Search

Chapter 20 of the book "Public Domain: How to Find and Use Copyright-Free Writings, Music, Art and More" is presented. It explores precautions one must take before using the work in public domain for advertising. One should make sure not to use the protected trade marks or images of people. Using this would violate the right of publicity. It can be used if the material is used for nonprofit use. Trade marks include a huge range of marks, therefore one must be aware of them before using.

Chapter 3 of the book "Freedom of Information Act 2008," by Susan Singleton is presented. It presents the exemptions of the Freedom of Information Act 2008 (FOIA) in the U.S. including confidentiality and legislation in existence prior to the approval of FOIA that prohibits the disclosure of information. It notes that confidential information exemption is not liable to a public interest test under the Act. It explores the circumstances that a public authority can disclose confidential details.

Chapter 12 of the book "ICT Infrastructure in Emerging Asia: Policy and Regulatory Roadblocks" is presented. It discusses the factors to consider in regulating telecommunications in the region. Types of communication users who affect the definition of public interest are business and high-end users, and those who are underserved and marginalized. Supply- and demand-side issues that regulators should consider are interconnection, resource allocation and revenue management.

Chapter VII of the book "The Republic," by Plato is presented. It explores how the nature of justice is enlightened and discusses how to create great rulers of the State. It also examines the importance education in meeting the aims of the State. Moreover, it encourages the need for citizens to serve the State for the common good of all.

Chapter 8 of the book "The Language of Democracy: Political Rhetoric in the United States & Britain, 1790-1900" is presented. It stresses the identity crisis experienced by the press in the Gilded Age, the effort exerted by political parties to motivate the voters by praising party allegiance for their own sake, and the engagement of the press to political parties to revive public interest. It also discusses the virtue celebrated in the Gilded Age and the appearance of hortatory rhetoric.

This chapter focuses on the emergence of solitary communities. A community is a place to become self-fulfilled, so in an age of self-interest we take community with us wherever we go. Community is no longer based on locale, but it is a product of our interactions. Communications technology brings about an anonymity and meaninglessness in social relations. We have become so attracted to time and task-driven connections that lead to short-term outcomes that there is an impatience with devoting time and effort to building people-driven networks. The U.S. has become a nation of solitary communities. The individualization of community has resulted in limited interest in becoming engaged in other people's communities except for purposes of expediency. Accountability, trust, and commitment are limited to the radius of individualized communities; this fragmentation falls short of embracing a more encompassing societal good. The common good depends on the involvement of everyone to achieve mutual benefits. Everyone committed to their own individual or solitary community promotes their own good. Protecting one's personal good has become more important than promoting the common good.

The article focuses on several international consensus documents for safe abortion. It includes the World Population Conference, Bucharest Plan of Action, Program of Action Adopted at the International Conference of Population and Development in Cairo, and Further Actions and Initiatives to implement the Beijing Declaration and the Platform for Action. It discusses the future initiatives for the development of health systems related to abortion services policy.

The article gives information about the book "Social Policy, Social Welfare and the Welfare State," by John Baldock, Nick Manning and Sarah Vickerstaff. For the major part of this chapter authors' will examine the characterization of social policy along various ideological dimensions, and the ideals that have been at the heart of social policy debates for the last 100 years. The concept of ideology has been much debated within social theory. Two theorists have dominated discussion about ideology: Karl Marx and Karl Mannheim. Marx's theory was embedded in a much wider project to analyse the nature of capitalism. Marx initially suggested that ideology, like religion, reflects the frustrations of the physical and secular world. Indeed, religion itself, he claimed, was an ideology. Mannheim developed Marx's ideas as a special case of a more general issue. By the particular conception of ideology he refers to doubts people might have about the validity of someone's ideas. While ideologies include ideas about the way welfare states or specific social policies have developed and work, they particularly include ideas about how things ought to be.

