embroiled in illegitimate politics, making the metaphor a profound act of nostalgia that erased even recent conflicts. Weaponization demonstrates that a metaphor can retain its meaningfulness when it becomes ubiquitous by marshalling a temporal narrative tension against the perception of recently eroded political norms. This is surprising because contemporary metaphor theory implies that ubiquitous metaphors become mere descriptions or concepts if they are not used in different ways that are embedded in competing discursive communities. Because metaphors derive their meaningfulness through tension, weaponiz- shows how time can be marshalled to attempt to create a shared public that understands itself as deeply divided. Weaponization is thus instructive because it indicates a yearning for a shared polity in divided times, and shows that political metaphors can create broad publics that share the same meaning for all sides among competing political groups, even if that meaning is a naïve or utopian rejection of politics altogether. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Cold War and more specifically at the beginning of the 21st century we are witnessing a resurgence of Anti-Americanism in the West. This paper explores the origins of Anti-American ideas and discourse, arguing that they go beyond just a simple reaction to various U.S. decisions and actions on the world stage. Drawing upon constructivist theories and approaches in the study of international relations that put a premium on the role of heuristics and ideas in international politics, it attempts to uncover the cultural substratum that lies underneath current criticism oriented against the U.S., focusing on two significant actors of the Euro-Atlantic community: Germany and France, The main findings of this historical approach highlight the existence of a negative cultural predisposition when considering U.S. behavior and mere existence in the world. As such, Anti-Americanism generates cognitive biases which are greatly inflated due to the technological tools available in the information era. Moreover, this predisposition may be unintentionally or willingly activated, given the increasing impact of public opinion on the preferences of democratic states in the realm of international relations. Hence, the study may be of use not just for research dedicated to history and international relations, but also for academic and decision-making circles interested into information warfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a critical analysis of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2005 Convention on Cultural Diversity, highlighting the issues of copyright piracy, ownership concentration, media freedom, and media diversity. It reviews the Cold War controversy around monopoly and cultural diversity that shook UNESCO to its very foundations. It discusses of human rights, cultural diversity, and globalization.

The operating concepts are multipurpose and comprehensive elements. They are not used only as one of the starting points to required future capabilities of the armed forces but they also form the foundation of military doctrines. They also represent a basic for the lower degree operating concepts, or the institutional or functional concepts. They unify the joint efforts and principal directions towards the achievement of future goals and missionns of the armed forces. Upon aligning the existing and required capabilities in the Defense Planning Process (DPP) it is not possible to eliminate all riscks. Under restricted availability of resources it is necessary to focus the efforts on the priorities of the development of the capabilities addressing the most probable riscks and riscks with the highest impact. The paper focuses on the position and role of the operating concepts in the defense planning process and their importance for mid-and long-term planning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The "security" concept has become extremely current, being used in the most varied fields of activity and expressing a state which, in the Cold War era, corresponded only to the state and the international environment in which it operated. With the disappearance of the system based almost exclusively on military confrontation, the old concept of security has been enriched by its imprinting with elements specific to other fields of activity, thus responding theoretically to the incredible transformations from the internal or international security environment. In this regard, it is worth mentioning the Copenhagen School according to which security has five dimensions (military, economic, political, social, ecological), but also the United Nations Development Program which, through the 1994 Human Development Report, signalled the obtuseness of the concept of security, by ignoring the individual's daily needs. This reconsideration of the security issue has given rise to a new perspective, that of human security. The concept of "water security", which is at the heart of this research, has become more and more used today, thanks to the reconsideration of the importance of the water resource and its use as a political tool aimed at achieving the economic and military objectives of a state. Thus, the paper aims to analyze the concept of "water security" and to present its significance in practical terms, by highlighting some challenges that, affecting it, have consequences for the national security itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the Cold War, the risk of a military conflict on a global scale has been significantly reduced. However, the world is still confronted with many traditional and new challenges, risks and threats to security. The increasingly unpredictable, asymmetric and trans-national character is an essential feature of these challenges, risks and threats. The subject of this research is the identification, definition and analysis of terrorism as one of the largest transnational security threats. The purpose of this paper is to approach the meaning of terrorism and bring it close to the professional and scientific community. One of the goals of the security, political and legal studies is to determine the structure, content and reasons underlying the conduct of terrorist acts. Terrorism is essentially a historical phenomenon that is as old as the state itself, although it is often seen as a phenomenon of contemporary human security. However, the current forms of terrorism have a completely new dimension arising from different historical, socio-economic and political reasons, as well as the development of science and technology. There is still no generally accepted and universal definition of terrorism, considering the fact that terrorism is not easy to define. Terrorism has many