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Integration in the host country of the binationals is most of the time silent. The Moroccan workers settled in Europe have one main issue: to send back to the home country as much money as they can. By doing so, they contribute to the economic growth of their region of origine, they sustain their families and villages, they promote education and development. In 2007, the remittances transfered by Moroccans reached more than 4 billions of euros. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid 1960s, the slogan “Black Power” burst forth upon the US political stage, expressing an important transformation in African American politics. That politics, previously focused on the elimination of legalized segregation and discrimination, became something more. African Americans were no longer only demanding rights to work, eat, go to school, and reside where they wished; now black people were also expressing a pride in being black and a demand for greater control over black life. The phenomena associated with “Black Power” were complex: Black Panthers organizing breakfast programs for children; middle-class African Americans wearing African-style clothing and Afro haircuts; college students asking for the creation of African American Studies programs; residents of inner city neighborhoods calling for community control of school districts. But all of these phenomena seemed to possess at least certain elements in common: a pride in being black and a belief that this pride should organize African American political, institutional, and personal life. The identity this pride expressed was new. While it shared features with forms of identity that had existed within African American communities prior to the 1960s, it was not quite identical to these earlier forms of identity. From the middle of the nineteenth to the middle of the twentieth century, two forms of identity were most open to African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Culture,” in its anthropological sense, provided a functionally equivalent substitute for the older idea of “race temperament.” It explained all the same phenomena, but it did so in strictly non biological terms … In the previous chapter I described one type of challenge to the late nineteenth-century use of nature to sort social groups, that made by dynamic psychology. This new turn in psychology, and its growing appeal outside of the academy, contributed to an increased sense within popular thought that individual character is the unique outcome of a variety of environmental interactions rather than a “bundled” set of attributes emanating from inherited, natural givens. Thus, the emphasis in dynamic psychology on the environmental causes of character expressed a new appreciation that, for all, character is more individual than group based. In this chapter I want to look at another means by which the employment of identity labels to differentially rank human beings began to unravel in the early and mid part of the twentieth century. I want to look at changes in the use of a particular concept, “culture,” as playing a particularly important role in this unraveling. In this case, the move did not suggest a greater individuality of identity, but rather a greater equivalence in the value of the practices of different social groups. “Culture” described many of the practices previously associated with racial identity as less naturally acquired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information about homogenization, a process of blending diverse elements into a uniform mixture is presented. It indicates that the rise of capitalism, technological innovation and human curiosity have blended into the culture in a different way compared to the previous interactions. Meanwhile, the cultural globalization has brought greater diversity and understandings of difference to people.

Chapter 16 of the book "The Sage Handbook of Sociology" is presented. It discusses the study of religious phenomena including magic, ritual, and myth as an important feature of the origins of anthropology and sociology which probed the beliefs and practices of primitive cultures. This culture investigates the role and nature of Christianity in a society where moral and social authority of the church was steadily undermined.

This chapter discusses the role of dialogue in socio-cultural evolution. This chapter reviews the purpose of this work and highlight the learning experience offered in the chapters of this compendium. Moreover, this will follow the path of the unfolding evolution and explore the function of dialogue conversation in the history of human and societal evolution. This path leads up to the present. Today, we face a critical evolutionary predicament, as well as, the first opportunity in the life journey of Homo Sapiens Sapiens, to enter into the evolutionary design space, create evolutionary design communities and use the power of dialogue in engaging in the deign of the future.

This chapter presents a background on the development of the current welfare work and describes different strategies for carrying out social change, as of January 2003. The common factor in welfare work is presented. The possibility of creating a society that includes all individuals and does not exclude people is discussed.

This chapter focuses on two concepts that are important for a publication whose goal is to describe different forms of welfare work, the concepts of change and intervention. The description of action required in order to bring about change is presented. A metaphor to illustrate the relationship between change and intervention is offered.

The article discusses about historical sociology. There are many reasons to study historical sociology or to study history sociologically. For some scholars, engagement grows from wondering about a specific set of events, from doubts about a generalization or conclusion offered by an earlier author, or from the seeming analogy or contrast between present circumstances and an earlier era. For some sociologists, the prestige of association with the older discipline of history is an attraction, just as for some historians the converse prestige of association with the scientifically reputable ideas of theory and quantitative methods offers motivation. None of these reasons need be seen as disreputable, yet none fully explains the importance of bringing history and sociology together. If sociologists get caught in illusions of the present as necessity, historians can be trapped by the limits of their own empirical data if not aided by theory comparison and other means of transcending the mere record. Very few historians are really interested simply in the radically particular, though they may often be interested in variations among cases that never match each other exactly, or in sequences of events grasped well by narrative interpretation partly because they involve so many different influences and dimensions that it is impossible to isolate each for more general study.

