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Case studies and seminar reports are provided that were presented at an international seminar to examine field experiences in using a culture-based approach to nonformal education. Part I, containing an introductory paper and nine case studies, focuses on indigenous institutions and processes in health, family planning, agriculture, basic education, and conscientization. The introductory paper discusses indigenous sociocultural forms as a basis for nonformal education and development. Seven countries are represented in the case studies: Indonesia, Bolivia, Java (Indonesia), Upper Volta, Botswana, India, and Bali (Indonesia). Section II focuses on the performing arts in both mass campaigns and community nonformal education programs. An introductory paper overviews folk media, popular theater, and conflicting strategies for social change in the third world. The seven case studies consider the specific strategies used in Brazil, Sierra Leone, China, India, Mexico, Jamaica, and Africa. Section III contains the seminar reports developed from discussions of the four regional working groups: Latin America, Africa and the Caribbean, South Asia, and Southeast Asia. A summary of plenary discussions is also provided. (YLB)

The intention of the present paper is to show that people have a series of educational needs in the era of information, so that they can become competent digital citizens. These educational needs are evident in the policies promoted by the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation, which were well known to Latin American governments of the decades from the 1960s to the 1990s. Therefore, it is to be hoped that the educational reforms of 1990s have elements based on the principles of education that they advanced, which emphasises the preparation of subjects in the digital era, based on advances in information and communication technology, focusing on the teaching and learning of computer science. [For the complete Volume 17 proceedings, see ED596826.]

This paper explores how and why state and non-state actors who participate in pretrial investigations in the Bolivian city of El Alto, produce, negotiate, and experience waiting. Specifically, it considers the protracted aftermath of a linchamiento, an act of collective violence in which residents take justice into their own hands, in the city of El Alto, Bolivia. Residents of Villa de Ramos neighborhood physically attacked an off-duty police sub-officer whom they mistook for a burglar. Because the police sub-officer died on his way to the hospital due to the injuries he had sustained in his body, a homicide prosecutor opened investigations against the perpetrators of the act. During a three-year process, the sub-officer's family sought, unsuccessfully, to take the case to trial. Two of the alleged perpetrators avoided becoming the target of judicial investigations altogether, while another seven were indicted and spent different times intervals of time in prison. Based on participant observation and interviews with some of these actors, their lawyers, and state officials, this paper argues that waiting is multifaceted. It is not only a tool of state domination (Auyero 2012; Bourdieu 1998) nor it only benefits those better positioned to endure long-term judicial processes (Galanter 1974; Schwartz 1975). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Right has historically opposed democracy and provided support only when democracy was made "safe" for elite interests. This makes the actions of the Right in Venezuela between 2006-2013 highly surprising. During this time Venezuela was in the midst of a radicalizing period of left-populist rule. The Right had earlier opposed this project by supporting a military coup, amongst other things. But from 2006-2013 the Right not only failed to work to end democracy, but actually worked to deepen democracy at the local level. This paper argues that this occurred because of the presence of leftist hegemony in Venezuela during this time. This restructured the political rules of the game such that the Right was compelled to play on the Left's terrain. The paper uses this case, in comparison with Bolivia, to advance a novel theory of the relationship between the Right and democracy, centered on the Right's contrasting behavior towards democratic leftist threats in situations where leftist hegemony is present versus absent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Companies in Bolivia and other developing countries face challenges in staying competitive in the global market. One issue is the lack of defined work methodologies, leading to disorganization and waste of resources. This paper proposes to address this problem by combining two theories, Factory Physics and the Theory of Constraints (TOC), to improve production processes in Bolivian manufacturing firms. Factory physics looks at relationships between quantities and performance, while TOC focuses on identifying and addressing constraints preventing desired performance levels. By combining both methodologies, we developed an improvement strategy and evaluated it through computational simulation models for a Bolivian furniture manufacturing firm. The results suggest that combining these methodologies can significantly increase productivity for Bolivian manufacturing firms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how indigenousness is represented and imagined in the context of the current educational reform in Bolivia. Half of the Bolivian population self-identifies as belonging to an indigenous group, the largest in the Americas, but this group has continued to be marginalized economically, politically, and educationally. The educational reform was promulgated as constitutional law in 1994 and set forth a radical new agenda for education and society as a whole by mandating Bolivian education be based on fomenting democratic principles, social equality and valorization of cultural