forms and it is characterized by a variability of its features, in addition to being complex. The meaning of the word „terrorism" has changed throughout history in order to accommodate the risk of any subsequent period. Hence, it is difficult to determine a permanent definition of the term. In a growing number of countries there is an increasing political priority to solve this problem and it must be assessed primarily or exclusively in terms of national security and the protection of national interests. Moreover, the interests and values of human and international security must not be neglected. In this paper, the author will present a terminological definition of contemporary terrorism, its features, characteristics, manifestations and the complexity in the forms of its manifestation and volatility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work examines the Iranian Crisis of 1946 and its active role in shaping the Cold War that followed. The primary objective is to understand how the international community achieved a relatively peaceful withdrawal of Soviet forces from Iranian territory. I contend that: 1) Iran possessed a degree of leverage in negotiations with the United States and Russia that other nations did not; 2) that the Iranian prime minister, Ahmad Qavām, shrewdly manipulated both superpowers with his own brand of masterful statecraft while pursuing his own "Iran-centric" objectives; 3) that the United States used its preponderance of military, economic, and diplomatic might to effectively achieve its postwar aims; and 4) the primary actors in the crisis solidified the legitimacy of the United Nations and its Security Council, which had previously been in jeopardy. This paper touches on each of those contentions, but focuses primarily on the role of Qavām's diplomacy in resolving the matter. This event provides a stunning example of crisis management by the primary participants. The Iranian Crisis was indeed the birth of the Cold War, and it established a model for state actions during and after this long conflict. The Crisis also provides a powerful example of how third-party entities outside of Europe, despite possessing relatively meager military and economic might, had the ability to alter and occasionally manipulate superpower behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decades before the end of the Cold War, it was presumed that there was a debate on the important issues of social relations and also it was discussed about international disputes. Of course, the protection of peace in the society was an undivided interest of all the people living in it. However, with the end of the Cold War and the end of bipolarity, the world has realized the new nature of social relations. The expected spread of freedom and democracy has denied ideological opposites as the old security dilemma, and the actions of democracy advocates have introduced human rights as a new security dilemma. In theory and in practice a huge space for interpretation and for dealing with this dilemma has been opened. In contrast to the international law in which the states are exclusive entities, human rights are in this security dilemma one time personal - individual and another social and collective. Secondly, in processes of installing democracy and liberating people from dictatorship, at the beginning of XXI century, there is frequent and harsh violation of international law wherein human rights appeared in duality: as a screen for someone's actions and also as a victim of someone's actions. The authors' intention is that in this paper, through the definition of human rights and a brief overview of the new security challenges after the Cold War, look for an answer regarding legitimacy of the speech act in the "securitization" of human rights. This is used in "legitimizing" actions for protection of human rights in order to achieve their instrumentalization1 in the interests of economic expansionism of strongest capital groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is devoted to the problem of political positions of Russian immigrant groups in the United States during the early years of the Cold War. The author uses methods of qualitative analysis of historical texts (primarily historical hermeneutics) to understand the political mood of Russians in America in Cold War, psychological atmosphere in Russian diaspora. The most useful sources are the personal letters of Russian immigrants deposited at different American and European archives. The role of the individual is perhaps the most valuable source in historical research, in this case offering an ideal perspective on the political choices of Russian immigrants. The author proves that during this period (the middle of 1940s - the beginning of 1950s) Russian immigrants tried to utilize international political situation in hopes of increasing their struggle against Soviet power. Russian diaspora wanted to become an important factor in Cold War. Russian Americans tried to make connections with different groups of American political elites to influence their political attitudes. Some groups of American political elites tried to use the factor of Russian diaspora in global confrontation. The author analyzes the political activity of liberal and socialist groups of the Russian diaspora. Historical documents show that Russian Americans continued to be marginal groups in American politics. These groups were more tools in global confrontation during Cold War than independent participants of this process. American politicians understood that Russian exiles had no real influence on the development of political situation in Soviet Union. Therefore leaders of Russian groups usually overestimated their influence on American political and intellectual elite. They received polite responds from American officers and politicians but they had no real opportunity to participate in formation of American governmental policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the pressing issue of the transformation of China's foreign policy strategies in the world in recent years. The rise of China in the last decades increasingly designates the possibility of China's gaining the status of global superpower and the leading country in the international political arena. China's influence in regional and world affairs is growing rapidly, though 20 years ago its role was hardly noticeable even in East Asia. However, times change and now China, which during the Cold war was considered a backward country of the "Third World", is said to be a new world leader, whose economic potential surpasses that of the United States. At the present stage, China has assumed a heavy burden of responsibility for overcoming the global financial crisis by successfully solving its own