This chapter focuses on social evolution. Living in the nineteenth century, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels were affected not only by the stirring social ideas of the eighteenth century, by the Enlightenment and the twin Revolutions, but also by the triumphs of natural science: firstly, in the sciences dealing with the inorganic and eventually in the life sciences too. Comparative ethnology was similarly considered to provide evidence of successive forms in social evolution which had emerged and become dominant, or been eclipsed and marginalized by adaptation to specialized environmental niches, or had stopped developing altogether or died out. Marx's conception of law then, was naturally conditioned by nineteenth-century natural science conceptions of what a law was, and by a conception of science which applied to both Nature and society and saw both as being determined by the operation of such laws. Like other nineteenth-century social scientists from Comte to Spencer, he insisted that societies, like organisms, were systems, composed of parts. Each part was influenced by its relationship to the rest and the whole was greater than the sum of the parts. If ethnology had sprung into existence because of these intellectual stimuli, the spread of capitalism across the globe had provided a sudden abundance of new information about exotic ways of life. It is Engels, rather, who has provided the Marxist model of the successive stages of social evolution which millions have read, though no one reads other nineteenth-century models. In The Origin of the Family he postulates that primitive people at the dawn of human history were economically and sexually communistic. At that time he says, ties of kinship were probably more important than economic relationships. Some left-wing writers in the women's movement concerned to understand why it is that women are unequal not only under capitalism but in all class societies. They came to the conclusion that class was causal factor.

The article focuses on the history, legal frame work and characteristics of Malaysian non-governmental organizations (NGOs). While advocacy-oriented NGOs are a relatively new phenomenon having developed in Malaysia only in the past two decades these groups build on a long tradition of societal organizations. The legal framework governing NGOs is the legacy of the British campaign against Chinese secret societies complemented by relics of colonial and post-colonial anti-communist measures. The main legal instruments related to NGOs are the Societies Act, the Police Act and a range of laws restricting speech, the press and assembly. Though relatively few in number Malaysian advocacy-oriented NGOs are heterogeneous in structure function and ideology. NGOs may be divided by constituency and framework including community-based organizations, community service associations, worker-employer oriented organizations, women's organizations, youth organizations, professional organizations and coalitions and campaign groups.

This article focuses on social change. Sociology has a tradition of macro theories of change. Nineteenth-century examples include sociologists Herbert Spencer's and W. G. Sumner's evolutionary theories, Emile Durkheim's discussion of society's change from mechanical to organic solidarity, and Karl Marx's analysis of the need for a revolutionary transformation. The article begins with Elman Service and the various elements of evolutionary thinking today, including modernization theory. Then it looks at sociologist Immanuel Wallerstein's world system theory, as a reaction to modernization theory, and also introduces its critics. Finally, the article examines Theda Skocpol's non-Marxist theory of revolution, comparing it briefly with other non-Marxist theories. Looking back at nineteenth-century thinking, the dominant belief in Europe was not just in biological evolution, but in social and cultural evolution as well. Following World War II, European thinking continued to be pessimistic, but optimistic evolutionary thought reemerged in the U.S., as a result of victory without internal destruction, and in the nonwhite world, as a reaction against the dominance of Western nations and the white race.

Chapter 4 of the book "Classical Sociological Theory" is presented. It explores the sociological theory of Emile Durkheim, who contended that society evolved itself into a complex organism with a division of labor among its parts that work together for a common good. It discusses Durkheim's views on moral issues as well as crisis facing the European modern industrialized societies on increased suicide rates, family and marital disruptions, economic breakdowns and social injustice.

Chapter 3 of the book "Classical Sociological Theory" is presented. It explores the sociological theory of evolutionist Herbert Spencer and functionalist William Graham Sumner who both rejected religious explanations about the origins and structure of society, but likened it to a living organism that evolve and adopt its own function. It notes that the two theologists are ideologically status quo conservatives, both endorsed equalities of rights and opportunities.

The article presents chapter 20 of the book "Compassion: A New Philosophy of the Other," by Werner J. Krieglstein, part of the Value Inquiry Book Series. It discusses the need to re-evaluate cultural priorities in terms of pleasure and pain. It mentions Riane Eisler who argues that pleasure and pain have role in the evolution of the culture and of life. Eisler adds must change their consciousness into a culture of partnership to experience happiness again.