diversity. The reform has made impressive strides in bringing indigenous cultures into the classroom through the introduction of multilingual textbooks, which are also designed to be gender sensitive. Educators report that within the reform indigenous cultures are to be valued and this is supported by textbooks that represent the typical lived realities of indigenous as well as non-indigenous (i.e., Mestizo, European) Bolivians. Special school events that pay tribute to Bolivian cultural diversity are also now commonplace. In the last decade, Bolivian education has become much more a multicultural institution. This paper argues, however, that new educational rhetoric and school rituals for valorizing the indigenous also threaten to simplify indigenous cultures into their folkloric artifacts and romanticize indigenousness as socially static, tradition-bound, and geographically limited rather than dynamic and composed of diverse individuals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exclusion from the state bureaucracy has been a central grievance of the ethnoracial movements that have sought recognition across Latin America. In Bolivia, an unprecedented change in the ethnoracial composition of the national state bureaucracy followed the inauguration of Evo Morales Ayma, an Aymara Indian, as president in 2006. A new guard of public employees who hail from a wide array of indigenous and peasant organizations have filled national bureaucratic posts en masse, occupying mid- and upper-level positions that had been historically reserved to the urban white and mestizo population. This paper examines how this new bureaucratic guard (re)negotiates the ethnoracial boundaries of the public bureaucracy in Bolivia. Drawing primarily on semi-structured in-depth interviews and focus groups with mid-level public administrators, this paper shows that the new guard attempts to redraw the ethnoracial boundaries of bureaucracy through three types rhetoric strategies: unmasking, uplifting, and spoilage. In the process, its members build solidarity, construct a new identity around the category of 'public servant,' and articulate a competing notion of the 'ideal bureaucrat.' This analysis responds to calls to construct a critical race theory of state by examining the everyday making and unmaking of the state bureaucracy as an ethnoracialized space and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, Latin America has experienced a turn to the left or 'Pink Tide' with the election of progressive left-wing governments in Bolivia, Peru, Brazil, Venezuela, Ecuador and Argentina. The Pink Tide has made significant strides against the detrimental consequences of colonial legacy and neoliberalism. Paradoxically, in pursuing economic growth the Pink Tide has reinstituted the unequal international division of labor through a new extractivist model of development. Using Harvey's concept of accumulation by dispossession, Polanyi's notion fictitious commodities and world systems theory, this paper analyzes the new extractivism in Bolivia as a case study of the relationship between the state, development and global capital. It poses the following questions: 1) to what extend does this new extractivism constitute accumulation by dispossession; 2) what is the role of the state under the new extractivism and 3) whether this new extractivism as a development project has the potential to lead Bolivia into a new position within the global capitalist economy. Drawing on a range of empirical and theoretical works, this paper argues that the current land grabbing and territorial displacements of Bolivia's rural and indigenous populations by traditional and the new extractivism does represent accumulation by dispossession. If the goal of the Bolivian government is to become a post-neoliberal state, this new extractivism will not provide such a path. The politics of extractivism keeps the state and the nation dependent on international capital and it does not change Bolivia's position in the international division of labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In January 2000, thousands of Bolivians took to the streets in the country's third-largest city—Cochabamba—to protest the privatization of the city's water supply. The protests were arguably the first large-scale, sustained, and explicitly anti-free market mobilizations since economic policy changes began 15 years earlier. This paper explains the origins and internal dynamics of the Cochabamban water movement as a vehicle for thinking about the relationship between political perceptions of subsistence, on the one hand, and the timing and composition of protest movements, on the other. The paper builds on current social movement theory by explicitly focusing on how material and symbolic understandings of subsistence worked to motivate and shape political resistance in Cochabamba. The paper argues that perceived threats to subsistence are a potentially powerful locus for collective action as they can serve as grievances around which cross-class, cross-gender, cross-ethnic and cross-regional interests coalesce. The seemingly indiscriminate nature of the threat among poor communities can motivate organization across ethnic and regional divides, while the potential for the threat to be understood as a challenge to national patrimony can tap into pre-existing national or ethnic identities, draw on powerful historical legacies or repertoires, or speak to conceptions of community. As a result, the wealthy and middle class join the poor in the streets, and indigenous and non-indigenous communities unite under a banner of plural nationalism. Through the Cochabamban case, the paper pushes scholars both to systematize and historicize the relationship between a "subsistence ethic" and social movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Integrating objective and constructionist approaches to collective memory, this paper takes the first step in developing sociological approach to martyrdom