This article deals with welfare reform and education. Stress on education and retraining highlights the importance of knowledge about and training in the new information technologies. In the climate of corporate downsizing, it takes skill to blame the recently unemployed, so that unemployment constitutes a gray area when the language of responsibility is invoked. Concerns about unemployment insurance are thus expressed in terms not of the burden on the state budget but of harm to the national economy. The primary concern articulated by governments revising their unemployment programs has been that benefit levels may be too high, or last too long, and are therefore creating disincentives to work. The education of children is also suffering from cutbacks, despite the concerned noises of the new social democrats, who, once again, follow monetarism. Contrary to those concerned noises, spending on education is decreasing. Cuts in state education spending in the U.S. mean that schools are now seeking out other sources of income. The most serious cost of welfare and education cuts also falls on mothers. For the rest of us, we are beginning to see the effects of spending less on our daily reproduction, our health, pensions and education. We need to decide if these are the kinds of consequences with which we can, literally, live.

This section argues that the main concerns behind the passage of the 1967 Medical Termination of Pregnancy Act was to make abortions more readily available under the British National Health Service (NHS), and thereby to reduce the number of abortions being conducted in private clinics. Underlying this move was a widely felt conviction that the practice of abortions for private profit was disreputable and contrary to the public interest. NHS practice, by contrast, was understood to be disinterested, transparent and publicly accountable. Indeed, the 1967 Act sought to enhance such accountability by establishing a system of gathering and publishing figures on abortions performed under the NHS. Eight years later, the appointment of the Lane Committee of Enquiry provided an opportunity for both pro- and anti-abortion lobbies to present their case to government. Pro-choice activists were able to use the available government statistics to highlight geographical inequalities of provision, leading to improved facilities in under-provided regions. By such means, the welfare state maintained at least a measure of commitment to public involvement in the development of the health services. The situation changed markedly during the 1980s and 1990s, however. During this period, the development of in vitro fertilization techniques (IVF) precipitated intense public debates that were in many ways continuous with earlier debates over abortion. But with the appointment of a pro-business Conservative government in 1979, public doubts about the morality of private provision of controversial treatments were over-ridden by more positive evaluations of private practice and the pursuit of profit. As a result, IVF services developed along largely private and entrepreneurial lines. Moreover, the government declined to interfere in the developing market by establishing a similar system of monitoring and regulation to that which had been set up for abortion.

The article discusses the nature and significance of the common goods of a political community, how civic virtue is implied in sustaining these, and what it means to put public before private interests. Any commitment to civic virtue and the common good may be seen as subordinating the individual to society, or private life to public life, in a way that is incompatible with modern concerns with individual fulfilment. The requirement of civic virtue may be seen to be anachronistic, oppressive, moralistic or unrealistic. It may seem a throwback to small, weakly institutionalised ancient democracies, where there was no separate state to carry out collective decisions. In some interpretations at least, the historical notion of civic virtue oppressed citizens by requiring uniform standards of behaviour. Even if not oppressive, it conveys a political world dominated by obligations rather than by rights; it may be too morally demanding of citizens, and therefore both unrealistic and undesirable. Liberals for long resisted the idea that common goods require extensive civic virtue among citizens.

Chapter Three of the book "Passion and Paradox: Intellectuals Confront the National Question," by Joan Cocks is presented. It explores political theorist Isaiah Berlin's scholarly work and his greatness as a public intellectual. It discusses how Berlin come to conclude that most of the responses of modern Western European Jewry were evasions of their real identity, and that only Jewish nationalism was true and right.

This chapter addresses the evaluation of public policies. Public evaluation means two often-related things. First, the choice of one policy rather than another implies one background environment rather than another. Second, the evaluation needs to be conducted on behalf of a large group of people possessing different preferences. To evaluate policies, one requires a criterion by which to make the evaluation. This leads one to measures of social well-being. One could agree that in seeking a welfare indicator, one should measure social well-being directly and not look for a surrogate.