The article interprets the issues surrounding the use of animals in medical research from the perspective of biological evolution. Selective pressures that caused protohumans to evolve distinctly human characteristics are the subject of speculation by anthropologists. The use of weapons by early hominids must have had a profound effect on their social fabric and their subsequent social evolution. The development of food-crop cultivation and animal domestication allowed for the emergence of cultural evolution.

The article discusses the systematic view of language history and the general laws of the evolution of culture. In language history, many things seem to be fortuitous, but historians cannot trust this impression. Logic will show that the general lines of language history are never due to chance; consequently, the details are not fortuitous either. The meaningful character of language evolution follows from the fact that language is a system. There can be no doubt that some parallelism exists in the evolution of the various aspects of culture and that there also exists some law governing this parallelism. It is wrong to explain literature by politics, but the connection should be established: we need a special science that will stand outside literature, politics, etc. and study, in a synthesizing way, the parallelism of the evolution of life's various aspects.

This chapter features the fundamentals of world-systems theorizing. The intellectual history of world-systems theorizing has roots in classical sociology, Marxian revolutionary theory, geopolitical strategizing, and theories of social evolution. The world-systems approach looks at human institutions over long periods of time and employs the spatial scale that is necessary for comprehending whole interaction systems. The whole process can be understood structurally as a stratification system composed of economically and politically dominant core societies.

This chapter focuses on the fundamentals of evolutionary theorizing. Although there are many kinds of evolutionary theories, the essential element that they hold in common is their assumption that history is more than just a lot of noise signifying nothing--more, in other words, than a series of particular and unique events revealing no noteworthy patterns. Meanwhile, evolutionary materialism reconceptualizes adaptation as the striving of individuals to reach their goals and satisfy their interests, and there is no suggestion that societies achieve higher levels of adaptive capacity as they evolve.

Chapter 108 of the book "Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective," Third Edition, edited by David B. Grusky, Manwai C. Ku and Szonja Szelényi is presented. It explores the radical change of the modern society. It also analyzes the basic theoretical assumptions in the theory of reflexive modernization including the claim that there is a break between first and second or reflexive modernity.

Chapter 105 of the book "Social Stratification: Class, Race, and Gender in Sociological Perspective," Third Edition, edited by David B. Grusky, Manwai C. Ku and Szonja Szelényi is presented. It explores the evolution of modern stratification systems. Furthermore, it highlights the substantive importance of understanding modern societies.

The article discusses the concept of citizenship in France. The concept of citizenship which emerged from Enlightenment philosophy and the French Revolution was founded on an abstract humanism, on the separation between the particular and the universal and between the private and the public spheres, on the pedagogic function of the state and on the republican model of the nation. This Utopian dream of creating a uniform, egalitarian and neutral space, underpinned by rational order and elevated beyond the realm of individual belief, was pursued more rigorously in France than in any other country. Like the Enlightenment project in general, the modern concept of citizenship which took shape in France in the nineteenth century was a Utopian dream of the creation of the ideal being. A major feature of the construction of the abstract citizen was, as stated above, the separation of the universal from the particular, and the attempt to carve out a public space which would be governed by universalist principles. The subject was therefore divided into two figures, the citizen, who occupied the public or civic sphere and the individual, who occupied the private and civilian sphere.

This part focuses on the content of the works of the six major thinkers who can be considered as main protagonists of reflexive historical sociology. The discussion will emphasize that throughout the works of the thinkers covered are by no means identical but form a coherent field of investigation. Claims of coherence are central for the establishment of any new field of study. They are especially important in this case, given the programmatic intent. It is argued that, in spite of the epochal significance of his work, Parsons got many points fundamentally wrong in his synthesis of Weber and Durkheim. As a result, much of the critical effort in social theory after Parsons went into the attempt to set Marx and Nietzsche outside mainstream sociology or reintegrate them inside, failing to realize that most of what is useful in this regard had already been accomplished by Weber. Thus, the most promising directions in social theory are still contained in the works of those thinkers who read Weber before Parsons, placing a strong emphasis on his sociology of religions and being interested not in rationalization in general but in the shaping of the individual conduct of life. At the same time, similar developments were happening with respect to Durkheim. It is possible not only to individuate reflexive historical sociology and reflexive anthropological sociology as two particularly promising threads of social theory, but also to pose the proper synthesis of the two as the agenda. Thus, in this way, one can argue that Parsons correctly defined the agenda as the linking of Weber and Durkheim but he failed to make the connection in the most fruitful way. The reconstruction of the coherent thread of reflexive historical sociology will be a step in this suggested direction.

