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Mining has usually been regarded as the simplest case of the location problem, to be explained, at least at the level of the producing district, largely in terms of the least-cost principle. This approach would also appear to have some relevance to the examination of the location of individual pits within a particular coalfield. This paper outlines a simple model for the development of an hypothetical coalfield, then considers the changing patterns of pit location on the main New South Wales coalfields in relation to this model. It would seem that there is a close coincidence between the hypothesized situation and the main evolutionary stages of these fields. There are, however, some significant departures from the idealized scheme, particularly during periods of industrial or economic recession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To argue that more needs to and can be known about black artisans and laborers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and especially in the South. The Montgomery workingmen have a full ticket in the field for the coming city election, and there is nothing under heaven to hinder them from succeeding if they but stand firm in the faith. The people of Alabama are tired of ring rule. The Democratic papers call the workingmen the riff-raff and fag ends of society. The miners have experienced poverty to such a degree, and for such a length of time, that they and their families do not shudder at it, but look it squarely in the face, like little men. The miners in Alabama have no organization to protect their interests or advocate their cause, and they are in a different position from any mining locality in the United States. All capitalists employing labor in this part of the country have two sorts of labor, and some of them three sorts of labor.

The article presents a reply by professor Earney to the questions that were raised by professor W. Douglas Harrison on the paper titled "New Ores for Old Furnaces: Pelletized Iron." The researcher's statement that the he confronts difficulties in analyzing certain trends in production, consumption, and transportation of specific iron ore commodities because of nondisclosure rules and collective grouping of data by government agencies such as the U. S. Bureau of Mines . Because of these difficulties, perhaps as many as 100 letters of the more than 700 needed to acquire data and other information for the paper were concerned with the domestic iron ore industry.