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Occupied from around 7500 BC to 5700 BC, the large Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlement of Çatalhöyük in Anatolia is composed entirely of domestic buildings; no public buildings have been identified. First excavated in the early 1960s, the site was left untouched until 1993. During the summers of 1997–2003 a team from the University of California at Berkeley (the BACH team) excavated an area at the northern end of the East Mound of Çatalhöyük. The houses there date predominantly to the late Aceramic and early Ceramic Neolithic, around 7000 BC. Last House on the Hill is the final report of the BACH excavations. This volume comprises both interpretive chapters and empirical data from the excavations and their materials. The research of the BACH team focuses on the lives and life histories of houses and people, the use of digital technologies in documenting and sharing the archaeological process, the senses of place, and the nature of cultural heritage and our public responsibilities.Series: Monumenta Archaeologica 27

The healthcare environment is complex and delicate in terms of its activities and processes. Some of the activities include storage, retrieval, use, and management of individual and group patient's record and clinical data. As such, healthcare informatician needs to be equipped with diverse knowledge and skills for better healthcare services deliver, planning and management. This is attributed to the complexity of developing the curriculum. Also, the comprehension of the informatics curriculum is critical for accreditation purposes. Thus, this research paper focuses on the development of curriculum at institutions of higher learning, to examine and understand the implications of the processes that are involved in health informatics, for academic purposes. The curriculum is purposely to promote, practice and transfer of technological knowledge and skills on health informatics. This is an applied research that was carried out at the Namibia University of Science and Technology. The study employed different approaches in the design, and collection of empirical data. Based on the interactive nature amongst stakeholders, the interpretive method was employed in the data analysis, to examine how the health informatics curriculum is developed for undergraduate level programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There are reports that show that the main responsible for ITIL implementation project failures is people΄s resistance to change [1]. So, in order to improve ITIL adoption success rates, we have to invest in overcoming this particular problem.This work has the goal of reducingresistance rates by creating a framework that uses People CMM practices to overcome real organizational problems faced by organizations throughout their ITIL processes implementation. The first version of the framework is scheduled to be ready in July 2010 and will include the Incident Management process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

About fifty years ago a superintendent of apprentices taught his very junior people that management involves the use of four resources: men, machines, materials and methods [1]. (More recently this author added ˵money″ to those four, but that is another story.) All four are assets and require maintenance, one way or another, and while much has been written about maintaining machines, and, indeed, methods, there seems to be little about maintaining people. The paper following from this abstract shows why ˵peoplemaintenance″ is needed, examines some of the difficulties (such as the wide range of levels in an engineering organisation), shows the risks in doing, or not doing, this form of asset management, suggests how the asset may be condition-monitored and what standards may be used, and points out the cost of good people-maintenance (and the cost of not maintaining the people asset). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Africa, as elsewhere in the world, gender is experienced as a process of gradual transformation in a person's physical and emotional being. Bodies matter, and are made to matter through the repetitions and reiterations which performatively effect gendered personhood (Butler 1993: 9). For Pogoro Catholics, bodies are given meaning at the level of experience through a twofold process of incorporation. Symbolic constructions of gender are embodied and incorporated into male and female persons through rituals that establish and consolidate gendered identities by the manipulation of both physical substances and cosmological powers capable of affecting the body. Participation in such rituals is not merely experienced in the symbolic terms of representations, but as progressively emotionally affecting those who participate. Representations of gender are not confined to the abstract level of symbolic discourse, but are enacted and experienced through specific ritual roles of gendered interdependencies (cf. Kratz 1994). These roles centre on a division of labour between men and certain categories of women who assume responsibility for dealing with the potentially dangerous powers generated through fertility and death. I argue that women's experience of loving and caring for others, and of managing death and sorrow, underlies a distinctly female religiosity premised on the remembrance of the crucified Christ through compassion for his bereaved mother, Mary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical geographies The historical geography of governance in Tanzania fostered the emergence of administrative ethnicities as artefacts of imperial modernity. New relationships between people and places generated by this process were to have implications for the direction of large-scale shifts in religious affiliation in the twentieth century as European missionary orders gained initial rights, and eventual monopolies, in the pursuit of evangelisation strategies in specific areas. The politicised situation of location is manifested in the historical constitution of contemporary cultural identities in Tanzania which continue to be bound up with particular locations, religious affiliations and cultural practices. These processes are clearly evident in the histories of the district of Ulanga and of the Roman Catholic diocese once coterminous with, and now exceeding, its boundaries. In Ulanga, and to an extent outside it, formal affiliation to the Roman Catholic Church is associated with a particular ethnic identity, just as the district, like other ‘out of the way’ (cf. Tsing 1993: 8–49) districts, is associated in national popular culture with a lack of ‘development’ (Green 2000a) and is popularly perceived as being so divorced from contemporary political and economic realities as to be legitimately, if jokingly, more properly considered part of Tanganyika – the pre-independence polity. The district's majority ethnic group, probably numbering around ninety thousand, are people who define themselves, through adherence to a specific language and body of custom (mila na desturi) as Pogoro. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African history has been too much dominated by blanket terms, generalisations which prompt comparisons rather than contrasts. For the sake of clarity Africa's historians have dealt in universal currencies, African despotism, an African mode of production, African nationalism, the African worker, and so on. Without common themes, it is true, differences would be impossible to define, and advances in understanding come from realisations that existing general models make an awkward fit for particular cases. Equally, historical shorthand can be a substitute for thought, and whole decades be passed off in a phrase. That has long been the case with ‘the scramble for Africa’ or ‘the colonial conquest’. It is the period of Africa's history which has been most written about and, almost for that very reason, perhaps the least actually understood, smothered in high abstraction and wide generality. Alien rule seemed to impose on Africa a crushing uniformity of rulers' intentions. But the querulousness of the particular has now been pressed long and insistently enough for this volume, and this chapter attempts a new synthesis more accommodating to the complex processes of time and the local spirits of place. Few Africans were easily crushed by conquest; and they proved thereafter to be but awkward subjects. Partition and conquest together took a long time, much longer than the period covered by this volume. Almost a century elapsed between the French capture of Algiers in 1830 and the final defeat of Abd al-Karīm in the Rif mountains of neighbouring Morocco. The French employed wooden-walled sailing ships in the first enterprise, aeroplanes and tanks in the second. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

North of the equator It has become a truism of historical writing to conceive of Africa in the course of the nineteenth century as becoming increasingly a part of, and a product of, the expansion of Europe, which, beginning in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, had integrated ever larger areas of the world into a single economic system. In attempting an overview of the state of the continent on the eve of partition – roughly over the decade of the 1870s – a large number of questions arise from a consideration of this truism. To what extent was Africa already an adjunct of an economic system dominated by Europe? What was the relationship between Africa and this European system – was it one of an equal or an unequal exchange of commodities? To what extent was Africa dependent economically, if not yet politically? What social and ideological changes were beginning to follow from this dependency? Was Africa a fruit ripe for plucking in the 1870s, was there a certain inevitability about the forthcoming imperialist carve-up, or was partition an extraneous historical occurrence forced upon a continent which had within it other options for coping with the future? There are no answers to these questions that are at the same time simple and sensible. Certainly the answers to all such queries will differ, according to the region of Africa which is under scrutiny. Even within particular regions, the situation of individual states, societies or groups of people, their relations with each other and with the outside world (especially with the European capitalist economies) varied greatly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

East Africa in 1870 is best defined as the economic hinterland of the commercial entrepôt of Zanzibar. This area included much of what is now Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda, as well as parts of Rwanda, Burundi, Zaïre, Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique and Somalia. The region was criss-crossed by trade routes which converged on the Swahili towns of the east coast. It was along these paths of Swahili expansion that Europeans in the later nineteenth century began to penetrate and occupy the interior. By 1905 Britain and Germany had divided most of East Africa between them, and they had achieved overall command in military and strategic terms. But their new colonial governments exercised a very uneven control over the African population, while the new colonial economies had only partly deflected local labour and capital from older systems of production and exchange. New economic structures were emerging, but their impact was only just becoming evident. Thus the period under study here is very much one of transition. To understand it, we need to consider not only the European innovation but also the local and regional economies, and the wide-ranging Swahili commercial and cultural network. We must also acknowledge the importance of individuals. The changes of the period gave much scope for the exercise of leadership and the pursuit of political rivalry. Initially, African horizons of statecraft were much enlarged, though often one early effect of colonial rule was to narrow them. What follows, then, is a synthesis stressing processes of differential integration in the immediate pre-colonial period, the dynamics of the decade of military conquest, 1888–99, and the terms of reconstruction preparatory to systematic state formation which occurred from the turn of the century until 1905. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rainilaiarivony, 1870–85 [Translated by Yvonne Brett] With his power henceforth firmly established, Rainilaiarivony, the Prime Minister and consort of Queen Ranavalona II, could govern the country without too many worries, and was able to turn his attention to reforms. He was motivated to contemplate these reforms by his desire to strengthen the country and make his government conform to a European model. Christianity, which he had just adopted, entailed a certain number of changes which the ever more numerous and influential English missionaries were urging on him. But the prime minister had too much common sense, and had learned his lesson too well from the dreadful example of Radama II, to make too abrupt a break with the customs and traditional feelings of his people. His reforms were prudent, taking account both of the needs of his subjects and the requirements of his authority. In 1873 the queen and her consort accompanied by the entire court travelled to Betsileo, and spent a month at Fianarantsoa, where they promulgated a code of laws specially formulated for that area: Imerina was still governed by the Code of 101 Articles. The other subject peoples retained their traditional customs and their chiefs under the supervision of Merina governors. The sale of alcohol was prohibited, at least in Imerina, as had already been the case in the days of Andrianampoinimerina, but this did not prevent some members of the upper class, in particular some of the royal princes, drinking to excess. In 1877 it was decided to free the ‘Mozambique’ slaves, that is, slaves of African origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1867, a solitary diamond was picked up by chance near the appropriately named settlement of Hopetown on the Orange river frontier of the northern Cape Colony. It was sent to the nearest magistracy, Colesberg, and from there by post to Grahamstown, where it was identified. When it arrived in Cape Town, Richard Southey, colonial secretary to the Cape government, declared in words both celebrated and prophetic: ‘Gentlemen, this is the rock on which the future success of South Africa will be built.’ New finds were reported daily from alluvial diggings along the Orange and Vaal rivers and their tributaries, and more importantly by 1870 diamonds were also being found in the open veld around the area to become known as Kimberley. Within five years it had become the world's largest producer of diamonds, outstripping even Brazil. A new era in the history of southern Africa had begun. In 1870, the political economy of Southern Africa was characterised by tremendous regional diversity. African kingdoms, Afrikaner republics and British colonies co-existed in a rough equilibrium of power, but pursuing widely differing social and economic goals. Although most Africans lived in largely self-sufficient agrarian societies, few were untouched by the coming of the merchant and the missionary. South of the Limpopo, much of the region was dominated by the operations of commercial capital derived from the mercantile enclaves of the coastal Cape Colony and Natal. Trading insinuated itself into the largely pre-capitalist agricultural economies of African peoples and into the proto-capitalist agricultural economies of the Afrikaners on the highveld, while the demands from Cape merchants for cattle and the firearms they brought in exchange profoundly affected the pastoral societies of south-western Africa, transforming the nature of warfare in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fact that the title of this chapter bears the name of a European monarch is fully significant. The Congo was a political entity brought into being on African soil completely by the will of one man, and that man – who never visited his dominion – governed it from his residence in Europe in a completely autocratic way. The Congo Independent State (Etat indépendant du Congo), under the personal government of King Leopold, lasted from 1885 to 1908. In 1908, it was annexed by Belgium and became a Belgian colony, the ‘Belgian Congo’. Well before 1908, however, the term ‘Belgian Congo’ was very often used by foreign writers. This can readily be understood when one considers the way in which the Independent State appeared to them. The sovereign of the state, they thought, was the King of the Belgians, who was, as everyone knew, ardently devoted to Belgian interests. The central services of the state were located in Brussels, and all its officials were Belgian. As for the Congo itself – in the administration, in the army, and in the courts - the essential role was played by Belgians, particularly by officers of the Belgian army assigned to African service. Even the religious missions – at any rate those of the Catholics, which were most favoured by the state – almost all had a markedly Belgian character. How, in such circumstances, could contemporaries have failed to come to speak naturally of a ‘Belgian Congo’? Nevertheless, the usage was quite improper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Translated by Yvonne Brett] One may have doubts about the appositeness of treating the fifteen or sixteen years between 1870 and 1886 as a phase in the evolution of West Africa. These dates are significant only in the context of the beginning of the colonial era, by which 90 per cent of the area was still untouched at the end of our period. It could be said that the decline in Saharan trade, the growth in imports of European products and increased production of export crops, foretold the imminent end of free Africa, by making certain areas dependent on the world market. But, as Lord Salisbury pointed out, before 1880 no one in Europe was aware of this, let alone anyone in the savannas of the Sudan. It is only with hindsight that we see these things as premonitory signs. The same applies to the date of 1870, even in the perspectives of colonisation. It is clear to us today that the upsetting of the balance of power in Europe as a result of the Franco-Prussian war acted as a catalyst of economic and social evolution, impelling Europe to occupy Africa, by taking advantage of its technological superiority. But nobody foresaw this at the time, and in fact 1870 opened a period of colonial retrenchment. It was only after 1875, with the Belgian and French activities on the lower Congo, followed by those of the French on the upper Niger, that the imperialist advance began; and the reluctance of Great Britain in this respect is well known. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[Translated by Yvonne Brett] When the Second Empire succumbed to the Prussian onslaught the French had already been established in North Africa for forty years. Even before the conquest of Algeria had been completed, they had advanced into the Sahara, and occupied the great northern oases. Morocco had managed to preserve its independence by a policy of systematic non-involvement in the outside world, but the two regencies of Tunis and Tripoli, which had hitherto been vassals of the Porte, became the objects of French expansionism. Reconquered by Turkey in 1835, Tripoli had become an Ottoman province. The bey of Tunis had escaped the same fate only by placing himself under French protection. As for the heart of the great desert, a no man's land inhabited by Arab and Tuareg nomads, it was in practice still free from the rival influences of French, Turks and Moroccans. Ten years later, in 1881, France established a protectorate over the Regency of Tunis. The momentum of European penetration increased as the twentieth century approached. After the conquest of the Algerian Sahara, the French decided to establish a protectorate over Morocco, while the Italians cast their mantle over Tripolitania. The 1904 agreements between France, England and Spain appeared to seal the fate of the Sharifian empire. The intervention of Germany and the start of another international crisis merely delayed by a few years a French conquest that had become inevitable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Locke's political philosophy has generally been presented and assessed in terms of certain conclusions drawn from a few basic premises. Since Locke's political theory was not constructed according to the presuppositions of analytical philosophy, such an interpretive approach to his political thought seems better designed to portray Locke as an inconsistent or unclear thinker than to provide the reader of the Two Treatises of Government with an understanding of what Locke was attempting to do in writing that work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have noted the paradoxical blend of antiquity and modernity in the Social Contract. On the one hand, Rousseau showed himself to be “a thoroughgoing modern”: he took as his point of departure the premise of individualism and subscribed to the notion of social contract associated with the school of natural law. Yet Rousseau's primary concern was with the theoretical justification of a republic and in the Social Contract he offered the “ideal of the ancient Polis … as his alternative to the modern liberal state.” The political doctrines of republicanism and modern natural law seem to be at opposite poles of one another. The republican tradition is based on the ideas of virtue and community and sees love of one's country and identification with the community as the essential conditions for a just political order. The political doctrine of natural law, however, is based on the notion of self-interest and sees the main role of the State as being the protection of private interests. Rousseau's adoption of both languages in the Social Contract has therefore led to a certain amount of scholarly confusion. Some have attributed Rousseau's unusual blending of the languages of republicanism and social contract theory to his penchant for paradoxes or his “anachronistic utiopianism.” But with knowledge of the Genevan context, Rousseau's attempt to “do the impossible,” to be a contractualist and a republican at the same time, is understandable. In Geneva, the republic needed to be refounded. Traditional republican ideals had to be updated and modernized so as to be relevant once again. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Having turned his attention to politics by 1753, it would have been natural for Rousseau also to turn his attention to modern natural law theory. In cultivated circles, an acquaintance with the works of Grotius, Pufendorf, Barbeyrac, and Burlamaqui was considered an essential part of every man's political education. The Encyclopédie did much to popularize and to spread their theories, many of the articles borrowing freely from them. In return, a natural law theorist like Barbeyrac publicly hailed advances in the arts and sciences as very beneficial for society. For example, in a speech delivered at the Academy of Lausanne and thereafter published in Geneva in 1714, Barbeyrac enumerated the many advantages brought to society by the letters and sciences and further held that these “sweet influences [douces influences]” were spread by commerce. That was why “one regards as savage a nation which completely closes in on itself and does not want to have any commerce with others.” Such a nation thereby deprived itself of “a thousand commodities” and “a thousand occasions to imitate.” Speaking of the uncultivated masses, Barbeyrac added that even they benefited from the advances in the arts and sciences “by the commerce they have with polite and enlightened people.” Rousseau had been exposed to the work of Grotius, Pufendorf, and Barbeyrac at a relatively early date. His friend, Diderot, was a great admirer of these thinkers. But now that Rousseau had become politicized, he could turn to them with a more critical eye. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An important component of Empirical Software Engineering (ESE) research involves the measurement, observation, analysis and understanding of software engineering in practice. Results analyzed without understanding the contexts in which they were obtained can lead to wrong and potentially harmful interpretation. There exist several myths in software engineering, most of which have been accepted for years as being conventional wisdom without having been questioned. In this talk we will deal briefly with a few popular myths in software engineering ranging from testing and static analysis to distributed development and highlight the importance of context and generalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]