This article focuses on the pairing of social theory and historical sociology. Sociology is often considered as the modern social science par excellence, dealing with the problems faced by contemporary society. From this perspective, historical sociology may provide some information from the past about the background of contemporary processes, but is not central to the task of theorizing. But it is claimed that if there were another social science as distinct from sociology as history, it would be anthropology. In so far as sociology deals with the problems of contemporary society, the links to economics or political science are evident, as social, economic and political problems can never be separated completely. This help hide the puzzling link between social theory and historical sociology. On the theoretical level, the puzzle concerning the close links between social theory and history on the one hand, and anthropology on the other, can be solved by reassessing the balance of closeness and distance. Events and processes belonging to the distance past, or to distant cultures, can become relevant in the sense of holding up a mirror to the present: the mirror of the other, or the mirror of our own past selves. Furthermore, the recognition of the presence of a self-reflexive component in all social theory implies some affinities with philosophy. This is especially true of the concern with philosophy as a way of life and with philosophical exercises. However, it is just as important to emphasize that all this does not imply a simple return to philosophy, the breach of the dividing line between sociology and philosophy. This is because the task of sociological self-understanding has as its primary task the understanding of modernity.

The article examines whether groups go through any regular or predictable changes or whether group development is much more haphazard and/or accidental. The author also explores the practical implications of research in this area, i.e. members and group leaders can use this research to decide how to help their groups change in positive ways. After identifying important questions and issues, the article reviews four different types of theories of group development. These are, that groups go through a sequence of stages in a specific order, that groups go through a sequence of stages but their order may vary, that groups alternate between different states, and that groups change their central focus as they develop. After looking at some attempts to integrate these views, the article brings out the practical implications of these different theories and introduces the concept of planned team development. Thus the focus circulates around the essence of group development.

Miller comes forward at this point to challenge application of the Dalhousie logic of rules to procedures for using different technologies; and to challenge as well the importance that the logic of rules, taken together with a generalized issue-processing perspective, attributes to quandaries, indeed, to rules. The basic causes of social change, he argues, are to be found in other matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deals with the often very complex relations that grew up between progress and evolution, especially as it affected the so-called Social Darwinism and the work and influence of Herbert Spencer, an English philosopher. The three interlinked and often confused terms, progress, development and evolution, may either be identified or distinguished from each other, or any one may be treated with reference to the other two. If the three terms are used interchangeably to signify the same thing, and this thing has evaluative content, then one is logically obliged to hold that, if evolution take place at all, inevitable and necessary progress is simply another way of speaking of this evolution. The key figure in the controversy around social Darwinism in one form or another is Herbert Spencer, and the matter is not simplified by recognizing that Spencer created social Darwinism some years before the publication of "The Origin of Species." According to an essay written by Spencer in 1852, any existing species--animal or vegetable--when placed under conditions different from its previous ones, immediately begins to undergo certain changes fitting it for the new conditions, and he combined this with an unequivocal rejection of Special Creation.

Deals with the determination of the relevance between history and sociology. Philosophical origins of the differing views on history and sociology; Discussion on several ways in which history and sociology have impinged upon one another; Information on the need to examine the methodological basis of historical sociology using secondary sources.

Reports that suspicions remained that at the bottom of human beings' cultural forms are the universal adaptations of millennia past. Evidence for the evolution of culture that are universal; Strongest evidence for evolutionary influences on culture; Some quotations on origins of culture.

Focuses on the political, educational, social, and economic evolution of the U.S. Southern States after the Civil War. Reference on the political relation of the blacks to the state and Federal Government; Implication of political antagonism on the relation of the races; Question on the nature of semi-politics and of the civil rights of the Negros.

The article focuses on the development of social studies or sociology in Germany. It discusses how poetry plays an important factor in that development, which was characterized by the movement of German poets and scholars that turns towards the enhancement of life, subjective inwardness and new productivity in the country. It also examines the suspicion and criticism of several literary scholars in the country towards the science of society, like the opposition posed by historian Georg von Below, who had written polemic writings on anti-sociology. On the otherhand, the author notes that the country's anti-sociologists promoted sociology, while sociologists are among the sharpest critics of the discipline.

Chapter 27 of the book "The Classical Tradition in Sociology: The European Tradition" is presented. It discusses the dominant themes in German sociologist Max Weber's sociological work, which are the growth of modern industrial capitalism and the resulting social developments. It states that Weber described modern capitalism as a revolutionary force and considered its advance impossible to stop.

Chapter 25 of the book "The Classical Tradition in Sociology: The European Tradition" is presented. It focuses the English philosopher and sociologist Herbert Spencer's theory of social evolution. It discusses the charge of Belgian sociologist Emile de Laveleye that Spencer was anxious to see the law of the survival of the fittest and of natural selection adopted in human society.