problems and helping other countries with substantial financial injections. With the growth of China's influence in the world affairs there is increasing the opposition to its policies on the part of the traditional global and regional opponents, in particular the US and Japan, which coordinate efforts in order to prevent China's advancement to the leading position in the military-political, economic and humanitarian spheres and China's ascent as a new hegemon instead of the United States, the country taking on responsibility for the global development and working out the principles of international relations, the formation of a new architecture of international security and economic and financial stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2010, during my first visit to Eastern Europe, I visited the flea market in front of the Alexandar Nevski Cathedral in Sofia, Bulgaria, and purchased a "Mother Heroine" medal, something that would have been bestowed during the communist era upon Bulgarian women who had born multiple children, in recognition of their service to the state. This consumption act is the point of departure for this work, in which I explore the context in which certain American tourists interact with the spaces and memories of post-Cold War1 Eastern Europe. In one type of interaction, the tourist exhibits "conflicted nationalism" in their identification with American-ness both as the victor and the vanquished; the Cold War, as symbolized by certain Eastern European spaces, catalyzes an expression of ambivalence towards the tourist's contemporary circumstances through acts of consumption. To understand the interaction I describe here, I first look at the consumption act itself, which I identify as a form of 'ironic consumption' (Klein 1999). Then, I describe the structural context in which ironic consumption occurs, examining both broad cultural tropes that communicate and perpetrate a certain understanding of the Cold War in the American popular imagination, and also the individual circumstances that interact with these cultural tropes to produce conflicted nationalism, wherein ironic consumption is an expression of both structural location and the attendant ideological commitments of that location. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been a general belief that the bipolar character of the Cold War offered the two superpowers a position to dominate every issue in their respective areas. In fact, however, the bipolarity did not mean that the leader of a pole was able to do everything it wanted. After the Second World War, the Soviet Union (the SU) and the United States of America (the US) emerged as two superpowers in the world arena. The US claimed that the SU was running an expansionist policy and aimed at containing it in the Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Asia and elsewhere. During the hot period of the Cold War, the US perceived a communist threat in its area and acted very tough and allowed little latitude to its allies to act according to their national interest. During the Cold War the unity of its alliance was vital and any problem between the allies had to be solved inside the alliance. The internationalization of any problem had meant the interference of the SU, the biggest threat of the West. However, when the détente started in the beginning of the 1970s, the US strongly supported it. The aim of this study is to examine the reasons of the US attitudes towards its allies during the Cold War. Changes in the US policies towards her allies, Greece and Turkey, are discussed within the context of Cyprus problem. The approach of the US in Cyprus was similar in the cases of 1964 and 1967, whereas in 1974 after the institutionalization of the détente, it acted differrently. In this study the reasons of the different approaches of the USA are discussed. The paper is based on the primary sources of the US archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of working backwards from the debris of a nuclear explosion to attempt to attribute the event to a particular actor is singularly difficult technically. However, moving from physical information of any certainty through the political steps that would lead to national action presents daunting policy questions as well. This monograph will outline the operational and physical components of this problem and suggest the difficulty of the policy questions that remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of the Cold War have paid too little attention to Soviet fears of "space-strike weapons" - that is, possible offensive uses of President Ronald Reagan's Strategic Defense Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the nuclear weapons modernization programs underway in the world's nine nuclear weapons states. It concludes that despite significant reductions in overall weapons inventories since the end of the Cold War, the pace of reductions is slowing - four of the nuclear weapons states are even increasing their arsenals, and all the nuclear weapons states are busy modernizing their remaining arsenals in what appears to be a dynamic and counterproductive nuclear competition. The author questions whether perpetual modernization combined with no specific plan for the elimination of nuclear weapons is consistent with the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and concludes that new limits on nuclear modernizations are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian President Dmitry Medvedev launched the concept of "European security architecture" in June 2008, in Berlin. Since then, Russia has been intensively lobbying in favour of this initiative. The Russian President has developed and promoted the idea further in speeches in Evian, in October 2008 and in Helsinki, in April 2009. The goal of Medvedev's plan remains the postulate of equal security for all, which, if implemented, would mean that no actions that might be perceived as threatening the security of others would be allowed. As a consequence, decisions such as the enlargement of NATO would have to be negotiated by the European states with Russia. The actual short-term objectives behind Russia's proposal are to stop NATO enlargement and to open a debate on European security. The long-term objectives are to loosen trans-Atlantic ties, incapacitate NATO and grant Moscow a de facto right to veto decisions concerning European security. Initial reactions from the European states show that Russia may succeed in achieving these short-term objectives. While a complete revision of the existing European security system is unlikely to happen, Moscow may also succeed in undermining the USA's influence in Europe and deepen the existing divisions among the European states in the domain of security (in other words, the divisions between those countries which co-operate more closely with the USA and those which have been seeking agreement with Russia). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this paper is to enunciate the concept of capability as the core of the text and then, upon it to open one or two possible directions for further development. The text remains in the academic realm (providing the author has the ability to do so); in turn no practical solution will be asserted. For defining the concept, a brief pass through history will be followed by several current definitions and a final statement will encompass all of them. This is also the point where the concept of fractal is introduced as a possible mathematical tool for assessing the outcomes of the capability-based system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Since the end of the Cold War, NATO has been going through a permanent adaptation process that has changed NATO beyond recognition. Many scholars and politicians reached the conclusion that NATO had become an organization more similar to a collective security organization than a traditional military alliance. Although the changes in NATO were very fundamental, they do not justify such a radical conclusion. NATO is further focused on dealing with security threats coming from areas outside the territory of its member states. Moreover, despite NATO enlargement, this institution does not strive for membership inclusivity. Last but not least, Alliance in its institutional capacity has never tried to build a comprehensive regime prohibiting of using military force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human security is an anthropocentric approach which social justice and sustainable peace might be able to defend with protecting individuals' rights and needs from risks. Human security which emerged the post Cold War is becoming an important field in the security discipline. The subject of security is turned from states to individuals by human security. So, it has achieved a significant breakthrough in security discussions. The states have stayed out of human security long time due to national interests and the positions of the international system. However, human security poses international stage and politics since regional and sub-national conflict has raised in the post Cold War and especially 9/11. While, some state has converted human security into be performed major/main paradigm in the foreign policy, it has had secondary importance in the some state. The human being is trying to overcome destructive effects with human security. This concept which aims to prevent real threat and fear uses several tools. Human rights, human development, humanitarian intervention etc. may be examples of them. As mentioned above, human security has gained acceleration after the 1990's. It has been accepted for practice of foreign policy by many states which leading United Nations. One of these states is Turkey. Even though Turkey does not explicitly manifest this concept in theory, it uses Human Security in practical terms. Syria which has historical and religious ties with Turkey, has been confronted many dangers. Turkey takes an important role to overcome these troubles by using Human Security. We aim to analyze the conceptual framework of human security, the effects of this concept on the Turkish Foreign Policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War, the creation of a South American economic space has become an important priority of regional powers (Brazil, Argentina, Chile), and the great powers after the war, the U.S. and the European Union (the current name). This integration process has had particular features derived from characteristics of Latin American countries. Multitude of organizations integrative role once again demonstrates the specificity of this process in Latin America to other areas of the world: Africa, Asia, Europe, etc. Contradictory developments phenomenon / Latin American integration process gives substance its characteristic and I will make, probably deeply and future. The purpose of the work and objectives are: know the main features of the phenomenon in Latin American integrationist Objectives: following our vision of a historical phenomenon; brief characterization of the most important Latin American organizations, establishing current and future consequences of integrationist phenomenon in this part of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This scholarly work elaborates significant issues arising from the current conflicts in the Balkans, in terms of the security of the Republic of Macedonia. Considering the historical dimension of contradictions and intersections and conflicts of interests of the greater nationalist projects of several countries on the Macedonian territory, the author puts the emphasis, on the one hand, on the ratio of the core security goals of the Republic of Macedonia and the nature, subjects and direction of threats to their endangerment and destruction coming from stakeholders in the states of its environment, on the other hand. Particular attention is paid to the needs of building an in-depth Strategic Security Intelligence approach to the situation in the Balkans after the "Cold War", whereby influential entities in certain neighboring countries have differentiated aspects of their "national interest", the operationalisation and implementation of which would be not only a threat to but also annulment of some of the fundamental constitutional values of the Republic of Macedonia. Within these frameworks, the author focuses on the issue of the legitimate and legal right of the Republic of Macedonia to protect its fundamental constitutional values and the necessary security and intelligence support in order to achieve that state and national goal. Thereby, there is a brief elabortion of certain segments of the assessment in terms of the treated threats to the security of the Republic of Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study shows the influence of the crisis and the changes on the security in the region and especially the Republic of Macedonia through vast analysis of research material of the changes in the Balkan. The initial assumption was that in the period after the end of the Cold War in the Balkans as well as in the entire European continent changes of great scale have been introduced. An additional assumption was that the crisis in the Balkans had begun even before, so during the Cold War had manifested. Over the last decade of the 20th century, the Balkan would emerge in an acute regional crisis, challenging not only the national defense\security systems but the international security structure as well. Republic of Macedonia would resist the threats for almost