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For many centuries ideology has been playing a major role in the development of societies and economies. It can evolve at the level of the state (the macro-level), as well as at the level of enterprises (the micro-level). At the level of special enterprises, such as social ones, the special ideology that shapes their behavior model, their development strategy and creates the fundamentals of their social mission that make them different from ordinary commercial enterprises, exists. This paper attempts to search for the ideological fundamentals of social entrepreneurship that shape their special way in the socio-economic development of several countries at the modern phase of the formation development. The social and economic missions are assumed to comprise the base of ideology of any social enterprise. The social mission of social enterprises refers to value creation for the "public good", whereas their economic mission refers to value creation for "private gain". It is shown that the ideology of social enterprises is reflected in the balance between these two missions during different periods of its development. It is concluded that in the historical perspective the outcome of this balance depends on the institutional pressure in a given country. The modern post-Soviet critical Marxism approach is used as a theoretical and methodological basis of the study. Due to it, the main formations of socio-economic development are derived and the development vector for the long run is specified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been 89 years since M. Weber died. Many of the studies achieved on Weber-s Theory that part of sociology, law, politics, history and even economy. So, Weber was known as the last general genius in sociological part. But Weber-s influence on other academic areas caused many disputes which connected to Weber-s theory. Especially, Weber-s methodology has aroused a controversy for a long time. Even though, Weber-s methodology influenced positively many of the study fields. The matter is beyond dispute. Weber-s methodology view was so complicated and difficult. If understand of Weber-s point of view, should premise the apprehension of German history school and national economy-s view. And We should understand what difference between marxism and german historical philosophy. But, In the paper, I will show to minimum-s access to Weber-s methodology. Instead of, in this paper, with M. Weber-s methodology view, I willing to understand historical events. So, this paper attempts to show that understanding weber-s methodology, accessing to historical events(as weber-s methodology), and providing specific example(South korea-s candlelight vigil) ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Czech society does not predominantly consider the level of culture as a dominant factor for economic development. Moreover, it is considered as superstructure according to Marxist theory. Thus, inherited "communistic" perception of culture, associated with the influence of the former Soviet Union, is bearing emphasis on folk culture, "high art" professional scene, cultural heritage, and independent production vice versa. However, the importance of creative industries is being discovered in the last decade. The first aim of this paper is to reveal and explain disparities within creative industries and the New Creative Index in Czech regions employing multidimensional scaling to evaluate the concept of smart specialization. Furthermore, it is focused on modelling the links between the New Creative Index and creative circles using correlation to measure the "Creative" Regional Performance. The West-East gradient, previous development trajectories and the structure of higher education in Czech regions lead to an increasing divergence, even the support of all cultural activities was declared. The results presented in this paper reflect the link of the structural base support, related to the concept of clustering and regional development of certain creative industries in particular regions. This leads into the specialised regional support of selected creative industries according to the NCI and the structure of creative industries. Thus, it is supposed that regional cultural or cluster policy shall employ various tools in terms of priorities and provide support to fulfil the concept of smart specialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditional approaches to the interpretation of the theories of Marx and Weber have departed from an assumption of the inherent incompatibility of their approaches. Instead, contemporary critical theorists have begun articulating a theory of "Weberian Marxism," yet have failed to justify their complementary nature with any systematic argument that draws upon the tenets of Marx and Weber's own theories. To fill this gap, I first provide a brief overview of past expressions of Weberian Marxism in Lukács and the Frankfurt School, portraying its defining characteristics in relation to both Marx and Weber. After a brief synopsis of the competing narratives of the progression of modern society within classical Marxism and Weberian theory, I provide an argument for the philosophical roots of Weberian Marxism, showing a convergence that can be located within the original works of Weber and Marx themselves. Therefore, this paper moves beyond mere inferences to and applications of the convergence of Marx and Weber within the writings of Lukács and the Frankfurt School to offer instead a systematic argument that demonstrates how each theorist incidentally borrows intellectual capital from the other. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main objective of this paper is to claim that the origins and formation of the welfare state are reconsidered as an institutional process embedded in patterned relations between given historical contingencies and institutional adaptations in response to welfare demands. Such relational processes can be categorised by the three isomorphic convergences of institutional adaptations to the welfare demands: national emergencies, economic challenges and political transitions. Existing accounts for the emergence of the welfare state - universalism, selectivity, and Marxism - are bracketed under a single heading of social control theory for two reasons: first, those three explanations commonly err in believing that an ideological intent is given as predetermined before actual analyses of social policy-making, thereby neglecting the process of institutional reforms; and second, the underlying implication of all three accounts ends in a common target of social policy - how to control welfare demands, and safeguard social stability. By comparison of institutional adaptations with social control theory, the paper aims to explain and emphasize the methodological utilities and practical applicability of the institutional process approach in the studies of welfare development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses a problem posed by the idea of culture for marxian theory, namely how an essentially non-theoretical term, and the topics it organizes, bears on what is theoritical in Marx’s critique of "capital." In that critique, Marx expands upon two problems and, in a sense, solves them. The first has to do with the reproduction of capital, and the second with the production of society, specifically the conditions under which it is possible to conceive of society as an ensemble of practices or "relations." In each case, the problem is developed in regard to the production of means of subsistence as cmmodities. While this procedure exposes, at the margin of capitalist production, a number of conditions that are suggestive for politics (Marx refers to the "bearers" of labor power, domestic life, ideology, and the "society of the producers",) there seems to be no room for what we now call "culture" - meaning self-reflective conditions of action (having to do with forms, values, and the like). It is clear that such a concept goes beyond the idea of critique, and so it remains topical in regard to Marxian theory and not theoretical as such. I review some of the issues involved in trying to reconcile the theory and the concept, and the significance of the latter to the bearing the former has on politics. In the end, I conclude that culture poses a problem for theorizing but not for theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the issue of crime is increasingly politicized throughout the world there are very few Marxist analyses dealing directly with this issue and practically nothing recent. The following paper provides a Marxist analysis of crime focusing on (1) recent crime rates, (2) trends in criminal justice and the development of repressive state apparatus, (3) public awareness and opinion on 1 and 2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on the intimacy of death in documentary films based on the analysis of Vivian Sobchack. He says that Sobchack tells that film theory has inclined to be commanded by Marxism and psychoanalysis as of the early 1990's. He notes that Sobchack provides an appealing, alternative, and clear to much film theory and is unaware of the conflicts of writing with regards to experience or of the well-worn dogma-by-now on the social-linguistic construction of reality.