through an examination of the case of Che Guevara. The construction and maintenance of individuals as martyrs is most often and most successfully done through the actions of powerful and resourceful states and institutions. The efforts of Cuba to control the facts of Guevara's life and the efforts of Bolivia to hide his body illustrate tactics institutions and states use in the attempt to control the reputation of martyrs. The lack of control Cuba holds over the use of the famous photo of Guevara shows that in the increasingly globalized market and media, this manipulation and control is increasingly difficult, introducing questions of what martyrdom means and how it operates in contemporary society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Current research considers that new organizational forms derive from the interplay of agency and structure. Building on a case study on the creation of two organizations that pioneered microfinance in Bolivia, this paper offers the concept of social bricolage to explain how organizational processes mediate this interplay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I examine the obstacles and opportunities surrounding the materialities of natural gas extraction and circulation. Extending regulation approaches that use theorizations of natures' materialities, I explore the changes that have occurred within Bolivia's natural gas sector over the past two decades. Examining the struggles and negotiations surrounding the country's natural gas, I argue that the material characteristics of natural gas have differentially shaped the agency through which transnational firms, the Bolivian state, and Bolivia's social movements have been able to express their different, and sometimes contradictory, demands. Enabling and constraining possibilities for action, the materialities of natural gas have influenced both the means through which these actors lay claim to the benefits of Bolivia's natural gas and the resulting regulatory structures that now surround the country's national gas. While transnational firms have the technology and capital to extract and control the natural gas, the communities around the natural gas have the potential to disrupt its extraction and transport. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThis paper looks at social mobilizations that have occurred to oppose privatization of services in Bolivia. I study the case of successful mobilization against privatization of water in Cochabamba in 2000 against the backdrop of the unsuccessful mobilization against the privatization of the national oil company, YPFB, in 1996. The research question addressed is what makes some mobilization against privatization successful. Using multiple sources of data: archival television footage and newspapers clips, communiqués, fliers, and interviews, I identify the distinctive features of the two struggles, following the program suggested by McAdam et al. 2001. Existence of indigenous organizations and networks, innovative type of leadership and decision making process, informed articulation of concrete demands, clear identification of targets, innovative ways of communicating and mobilizing, and handling of information emerged as the most distinctive features. Media coverage in both struggles was framed differently as well, suggesting that the strategic choices of social movements may be able to shape media coverage of their events. Further research is suggested to solidify this comparison, and to shed light on factors potentially responsible for the selection of successful strategic choices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a project which aims to create an academic and research network in the field of economic history in Bolivia, as a way to promote the country's economic development. The project has been developed by universities of three countries: Universitat de Barcelona (UB) from Spain, Universidad Mayor de San Andrés (UMSA) from Bolivia and Universidad de Valparaíso (UV) from Chile. The main objective consists in creating an academic framework to develop research and teaching skills in economic history in Bolivia through the cooperation of the three universities involved in the project. The methodology has been the design of aWeb- Based Virtual Learning Environment (VLE) as a way to promote teaching cooperation among the three academic teams. The project has been supported by AECID- Spanish Foreign Affairs Agency for Cooperation and Development, and it has to be implemented in a period of two years. We present here the results regarding to the first year of the project. A second phase of the project has to be developed in 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The participatory method of image production holds enormous potential for communication and journalism scholars operating out of a critical/cultural framework. The methodological potentials of mechanical reproduction were evident in the 1930s, when Walter Benjamin contributed three enduring concepts: questioning the art/document dichotomy; placing the tension between cultural/ritual and political functions on the research agenda; and noting the radical, transformative potential of mechanical reproduction, which can operate as a springboard for methodological design. Three examples from an ethnographic pilot study of tin miners' radio in Bolivia demonstrate both the utility of the participatory method and the varieties of participation. The first example, a videotaping of a daily radio program in which housewives discussed issues in a public place, illustrates that participation in the program was not mechanically mandated but pragmatically woven into the subject matter emerging in the conduct of the program. It also illustrates that culture-specific norms governed procedures of participation. The second example, involving video shot in public places by local people, throws into question the dominance of ideology as the binding element in alternative media. The third example, videotape of a funeral of two miners, illustrates the value of participatory methods in documenting events that would otherwise be unavailable to the researcher. The use of video in this case made its most significant contribution to the research community by offering tangible products to the local culture and history. (A figure presenting principal methodological issues guiding image-making in research is included. Contains 23 references.) (RS)