a decade, but like most other Balkan countries experienced the strong impact of the crisis and changes, at the very beginning of the 21st century. Supposing that the crisis and the changes are relatively standard factor culminating and encompassing a large area and showing signs of decrees in the intensity of the unfavorable influence on the stability and the security in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Balkans - unstable borders, contradictory territorial demands, a long tradition of fratricidal wars, psychological traumas from the past, non-stable states and institutions, as well as the opening of the enormous "powder keg", that's what the Balkan's Pandora's Box consists of. This box was closed during the Cold War, but now it has been opened yet again and has turned the Balkans into an arena of bloody confrontations, i.e. into "the open wound of Europe" (Churchill). The geopolitical plans of the great forces have been re-launched, the geopolitical centralization of the Balkans has been made again and the Balkan "powder keg" has been re-opened at the end of the 20th century. Today, as the Balkans is no longer the "powder keg" of Europe, another metaphor can be attributed to it when attempting to define it: the Balkans is the thermometer of Europe. The crisis in the Balkans should warn the countries of Western Europe to take a closer look at the problems in their own countries: problems related to the future, their place in the world, solidarity and collectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a review of the underwater acoustics of the Arctic Ocean. It discusses the main features of the underwater acoustic environment and how they are so strongly affected by the presence of ice cover. The paper also discusses the history of Arctic Ocean acoustics research, how the motivation was originally military in character during the Cold War and how it changed to being driven by environmental considerations today. Originally, the physics of the Arctic Ocean was studied in order to predict its acoustic properties, and now acoustic techniques are used to help understand its physical environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changing concept of security threats after the Cold War and their likely eruption in the neighbourhood of the European Union made the EU member states more aware of their global responsibilities. However, the difficulties that come along with the role of a global actor could be seen in the EU position in the events unfolding in the Western Balkans, specifically in the recent Kosovo case. Having learned from previous experience in Bosnia and Macedonia the way the EU deals with this case will be a good sign of its maturing foreign and security policy as well as its leadership qualities. This article looks at the EU's potential for having global leadership with a strong foreign and security policy and makes an analysis of its disadvantages and likely improvements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nuclear power is at a bump in the road - not at the end of the road. We must promote further safe development. Nuclear weapons are obsolescent. The Cold War is over and further détente will lead to disarmament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we will analyze the development of security studies and the concept of security in terms of two interconnected key debates: on one hand, the "broadening" of security and, on the other, the "deepening" of security. These disputes already started for the period of the Cold War, but became particularly intense after the end of the Cold War. Broadening and deepening of the concept of security brought about several challenges. The "broadening" or widening dimension concerns the expansion of security to other topics or sectors than the military one, such as political, economic, societal and environmental. Widening dimensions are fundamentally applied to the question of the source of threat to security. The "deepening" dimension concern whether entities other than the state should be able to claim security threats, and have sought to extend the security agenda by shifting the focus away from the state to other levels of analysis. The deepening debate generally refers to the question of the referent object of security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fifth enlargement (10+2) was a milestone in the unification of Europe, fifteen years after the Cold War was over. It has brought greater economic prosperity for all the citizens in the EU, and it made Europe a stronger player in the global economy, by deepening of economic integration and encouraging of competitiveness. Having in mind economic and political achievements of the fifth enlargement, countries in the Region, that are knocking on the door of joint European home, including Montenegro, have defined accession process to the EU as their strategic priority, „Europeanization¨ as an engine of all reform processes and positive changes in the society, expecting, at the same time, that future Brussels enlargement policy will be equally encouraging and open for new Member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the emergence of New Cold War, a term used to refer to the continuation of the Cold War stances of the West versus the East. The link between the New Cold War and regional wars is discussed, including the war in Georgia, the attempts and methods of regime change in Iran, the expansion of the Afghan-Pakistan war theatre, and the spread of conflict in Central Africa. The global implications of these conflicts are examined.

We are not just in an economic crisis. We are witnessing a global identity crisis that challenges the very nature of the international system. And the current system seems to be made after the image and likeness of the United States of America: The Global Hegemony. This paper aims to analyze the current international system in terms of challenging the U.S. hegemony; the conclusion being favorable to the status-quo. In the first part of this paper, I will make an analysis of the last 20 years of American hegemony. My investigation is based on the concepts of the realistic and liberal theories. Then, based on the imperial overexpansion theory and on the critical theory, I will review the key moments of the American hegemony challenge. The analysis will emphasize the military conflicts in which U.S. were involved since the end of the Cold War and their un-civilizing influence on the international relations. In the last part I will try to evoke the risks of overturning the existing world order, making a parallel with the period before the Second World War. Thus, because of the weakening of the U.S. and the challenges they face, the present economic crisis could find justification for the