Dominated people are stereotyped by dominators as overly aggressive, sex-ridden, lacking in conscience, and weak in the talents and skills it takes to be effective in the world. Thus colonizers to colonized, racists to their victims, anti-Semites to Jews, men to women, and so on. These convictions do more than rationalize domination. They speak to subjective realities and dynamics ordinarily ignored by dominators, dominated, and most theorists of domination as well.Both Marxist and non-Marxist sociologists address structures of race, class, and gender, but not the structure of generations. It is my claim that race, class, and gender structures unknowingly to the dominators and dominated, as well as to scholars of domination, reproduce the structure and dynamics of the relations of generations, and that the dominated group is implicitly confused with and fused with the objective and subjective realities of children in their early years of development and domination by adults. In a very hard-nosed masculine way, Marx dismissed subjectivity in his efforts to understand domination. By examining subjective issues in adults' relations to children, we can uncover the crucial hidden dimension of domination otherwise lacking in sociologists' treatment of it. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imagine a world full of people that own nothing but have access to everything they need because they share things such as tools, meals, rides, couches, and even homes. While this may sound utopian, we are seeing a glimpse of what this society would look like with the rise of the sharing economy- a hybrid economy, characterized by sharing as well as commercial exchange (Lessig 2008). The sharing economy has created new opportunities for digital labor. Sharing firms such as Task Rabbit and Amazon's Mechanical Turk (MTurk) match those who need to complete tasks with others that have the time and knowledge to complete those tasks online (Brinkley 2016). The benefit to workers comes in the form of new work opportunities, empowerment, schedule flexibility, and social benefits. However, the disadvantage to workers comes in the form of very few substantive rights and benefits, and low wages. While the sharing economy phenomenon has been gaining traction in the literature, we want to understand the phenomenon from a labor perspective. Specifically, we have conducted a preliminary literature review of labor in the sharing economy, and the results show that few studies (3 of 30 in our sample) focus on the perspective of the worker. We feel that this makes for an incomplete understanding of the phenomenon. We propose to study the perspectives of digital workers in the sharing economy using an exploratory qualitative method (i.e. grounded theory) with open-ended questions. We will use MTurk as a primary data source, and we will triangulate the results with excerpts from digital worker blog sites and popular media. While Deng et al. (2016) viewed the phenomenon through a value sensitive design lens, we will use a Marxist lens to answer the following research question: How can the Marxist perspective inform our understanding of digital work in the sharing economy? Our goal is to determine if the Marxist exploitation ideology holds in the context of the sharing economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on in-depth interviews with immigrant domestic workers and employers of domestic workers in Washington D.C. and Istanbul to explore to interrelated issues: emergence of an international class of domestic workers who are replaceable and disposable due to high volume of immigrant women in informal paid domestic service, and labor process of paid domestic work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of digital technology has a great impact on newspaper production as on every aspect of our life. This technological innovation has rationalized the production process, eliminating a great number of jobs. Marxist and political economic theories explain that technology (mechanization) turns the workplace into a bleak place for workers because of the dehumanization of work. In Marx's words, workers are alienated from their work, products, and themselves under this desolate work situation. This paper explores firsthand experiences of newspaper workers about technological changes in workplace, based on interviews with reporters, editors, and photographers of a Japanese local newspaper that is pushing forth rationalization. This study found that newspaper workers have contradictory experiences and perspectives involving technology including computers, cell phones, and the Internet. Newspaper workers do not necessarily look at technological changes negatively, as theories at the macro level argue while they are experiencing trends and phenomena that those theories discuss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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A right-wing populist critique of "bad bankers" is a central trope used by the Tea Party movement and others on the contemporary Political Right. Using a sociological Marxist and social movement theory approach, I explain how the "bad bankers" trope is a version of the "Socialism of Fools" in which the "bad bankers" can be portrayed as Jews, the Rockefellers, or the Bilderbergers, etc. In none of these cases is there a structural analysis of power in which systems and institutions of capitalist political economy are actually scrutinized much less criticized. It artificially divides Capitalism into a model where "bad" "parasitic" "non-productive" finance capital is struggling against "good" "independent" "productive" industrial capital. There is a dynamic and fluid relationship between finance capital and industrial (and service) capital, but the "bad bankers" (or "banksters") trope personalizes individuals and specific institutions in a way that is not only superficial and oversimplified, but blames scapegoats rather addressing the need for substantive changes to the political and economic system. This explains why major individuals and entities highly invested in protecting corporate capital and its prerogatives would support what is ostensibly a significant populist mass movement. This is the way in which right-wing populist mass movements construct political economy in the United States so that they shoot themselves in the wallet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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