Bolivia subsidies approximately 50% of the cost of fuel for the entire automobile fleet in the country. This subsidy is taken advantageby unscrupulous people dedicated to the illegal storage and later smuggling of this resource. Considering that this bad practice has impact on the macroeconomic variables of the country and is a loss of public money, the government is recording the fuel consumption of each vehicle through RFID technology in order to have a consumption history. In this context, the task of detecting abnormal fuel consumption based on RFID readings in the gas stations would require people who monitor each vehicle every time they consume fuel. The use of intelligent computer technologies such as dynamic clustering in "profiling" approaches would have effective mechanisms about data analysis in order to identify outliers in consumption profiles. We presents an anomaly detection framework based in the evaluation of intelligent technologies in order to increase the levels of autonomy of monitoring outliers. Firstly, a module of load profiles is proposed through dynamic clustering technologies, it will allow creating a representative set of types of consumers for each class. Next, a classification module will use the previous knowledge to construct a classification model. This last process will be capable of assigning outliers cases with different degrees of membership. Thus, this paper proposes an approach to resolve the anomaly detection in the critical case study from Bolivia using computational intelligent techniques and considering factors in order to have an adequate solution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article identifies several actors who acted strategically to steer the emergence of commercial microfinance, using the emergence of commercial microfinance in Bolivia in the 1990s as an example. A microsociological understanding of institutional work is considered. It is argued that connections with other actors influence individuals' decision making because they provide them with access to resources and information, and because they shape their motivations. The roles of trust, social distance and occupational status competition as relational motivators on actors' decision to engage in institutional work is also explored.

International service learning has become an opportunity for students in liberal arts and helping professions to gain an integrated understanding of global\social needs, cultural sensitivity and social responsibility from a direct hands-on experience. Service learning also challenges students to contemplate social issues from a moral and ethical dimension. The purpose of this research was to examine the impact of two mission trips (2008 & 2009) with respect to students' personal values and the values embedded in the teachings of Catholic Social Justice. The preliminary findings from this study suggest that students' values change significantly from personal responsibility to a communal responsibility approach. Data also suggest that students think about Catholic Social Teaching in a different way after the experience. This paper describes an overview of the Joliet Diocese Mission work, a review of the literature pertaining to service learning and Catholic Social Teaching, and present data from the study [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A Bolivian national radio campaign for women with children less than 24 months of age and pregnant women was implemented from June 2000 through April 2002. This evaluation studied the effects of the third booster campaign (March through April 2002) on women in areas served by the PROCOSI/LINKAGES program interventions with effects on women in the control areas that were not served by the PROCOSI/LINKAGES program. In-person surveys were conducted with 351 respondents. Unaided recall of any campaign message was 65% meeting the program's criteria for success. Additional analyses showed that knowledge and practice levels for three of the campaign's four behavior messages (timely initiation of breastfeeding, exclusive breastfeeding, and timely complementary feeding) were generally higher in the program area. When ad recall was taken into account, the results reveal that the radio campaign was successful. Knowledge and behavior gaps diminished among women in the program and control areas who recalled the campaign's message spots. Findings suggest that radio is a powerful way to improve child feeding practices and improve child health in remote regions of Bolivia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bilingual programs and the socio-cultural circumstances surrounding the programs of the United States are compared with the programs and socio-cultural circumstances of three Latin American countries: Peru, Ecuador and Bolivia. The legal frameworks are different. In the United States, bilingual education acts and subsequent programs came as a result of legal challenges by private citizens. In contrast to this, in Latin America the institutionalization of bilingual education programs began with the incentive of the national governments. There are differences in administration, goals, relative status of the languages involved, relative distribution of monolingual and bilingual populations, and cultural-historical backgrounds. In the United States a large number of different social processes are reflected in the various bilingual situations, while in the Latin American case, two historical factors are dominant. These differences mean that the socio-cultural attitudes that members of language communities have toward other languages and their use are an important factor in the stance toward bilingual education programs. Implications are discussed in terms of the final linguistic state of the societies in question and the degree of mutual versus unidirectional influence of the languages involved. (AMH)