The article focuses on social inequality, technology and economic growth. The first part introduces the idea of long swings in policies dealing with social inequality over half a century or more. It describes, in particular, the role of one ardent social reformer in Great Britain--Eleanor Rathbone--because of her exceptional importance in the evolution of what became the "Welfare State." Reformist policies for social services and redistribution of income seem to alternate with periods of reversal and retrenchment. The second part of the chapter suggests that these long swings in social policy and in income distribution have some connection with long cycles in the economy--the so-called "Kondratieff waves." The third part tries to show how and why the trend towards greater inequality emerges when a major new technology is spreading through the economic system. The fourth part shows how this inequality also manifests itself in the wealth and poverty of whole nations, through the uneven development of the world economy. Finally, the conclusions suggest very briefly some ways in which the present trends towards greater inequality with all their dangerous social and political consequences might be reversed.

This chapter aims at sketching a general overview of the main problems and reform challenges of social protection in Southern Europe in the 1990s. The structural crisis afflicting the Southern European welfare states is partly different from that of other Continental systems. The reasons are basically geoevolutionary. In Spain, Portugal, Greece and to a lesser extent Italy the welfare state developed with a later timing and had to cope with more difficult socioeconomic environments--including the deep backwardness of the South's Souths. In these four countries social protection thus entered the age of permanent austerity in a state of institutional and financial underdevelopment and laden with internal imbalances, of both categorical and territorial character. Their social transfer systems display at the same time peaks of generosity for certain occupational groups and macroscopic gaps of protection for certain others. The first section of this chapter will discuss some common features of the Italian, Spanish, Portuguese and Greek welfare states which allow us to speak of a relatively distinct type of social policy in these four countries. The second section will identify in its turn some perverse consequences arising from the interplay of these features and calling for incisive institutional changes. The third section will finally illustrate in more depth the specific predicament of Italy's welfare system, briefly discussing the reform debate currently ongoing in this country and the actual chances of overcoming the predicament in the foreseeable future. In the conclusion, an overall assessment will be drawn and future prospects for Southern European welfare will be briefly discussed.

The article focuses on the implications for social policy and educational practice for homeless children on the streets of the Americas. The lives of homeless and street children in the Americas are filled with light and shadow, hope and despair. The light and hope exist in each childs human potential as well as in the existing laws, programs, and policies that form the architecture for educational and social change. The lives of children on the streets of the Americas are quite varied. Some have homes, some have families, others have neither. A number of actions are necessary to reduce the numbers of, and eventually to eliminate, street and homeless children in the Americas. This duality is at the heart of the tension between generating economic growth and greater equity that has perplexed nations in the Americas throughout the twentieth century. All programs for homeless and street children have an explicit educational component. Most students in programs for homeless and street children have had bad experiences with formal education. Solutions to social crises frequently involve education. It is simplistic, though, to suggest that education alone can redress social inequalities that bring children to live and work in the streets.