totalitarian regimes and for the nationalist effervescence which marked the period of the Great Depression of 1932 and the Second World War. In conclusion, I will try to argue a favorable response for the title of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the 25 episodes that compose Mission Impossible's third season (1968-69) on the CBS television network. The main axis of the argument posits the program as saturated with the structuring logic of a Cold War Us/Them antinomy. Beyond the frame of the Cold War and US policy of "containment", further contextualization of the television text concerns its production history and the style insinuated into its labyrinthine narratives. The article also addresses identity in Mission Impossible with regard to the Impossible Mission Forces' preferred tactics and with respect to race and gender. Finally, I argue that Cold War logic governs Mission Impossible's stark distinctions: "They" are enveloped within simplistic social orders constituted by the leader and undifferentiated mass of the led with attendant weakness of civil society. In turn, the State in the Eastern Bloc is grounded in coercion and brutality. By unmistakable contrast, while galloping across the globe in Mission Impossible, the US ("Us") employs voluntary agents and almost entirely eschews force in favor of implementing ingeniously crafted plots and simulations toward liberationist ends. In other words, Mission Impossible secretes sociological propaganda for the society that produced the program. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the production of nuclear technology is arduous in the absence of state-based resources, nuclear forensics can potentially be employed to identify the provenance of sample materials. Consequently, nuclear forensics provides the basis of a state-based deterrence strategy, which has existed since the Cold War, where states are not only responsible for their own weapons, but also can be accountable if nuclear material or technology is traced back to them. In addition to this traditional notion of state-based deterrence, current proponents of nuclear forensics have strongly advocated this expertise and technology as an effective deterrent against nuclear smuggling or terrorism in the post-9/11 era. This is an extension beyond traditional deterrence theory, and raises the question that although capable of attributing materials to a state facility, will nuclear forensics deter non-state actors? Various deterrence strategies are examined in conjunction with the strategic application of nuclear forensics towards non-state threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is dealing with how to apply a cooperative threat reduction(CTR) program in connection with North Korea nuclear issues. The fluctuation of North Korea nuclear issues in the 1990s and the last decade has shown us a strong feasible aspect and at the same time a difficult dimension of the CTR programme vis-a-vis North Korea. As a series of political and technical discussions, the disablement and ultimate dismantlement of the nuclear programs of North Korea are going on among the related 6 countries in the North East Asia(NEA), it's very meaningful for us to formulate a way how to apply a CTR programme to North Korea. For this purpose, I'm trying to clarify political, social and economic characteristics of the nuclear issues of North Korea. To find out its ways of application, I'm going to see common points and differences in comparison with the CTR program applied to the Communist Bloc after the end of the Cold War. Based on this analysis and comparison, I'll try to clarify nuclear nonproliferation aspects of CTR programs in connection with the case of North Korea. These efforts must accompany a detailed technical description on its ways of application to North Korea. This paper will mainly take a comparative and historical method, which is focused on the facts and policies expressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Korean War was a propaganda war. During the war periods (1950-1953), approximately 2.5 billion units of the leaflets were disseminated. Even after the armistice ended the fighting on the hot battlefields, psychological warfare through propaganda leaflets continued over 50 years in the Korean Peninsula. By analyzing the contents of the leaflets distributed during the Korean War, the study found that the Chinese and North Korean leaflets preferred the imperialist frame to the Cold War frame even though the U.S. and South Korean leaflets more heavily used the Cold War frame. The finding reflects the fact that the Korean War was framed as a Cold War in the allies' contexts, whereas it was framed as an anti-imperialist war in the Communists' contexts. The main frames of leaflets differed depending upon the target audiences and the language used. Although "encouraging surrender" (21.9%) and "demoralization" (23.1%) were the most frequent themes of the leaflets during the overall war period, leaflets targeting foreign troops (Chinese and U.S. soldiers) used more extensively these two themes, rising to 25.7% and 35.6%, respectively. In particular, "emphasizing the puppet role" frame, which was ranked in the fourth place (12.0%) among the total samples, was not found in English language leaflets, which targeted U.S. soldiers. The research also found that the allies used more pictorial messages (48.9%) than the Communists did (35.7%). But, communists were more dependent on gray propaganda content than allies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focal point of this essay aims to challenge the dominant accounts for the origins of insecurity in the Third World, which have mostly rested upon the contingent effects of the external factor, particularly the end of the Cold War. By emphasizing the importance of both external and internal sources of insecurity alike, the essay suggests two fronts of linking the internal and the external in order to depict the whole shape of insecurity that failed states face. The two linkage solutions include (1) the promotion of democratic, economic, and institutional capacities; and (2) the proactive consideration of local conditions and cultural differences, all of which external interventions need to pay more attention to when they proceed in the targeted countries ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role of cold war communication science and technology in the work of African American musicians and social movements during the 1950s-1970s with an eye toward showing how artifacts carry different cultural meanings across racial lines and within political and social groups. Through a comprehensive survey of the recordings, liner notes, performances, and films of Sun Ra and the 1960s jazz avant-garde and the