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While the 2016 Summer Olympics was still the most watched program all 17 nights during NBC's coverage, the decline in overall television viewership could be a sign of audience migration to other platforms to consume Olympic content. Because understanding if motives for displaying national identity and motives for spectating sport could play a role in the consumption of Olympic media across televisual, print and digital platforms, a survey of 257 respondents was conducted, and structural equation modeling was used to determine the relationships among national identity motives, sport spectatorship motives and Olympic media consumption. The analysis revealed the strongest relationships in a three-step approach, where national identity motives directly influence sport spectatorship motives, which in turn directly influences media consumption. Specific relationships are discussed, along with their implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I utilize a variant of Breuilly's definition of nationalism to examine how one branch of the White Supremacist Movement—White Aryan Resistance (WAR)—talks about nationalism and the related question of who comprises the nation. I use qualitative analysis, relying on content and especially discourse analysis to compare issues of WAR newsletters from the six months before the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks to six issues after the attacks. While I expected that references to nationalism and negative references to the government, Jews, and Arabs would increase following the attacks as a result of an opportunity for increased resonance, I find only partial support for this. Instead, I discover that the White Supremacist Movement's conception of the United States as a nation is different from that of most Americans. Familiar targets of racism—Blacks and Jews—remain preferred targets for negative speech, even at the expense of potentially increased recruitment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Universal health care and Affirmative Action are highly contentious distributive justice policies in the US. Our research investigates whether identity politics are predictive of attitudes about these policies, independently of sociodemographic and sociopolitical influences. We employ the 2008 CCES, a national sample (N=1,000), to examine (1) associations between sociodemographic, sociopolitical characteristics, and various conceptions of and strength of American identity and (2) support for distributive justice policies given content and strength of national identity, sociodemographics and sociopolitical considerations. Results suggest independent associations between sociodemographics and sociopolitical attitudes and ethnoculturalism and multiculturalism as "truly American" and having a strong American identity. Sociopolitical factors, but not sociodemographics, predict liberalism. Stronger ethnoculturalism and liberalism are associated with higher and lower odds of reporting strong American identity, respectively. Liberalism is associated with lower odds and multiculturalism is associated with higher odds of supporting universal health care, net of sociodemographic and sociopolitical factors. We find an inverse relationship between liberalism and support for Affirmative Action. Support for affirmative action is positively associated with multiculturalism with weak American identity, though little variation exists across levels of multiculturalism given a strong American identity. The unique implications of identity politics for attitudes about distributive justice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following Melanie Bush's "Un-Pledging Allegiance: Waking up from the 'American' Dream" I argue here that the Black Solidarity Movement in the United States opened up the road to the decolonization of the U.S. Empire from within and without. Utilizing Malcolm X's observation about the "chickens coming home to roost" I will argue that the nationalism of Empire within the U.S. has been undermined by its historical constitution as an imperial nation which colonized numerous populations and incorporated them as second-class citizens or as non-citizens within its polity. These internal colonies (of which African Americans have been the leading force) articulated their own sense of peoplehood which cross cut the nationalism of empire which gave social and political stability to the nation. As a social practice parallel to the construction of historical capitalism, it has also been the foundation of the gravediggers of this empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neither "migration" nor "immigration" adequately defines the life trajectories of all people transcending and attempting to integrate into globally networked, transnational spaces. In this essay, I suggest the promotion of and use of the transnational, global term "im/migrant," pronounced "im/my-grint," rather than the nationalistic "we" and "them" designations of "migrant" and "immigrant." We have transnational im/migrant capital, transnational im/migrant commodities, and transnational im/migrant culture, so the logical next step is to legitimate the transnational im/migrant body. Using the "gap hypothesis" of Cornelius, Tsuda, Martin, and Hollifield (2004) as an analytic frame, I demonstrate that the gap between structural policy and structural outcomes runs parallel to the gap between immigrant agendas and immigrant outcomes and migrant agendas and migrant outcomes. Therefore, transnational actors are neither "migrants" nor "immigrants," but im/migrants, which transcend and exist in a transnational, globalized world. Data consists of fifty-two semi-structured interviews with Yucatec-Mayan im/migrants from Yucatán State, México, over a three-year period. The focus is on one generalizable im/migrant agenda, and one strategy from which the "migrant" and the "immigrant" become interchangeable designations, therefore evoking a new, global "im/migrant" designation. 1) The agenda of obtaining permanent residence in the United States, and the gap between that agenda and actual outcomes. 2) Marriage serves as one strategy for shifting from a migrant agenda to an immigrant agenda, thereby evoking the perpetual, im/migrant actor. I suggest that the term "im/migrant" is a more accurate representation of the transnational individual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]