And when the Protestants of the Low-Countries were so grievously oppressed by the power of Spain … why should they not make use of all the means that God had put into their hands for their deliverance? … by resisting they laid the foundation of a most glorious and happy Commonwealth, that hath been, since its first beginning, the strongest pillar of the Protestant Cause now in the world. INTRODUCTION Throughout the restoration period, as earlier, the struggles against religious and political oppression were intertwined. The period 1662–72 was dominated by the imposition of, and then struggle against, the parliamentary religious settlement. This culminated in what Gary de Krey and others have called ‘the first restoration crisis’ 1667–73. Its precursor was the crisis of 1667 giving rise to a new phase of politics which culminated in an attempt by the king himself to unhinge the religious settlement. The accompanying debate took its force from these practical issues. At the same time it had a polemical focus in Samuel Parker's defence of the religious settlement (Discourse of Ecclesiastical Polity (1669)) which played a role comparable to that of Filmer in the later crisis. Radical opposition to the restoration settlement before 1667 necessarily took a more muted form. The persistence of domestic plotting and seditious utterance in this period has been documented by Richard Greaves. This was accompanied by the activities of a republican community in exile, particularly during the Anglo-Dutch war (1665–7). THE EXILES 1662–7 The most important remains from the assault upon restoration from exile are Ludlow's Voyce from the Watchtower and Sidney's Court Maxims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hobbes indeed doth scurrilously deride Cicero, Plato and Aristotle, caeterosque Romanae & Graecae anarchiae fautores. But' tis strange that this anarchy … that can have no strength and regular action, should overthrow all the monarchies that came within their reach … I desire it may be considered whether it were an easy work to conquer Switzerland: Whether the Hollanders are of greater strength since the recovery of their liberty, or when they groaned under the yoke of Spain: And lastly, whether the entire conquest of Scotland and Ireland, the victories obtained against the Hollanders when they were in the height of their power, and the reputation to which England did rise in less than five years after 1648, be good marks of the instability, disorder and weakness of free nations? INTRODUCTION Much modern historical discussion of the English revolution has been governed by attempts to appropriate it. As revolutions are considered the harbingers of modernity, no revolutionary entrails have been inspected more fastidiously than the English. One consequence is the elision of a historical ‘other’ into an anticipation of ourselves. The other is sectarianisation: the intrusion of the modern need to categorise and subdivide. To this generalisation the historiography of English republicanism, despite its quality, is no exception. Over the last generation the concepts of republicanism in general, and classical republicanism in particular, have enjoyed a spectacular rise to prominence. Informing this has been a specific debate about ‘the ideological origins of the American revolution’. A recent article assures us that ‘a wide variety of pamphleteers in the 1650s understood that it was possible to be modern’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Children should bee educated and instructed in the Principles of Freedom. The spirit of the people is no wise to be trusted with their liberty, but by stated laws or orders; so the trust is not in the spirit of the people, but in the frame of those orders. THE REPUBLICAN POLITICS OF VIRTUE In general English republicanism defined itself in relation not to constitutional structures but moral principles. These were what Sidney called those universal rules … from which men ought never to depart … and wise legislators, adhering to them only, will be ready to change all others, as occasion may require, in order to the public good. This we may learn from Moses, who laying the foundation of the law … in that justice, charity and truth, which having its root in God is subject to no change, left them the liberty of [ordering all other things] … as best pleased themselves. These were like those principles of which Nedham spoke when he explained in Mercurius Politicus that ‘Children should bee educated … in the Principles of Freedom’; Milton when he praised ‘fortitude and love of freedom … wisdom … valour, justice [and] constancy’; and Vane when he wrote to Harrington to ‘join … in witness with you … unto those principles of common right and freedom, that must be provided for in whatsoever frame of government it be’. These constituted the moral philosophy of English republicanism; that is to say, the positive moral good republicanism proposed to itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on women and democratization. The article will provide arguments to show that, amid the conditions of continuous threat of oppressive actions on the part of the state, the very institution of the family has meant for a long time and for many the one and only secure body of self-protection. Thus withdrawal to the private sphere functioned in preserving a certain degree of safety and autonomy. A recent countrywide survey found that women represent 34 per cent of the non-elected part-time members of the local commissions on social policy, and their proportion is over 50 per cent in every fifth board of this kind. As is shown by comparing the per capita social spending among settlements, women's presence in the self-governing bodies turns out to be the safeguard for such projects as the rapid modernization of local childcare facilities, day centers, and homes for the elderly. In those cases where women are in the majority on the decision-making committees, the share of expenditure on welfare and social services is significantly higher than in localities where their representation is low.

The article focuses on underground distribution systems, which are used where overhead construction is impractical, unsafe, costly, or environmentally unacceptable; these areas include airport approaches, station and substation exits, long water crossings, and areas of unusual scenic value or with extreme vulnerability to damage by natural forces. The increasing public interest in improving the appearance of residential areas, local government mandates, and the declining costs of underground construction are all contributing to the rapid growth of underground distribution systems.