documents, art, and writings of Black Panther Party members this paper presents an African American uptake of cold war information science and technology. While a number of studies have explored the cultural use of cybernetics and technology in the 1960s among primarily white cultural and political movements, this paper demonstrates how Sun Ra, the jazz avant-garde and members of the Black Panther Party appropriated technologies and made them central to their identities as core components of their fundamentally performative projects to change consciousness in response to the psychological alienation caused by racism and the workings of a technocratic, capitalistic society. As such, their work represents a cultural proto-informational imagining that runs parallel to much of the cybernetic research of these two decades. Yet, the different artifacts they appropriated and contrasting ways in which they redeployed and reconceived technologies reveals competing ideologies and broader conflicts during the 1960s over the meanings of black consciousness, politics, and social change. This paper concludes by suggesting how a re-signification of technologies occurred as they circulated outside of the communities that had access to the science itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reason for the G8's 2005 historic pledges of assistance to Africa is traceable to China's rising status across the African continent. China's fortunes have been tied in no small way to Africa's significant economic gains over the past few years. For centuries, Africa has been within the West's sphere of influence. The West fought against Soviet attempts to neutralize that influence during the Cold War. Rather than military offensivesâ?”in the form of proxy wars in Africa against the Sovietsâ?”the strategy of choice these days is likely to be diplomatic offensives in Africa against China, hence, the historic 2005 G8 pledges for Africa. Neither world-systems theory, power-transition theory, nor a global class analysis is sufficient to explain and predict the emerging Sino-G8 competitive scramble for Africa. Combining the elements of the perspectives, however, captures some of the key contradictory and complementary dynamics of competition and cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The investigation of how different countries follow divergent pathways into the modern world has been one of the most prominent issues for historical sociologists. In this article, I extend eventful analysis onto a macro historical level to examine the political transformations of Japan and Korea in the post-World War II period. I accomplish this by focusing on the role of a pivotal historical event--the Korean War--in the specific geopolitical conjuncture of the Cold War. Typically, eventful analysis is used to assess micro level phenomena. By exploring the crucial role of the Korean War in rearranging international relationships in East Asia, I demonstrate that the outbreak of the war and subsequent geopolitical relations significantly enhanced state power in both Japan and Korea. Each state in turn responded to social demands with different strategies, thereby following different political pathways: a conservative democracy in Japan and a military dictatorship in Korea. Based on this analysis, I argue that by broadening the use of eventful analysis on the macro-historical level, it is possible to achieve a more historically contextualized explanation of historical changes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As technologies age, they can become problematic, as their functionality degrades or the surrounding sociotechnical context changes. People often respond to problematic technology by engaging in sociotechnical "repair" activities, such as maintenance, troubleshooting, or redesign. Since the end of the Cold War, these activities have taken a central role in the U.S. nuclear weapons program, as stockpiled weapons are no longer continually replaced with new designs. We take "repair" to be a fundamental category of sociotechnical activity that modifies technological artifacts, practices, and social settings to maintain order in sociotechnical systems. This usage of the term draws on its common technological meaning as well as its usage in ethnomethodology to describe methods for maintaining order in social interactions. The Stockpile Stewardship program, initiated as the Cold War ended, sought to repair weapons through an engineering strategy of continually replacing parts, leaving weapons designers to maintain and exercise their tacit knowledge with sophisticated computer simulations. In contrast, the new Reliable Replacement Warhead (RRW) program proposes that designers take the lead in repair of the stockpile by redesigning weapon components to optimize them for long-term stability in storage, reducing the need for engineering expertise by designing stability into the weapons themselves. Each strategy rests on contested assumptions about the nature and quality of the tacit knowledge of engineers and designers. These alternate visions for the stockpile have significant political implications as decisions are made about the future direction and size of the nuclear weapons complex. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, NATO’s role and purpose were clearly defined by the existence of the threat posed by the Soviet Union. By the early 1990s, the Warsaw Pact had been dissolved at the insistence of the newly liberated countries of Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union had collapsed. With the disappearance of traditional adversaries, some commentators believed that the need for NATO had also been removed and that future defence expenditure and investment in armed forces should be dramatically reduced. It soon became apparent that although the end of the Cold War might have removed direct military threats, instability in some parts of Europe had increased. A number of regional conflicts, often fueled by ethnic and religious tension have increased the necessity of an NATO. On the other hand, while the threat to the West after the Cold War reduced, however, regional conflicts in the 1990s was not prevented by international security and political organizations such as the UN, OSCE or the EU. This situation increased the need for NATO as it intervened in major conflicts in Balkans, Afghanistan and in Somali, Libya etc. NATO assumed important functions as a security organization. NATO has played a decisive role in consolidating democracy in Central and Eastern Europe, in the protection of human rights in the Balkans and in political development. In the aftermath of the 9/11 attack, it began to perform of out of are missions, particularly in Afghanistan, Libya, the Mediterranean Sea, and