Companies around the world are faced with challenges in dealing with data breaches. While in Germany companies need to notify the affected and fear to lose their valuable customers, in Bolivia, where rapid digital globalization increases vulnerability, data security overall is not a publicly present topic, and customers are directly exposed to the consequences of security incidents. Our study examines the cultural difference in addressing the digital challenge of recovering from data breaches. We investigate through a scenario-based experiment the effect of compensation and remorse on the customer-company relationship. Our results show that German customers are more likely to demand compensation for a data breach as a recovery action, whereas Bolivian customers are satisfied with an apology. We discuss this finding in the context of crosscultural values and practical implications for countries that are currently undergoing a rapid rise in technology and are therefore exposed to substantial security risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1972 the Bolivian government passed a law to license journalists. This law created the "colegiado" system, providing for legally protected minimum wages, satisfactory working conditions, and restriction of journalistic employment to those with professional credentials. Although it is still too early to determine whether the law will be ignored or be used to restrict press freedom, it is believed that the "colegiado" laws will actually serve to protect journalism from governmental interference and will continue to lead toward economic and psychological benefits to the profession. Understood within the context of the Latin American situation, the statutes appear to be a giant step toward upgrading the journalistic profession in this area. (DF)

The Teachers Abroad Program (TAP) was developed as a project of the Mennonite Central Committee to meet the educational needs of developing nations. Its activities in Bolivia involve North American volunteer teachers committed to starting a school in a rural community in 2 years and, following this period, assisting the community in obtaining a government teacher to continue the program. TAP schools provide primary curriculum in reading, writing, arithmetic, science, and Bolivian history, all taught in Spanish. Community and parent involvement are encouraged. Since 1974, program priorities have included community development, nonformal adult education, inservice training for government teachers, and diversification to meet community and educational needs beyond the initial 2 years. A goal of these priorities is to improve Bolivia's national system of rural education, which is oriented toward preparing children to function in an agrarian setting and does little to prepare students for secondary or university education. Another TAP goal is to improve the sometimes inadequate teacher preparation in Bolivia. Future TAP goals involve the provision of educational opportunities, integration of school and community, meeting of short- and long-range educational needs, creative and dynamic instruction, and elimination of prejudice. (JD)

This essay studies the relationship between the illegal drugs industry and human rights violations in Bolivia, Colombia and Peru. It surveys the development of the illegal industry in the three countries and the human rights violations associated to it. It also applies a competitive advantage international trade theory to question common held beliefs about the causality for the development of the illegal drugs industry. It is argued that profitability does not determine the location of the illegal industry since most countries that can produce coca and cocaine do not. The illegal drugs industry locates in places where the rule of law and social restrictions on behavior are very weak. This industry is symptomatic of deep structural, institutional, and cultural (values, attitudes and beliefs) weaknesses. Anti-drug policies attack profitability but in most cases do not promote the social reforms needed to avoid drugs and other illegal industries. In a best case scenario current policies might achieve short-term results but would fail in the medium and long run. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Bolivia is experiencing a major fertility transition, use of traditional methods of contraception remains high. This study explores the influence of various factors on modern contraceptive use in Bolivia, including ethnicity, education, socioeconomic status, age, number of prior children, spousal control and female autonomy, individual access to health care, area of residence and family planning media exposure. This study expands existing models by examining individual STD awareness in addition to community-level effects such as ethnic composition, average educational attainment, and access to health care. Data are from the DHS Bolivia 2003 survey. This sample consists of married and cohabiting females that do not desire a child in the next year (n = 10,151). Using multinomial logistic regression to estimate the expected odds of both modern and traditional methods of contraceptive use, we find strong ethnic influences. Quechua and Aymara people are less likely to use modern contraceptives and more likely to use traditional contraceptives. These associations are strengthened in communities with high concentrations of Quechua or Aymara. Ethnicity appears to be more salient than a variety of other community effects. Programs aimed at increasing modern contraceptive use need to be sensitive to ethnic group identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]