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Hunted and killed over centuries for their meat, hides and oil, by the 1950s perhaps only 600 Florida Manatees remained. Now fully protected and with a huge public following, these gentle, plant-eating giants of the inshore coastal waters of Florida attract thousands of people who come to watch them in the warm river waters they seek out in winter. Boats kill or injure many; others die from cold stress or are poisoned by red algal tides at sea. Nevertheless, their numbers have slowly increased and today there are more than 5,000 in and around the state. Further population growth is by no means guaranteed as these endearing animals still face several problems. But they are back from the brink and the people of Florida are not going to allow their manatees to slip away. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A chapter of the book "Southeast Asian Affairs 2009" is presented. It explores the state of security of the maritime domains of the Southeast Asian region and how the sea lanes of communication (SLOCs) have been significant to the growth of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. It highlights the maritime territorial and boundary disputes between South China Sea and Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh.

Chapter 17 of the book "ASEAN India Australia: Towards Closer Engagement in a New Asia" is presented. It explores an Indian perspective of maintaining maritime security in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)-Australia-India triad. The Indian Navy is committed to provide maritime security through its interoperable roles and missions with other regional navies and with great power navies such as the U.S. and Russian navies.

Chapter 12 of the book "ASEAN India Australia: Towards Closer Engagement in a New Asia" is presented. It highlights how maritime security can be established and maintained in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). India and Australia play significant role in the maritime security of ASEAN. The ASEAN-Australia-India triad is committed to maintain international peace and security under the leadership of the United Nations.

Chapter 11 of the book "ASEAN India Australia: Towards Closer Engagement in a New Asia" is presented. It focuses on the role of Australia in establishing and maintaining maritime security in the northeast Indian Ocean. The non-traditional approaches to address maritime security in the northeast Indian Ocean area are the following, security of the sea itself, border protection, ocean governance, military activities at sea and security regulation of the maritime transportation.

Book VII of the book "The Lady of the Shroud," by Bram Stoker is presented. It explores the conversation between Gospodar Rupert Sent Leger, an officer under The National Council of the Land of the Blue Mountains and the captain of the strange ship which carried no determinable flagship. It infers the hostility of the captain as he insisted on not giving into the request of the Gospodar by which the latter are set out in preparation for the inevitable scenario.

The amendment to the German Federal Nature Conservation Act (BNatSchG) in April 2002 established a national legal framework for the implementation of the European Birds Directive and the Habitats Directive beyond Territorial Waters into the German Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Responsibility for the selection, designation and management of these marine NATURA 2000 areas lies with the Federal Government. In selecting the protected areas in accordance with Article 38(2) of the German Federal Nature Conservation Act, the Federal Environment Ministry consults relevant Federal ministries from the adjacent coastal Länder as well as the general public. The proposed areas were listed and mapped on the Internet under www.HabitatMareNATURA2000.de. The list was also published through newspaper advertisements and press releases in November 2003. These initiated the participation process of the public. Each citizen had the opportunity to submit a written comment or to contribute to the expert debate in public. For that purpose, three public hearing dates were held in the coastal Länder in December 2003. The federal ministries were involved in 2003 and once again involved from the beginning of 2004. The final proposals for NATURA 2000 sites (proposed Sites of Community Importance, pSCIs) were submitted to the European Commission in May 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization swept forward as the U.S. economy reached the apex of its boom and the successful conclusion of the war over Yugoslavia confirmed the unlimited reach of U.S. military force. The futile objections of China and Russia during the war period demonstrated that great-power differences no longer could exercise a restraining force. United States triumphalism reached its peak. No rival challenged the military dominance of the world's lone superpower, and only isolationist states such as North Korea resisted its economic penetration. Cultural diffusion also intensified, to the alarm of national elites as well as the various losers in globalization. A backlash was building that found only two outlets: 1) terrorism to use destructive force surreptitiously so that retaliation would be difficult; and 2) regionalism to pool multiple national resources in order to find balance against one or another form of U.S. hegemony. Regionalism in NEA found new life both as a by-product of increased economic interaction and as expression of a desire to balance the overwhelming power of the United States. Given the ambivalence of nationalist elements, each country was tempted to take a shortcut to make regionalism appear unthreatening. In 1999 and 2000 the United States was preoccupied with first the war in Yugoslavia, then the political struggle over Clinton's personal life, and finally a nail-biting presidential election. Apart from a late burst of talks with North Korea, it was satisfied with a holding operation in NEA, even as other countries explored new cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the euphoria after the end of the cold war little thought was given to great-power rivalries and balance-of-power politics. Only in 1996 did great-power relations rise to the surface again. The Taiwan missile crisis called attention to Sino-U.S. differences that could result in armed combat. Suddenly, the United States had a potential rival, whose power was growing along with determination to alter the status quo. In April Sino-Russian relations were upgraded to a strategic partnership amidst talk of how these two powers could shape a multipolar world. Now the image grew of powers cooperating to balance U.S. hegemony. The Japanese-U.S. security alliance was also strengthened with warnings that security threats loomed. This indicated that the United States was responding in NEA to build a coalition of powers. Before long Sino-U.S. negotiations accelerated with China treating them as a means to forge new strategic triangles and quadrangles. Tokyo, in turn, readied an initiative toward Moscow, suggesting that the two great powers had geopolitical as well as territorial and economic reasons to talk. A high tide of geostrategic scrambling ensued, overshadowing other aspects of regionalism. There was no imminent threat that eliminated the search for regionalism or undercut growing economic ties, but cooperation was perceived as requiring an underpinning of great-power agreement and balance. Northeast Asia lacked a security forum, although some discussions piggybacked on the new annual ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) in SEA. For the most part, the jockeying for great-power advantage occurred in summits between two leaders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the criticisms over the South China Sea policy of China and the more open-minded strategy adopted by China as of 2011. It states that the remarks by the China's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on its position on the sea often lack explanation and elaboration and are vague. It says that the willingness of China to create a stronger code of conduct for managing the dispute over the sea is a significant step.

The article discusses the deterioration of the dispute over the South China Sea. It states that the deterioration can be attributed to Vietnam, the U.S., and China. It mentions that Taiwan, China, and Vietnam claim sovereignty over the reefs and islands of the sea while Brunei, the Philippines, and Malaysia claim some parts of the Spratly Islands.

The article discusses the dispute of China with Vietnam and Malaysia over the latter's request for the extension of the continental shelves of the South China Sea. It states that in May 2009, Vietnam and Malaysia made submissions for the extension of their continental shelves into the sea, which China objected. It says that under the 1982 United Nations Conference on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), coastal states have the right to ask for continental shelves beyond 200 nautical miles (nm).

The article focuses on the mandate of the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to its member countries to conduct conduct anti-piracy operations in Somalia. It mentions that the UNSC regulation mandates naval ships which are deployed for anti-piracy patrols in the area to have a common meeting ground and purpose. It states that UNSC also commanded the authorities of naval ships deployed for an anti-piracy patrols to enter territorial waters in Somalia.