offshore in the Gulf of Aden and Somalia. NATO has also undertaken new tasks such as energy security, counter-terrorism, cyber defense and counter-bandit. Together with these tasks, NATO is contributing to strengthening the military capacities of non-member states in Eurasia, North Africa and the Middle East through partnership programs. Finally, NATO is currently a non-combatant training and support mission in Afghanistan, peacekeeping operations in Kosovo, monitoring operations in the Mediterranean, peacekeeping missions in support of the African Union in Africa, air policing missions in Ukraine and Air Policing in Africa. In short, it can be said that NATO, which played an important role in the end of the Cold War, played an important role in the establishment of global security in the 1990s and 2000s. NATO has also been a charming venue for newly established countries by offering global security umbrellas to its member through collective defence understanding. These developments paved the way for NATO to become a global power. However, after resurgent Russia as assertive global politic power in 2010s, NATO has revisited its security perceptions. NATO's new security threats are more concrete, visible and evident. The threats are conceptualized to reflect conventional (Russian Federation), asymmetric (terror) and hybrid (cyber) kinds. NATO is now restructuring itself to compete with new threats that are more visible than in previous periods. As a result, the phenomenon of coexistence, which includes peace and cooperation in the international environment after 1990, has begun to disappear. The state of insecurity has now become prevalent in interstates relations. NATO”s brilliant years have almost disappeared as it has faced several challenging issues. First, American president Trump has very harsh critiques to NATO, during his election campaign. He sees NATO as an organization consuming American wealth. He criticized the other members not sharing of economic burden of NATO equally. So, America seems less supporter of NATO comparing with past although Republicans are in power. America wants to hand over European security issues to Europeans as it has shifted its security priorities from Europe to Asia. Second, global economic crisis has negatively affected NATO members in increasing their military spending. Although NATO took several decision to increase military spending until 2% of respective GDPs, except a few members, this target was not attained. Thus, less spending means the weakening of NATO in financial capacity. Third, some European members want to establish a separate European security architecture free from NATO and The USA. They want to get rid of dependency to America in security and military perspective. This is another factor leading to decline of NATO. Fourth, Russia exploits the opinion differences among NATO members to weaken NATO alliances by utilizing its energy capacity, arms sailing and other charming methods. The last but not least, the conflicts and crisis in Middle East has led to some divergence among NATO members. Finally, as the Western economically declines, the Western military is also declining. Considering all these explanation NATO seems in declining process. However, although current political, economic and military situation have created an unfavorable condition for NATO, it is too early to arrive has successfully overcome many challenges in the past, it can also resolve the current challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yalta Conference marked the beginning of the creation of the post-war cold-war structure while the Korean War defined the boundaries of the US and USSR spheres, the interstate relationship and balance of power in East Asia. It was in this geopolitical setting, the US help to re-industrialize Japan, and made Japan the regional center of accumulation on one hand, and blockaded the PRC and forced China to become a Maoist 'mercantilist' state, which de-linked from the division of labor in the capitalist world-system. It was also in the same geopolitical setting, China was pushed by the US and pulled by the USSR to form a close Sino-Soviet alliance and accelerated industrialization of heavy industry in the centralized First Five-Year Plan by importation of Soviet technology and Soviet technical support of engineers and managers on one hand, and proceed land reform and collectivization on the other. The Sino-Soviet conflicts left no choice for China but to adopt the further self-reliance policy, which took the form of decentraization, large-scale mass mobilization, collectivism, radical utopianism, and absolute egalitarianism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing conceptions from the fiscal-military model of state formation in which wars make states, I explore what made the historical experiences of Taiwan different from early Europe and contemporary Latin America and Sub-Saharan Africa. I argue that properly applying Charles Tilly's analysis of coercion and capital of European state formation to the case of Taiwan in the Cold-War era entails a revised notion of the military. That the military was mainly composed of "refugee-soldiers" rather than "citizen-soldiers" is a factor setting Taiwan's state-building process apart. Exiled Mainland soldiers defeated in the Chinese civil war were the main body of the military. Moreover, I suggest that foreign aid and domestic resources were the two sources of capital in non-European state making. Unlike its Latin American and African counterparts that relied heavily on foreign aid, the state in Taiwan balanced the two sources. While it had to negotiate with the society to extract resources, foreign aid exempted it from taking too much. Establishing negotiating mechanisms with the society that didn't burden it too much, the state in Taiwan became more capable and effective. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is based on fifteen months of field work in Cape Town, South Africa that compared urban renewal in the city's affluent inner core and underdeveloped township periphery. Here the focus is on the implications of this research for understanding the evolution of the configuration of security and development after the Cold War. Based on the fieldwork and additional scholarship in the study of global governance I suggest we are witnessing the emergence of forms of global governance whose goal is not the eradication of inequality but instead the containment of its sometimes violent and disruptive consequences. This becomes an important conceptual framework for understanding developments not only in urban South Africa, but also in the rapidly growing, and increasingly poor, urban concentrations of the global south. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]