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The article offers information on creating personas or user profiles in information design. According to the author, a persona is a brief profile of a user that outlines personality attributes, needs, desires, capabilities and habits. It is noted that well thought-out user profiles detail the relevant information about the expectations or personalities of the audience members.

Chapter 2 of the book "How To Retire Comfortably and Happy With Less Money than the Financial Experts Say You Need" is presented. It explores several ways on how an individual should change his habits and ways to a simpler life including examining each purchase before buying, getting rid of unwanted items in the house by selling or donating these items and creating a written budgeting system to track expenses.

Chapter 8 of the book "Understanding Moral Weakness," is presented. It explores the concepts of habit and its relationship with "akrasia" and addiction and compulsion. It evaluates the analysis of philosopher Aristotle of the akratic person with regard to sex, eating and drinking compared with the akratic person with regard to honors, anger and the acquisition of wealth.

Chapter 8 of the book "Promoting Academic Resilience in Multicultural America: Factors Affecting Student Success" is presented. It affirms that resilience programming can only be effective if they incorporate key steps in the Resilience Cycle while helping the student understand his academic needs. It highlights the use of the Personal Academic Cycle for Excellence (PACE) system in encouraging habits for students that will maximize their academic potential.

In a letter of 20 October 1755, Lady Mary Wortley Montagu writes with disapproval of Richardson's latest heroine that Harriet Byron “follows the Maxim of Clarissa, of declaring all she thinks to all the people she sees, without refflecting [sic] that in this Mortal state of Imperfection Fig leaves are as necessary for our Minds as our Bodies, and tis as indecent to shew all we think as all we have.” Montagu's objection to Sir Charles Grandison hinges on the question of whether it is wise to promote a rhetoric of transparency when decency in social interactions depends on concealment. Is the openness of Richardson's (usually female) first-person narrators sincere and principled, as Richardson and his supporters assert, or obscene and manipulative, as his detractors charge? Both Clarissa (1747–48) and Grandison (1753–54) were written in part to refute the accusations of readers who had singled out in Richardson's first novel Pamela (1740–41) what they perceived as technical and moral crudities, identifying Pamela herself as a hypocrite, and the Pamela controversy of the early 1740s offers eighteenth-century Britain's most fully worked-out debate on the problem of hypocrisy. Many of Richardson's readers found it impossible to separate their doubts about Pamela's sexual integrity from those about her rhetorical integrity, and I will approach Pamela as an experiment in which Richardson explores the rhetorical risks and payoffs of writing an epistolary fiction in which the personal safety of the primary letter-writer depends on her being able to persuade readers within the world of the novel that she is not a hypocrite. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most common mistakes in asking for support is the use of could and can in place of would and will. “Could you empty the trash?” is merely a question gathering information. “Would you empty the trash?” is a request. Women often use “could you?” indirectly to imply “would you?” As I mentioned before, indirect requests are a turnoff … On Mars it would be an insult to ask a man “Can you empty the trash?” Of course he can empty the trash! The question is not can he empty the trash but will he empty the trash. After he has been insulted, he may say no just because you have irritated him. John Gray, Ph.D., Men Are From Mars, Women are From Venus: A Practical Guide for Improving Communication and Getting What you Want in Your Relationships It doesn't matter if you're not a beauty queen, that you never finished college, or that you don't keep up with current events. You still think you're enough! You have more confidence than women with MBAs or money in the bank. You don't grovel. You're not desperate or anxious. You don't date men who don't want you. You trust in the abundance and goodness of the universe: if not him, someone better, you say. You don't settle. You don't chase anyone. You don't use sex to make men love you. You believe in love and marriage. You're not cynical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is virtually a commonplace to observe that the confrontation between Edmund Burke and Mary Wollstonecraft over the morality of the French Revolution concerns manners as much as politics or morals. Neither Burke nor Wollstonecraft believes that manners can be considered in isolation, and for both writers, the term “manners” works as shorthand for a larger system of power. In the end, manners reflect moral objectives: just as the construct of female modesty is designed to secure female virtue, so manners more generally secure moral or political ideals. Responding to the revolutionary call for complete sincerity and openness, Burke and other conservative British writers deliberately reclaim certain kinds of insincerity, re-establishing the merits of terms that had come under suspicion in the preceding decades, including modesty, chivalry and politeness. Yet even as the ideal of sincerity falls into disrepute with conservative writers because of its revolutionary associations, some radical writers on manners hold on to and further strengthen the evangelical call for sincerity that can be heard throughout the criticism of Chesterfield's letters. The contours of this debate form the main subject of this chapter, which will compare and contrast arguments about manners and insincerity made by Burke, Wollstonecraft and William Godwin, considering the consequences of each position for subsequent arguments about virtue and politeness, particularly as they affect women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Very few people are willing to speak up for hypocrisy. As a rule, to use the word at all is to position oneself against it. I am no more likely to identify myself as a hypocrite than I am to call myself a cannibal, although I may do either so long as I invoke a rhetoric of confession or conversion that separates my present identity from the past one I name and thereby disavow. When I call someone else a hypocrite, I point to a gap between what she says and what she does. I sometimes also attribute to the hypocrite a broader, more pervasive deceitfulness whose practice can include the insincerities associated with self-control and good manners. In the last case, if the mask of politeness is sufficiently flawless, I may find it difficult to distinguish the hypocrite from any other member of civil society. Indeed, if everyone suddenly stopped lubricating social interactions with politeness, the consequences for the institutions of daily life – families, schools, religious organizations, companies, governments – would likely be catastrophic. Insofar as the charge of hypocrisy assumes a discontinuity between motive and action, the sophisticated hypocrite poses problems for conventional arguments about character and behavior. The belief that close scrutiny will always expose the hypocrite's true self depends on the highly questionable assumption that any given individual can be considered simply as the sum of a set of words and deeds that represent an ‘authentic’ self inside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Not the least remarkable aspect of Jonathan Swift's defense of hypocrisy, the Project for the Advancement of Religion (1709), is the extent to which Swift foregrounds the very word hypocrisy. Swift makes no attempt to downplay the most controversial aspects of his program for bestowing material rewards on virtue and its simulacra alike, and the rhetorical success of Swift's Project depends in a very real sense on his careful management of two terms. One of these is hypocrisy. The other is livery, a word whose signification in eighteenth-century discourse is curiously divided: used metaphorically, it offers a conventional analogy for appearances or surfaces, while its literal meaning is associated with an explosive set of arguments about the rights and duties of the servant class. As Swift puts it in the Project, “Hypocrisy is much more eligible than open Infidelity and Vice: It wears the Livery of Religion, it acknowledgeth her Authority, and is cautious of giving Scandal” (11.57). The phrase “the Livery of Religion” momentarily undermines Swift's positive argument for hypocrisy as the best approximation of virtue, introducing into his metaphor a key word in contemporary attacks on the behavior and morals of servants in livery. The rhetorical instabilities that accompany the intrusion of anti-servant polemic into moral writing affect a wide range of texts produced and published at the beginning of the eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents response, of 219 smokers, to some questions related to smoking habit. In response to the question "Have you, yourself, smoked any cigarettes in the past week?" 41% of the smokers replied in the affirmative in November 1944, while 24% and 25% replied in the affirmative on July 9-11, 2003 and July 7-9, 2003 respectively. In response to the question "Do you consider yourself addicted to cigarettes or not?" 39% smokers said yes in 1990, while only 28% said yes in July 2003.

This article discusses several aspects of secondary schools all over the world. Secondary schools in many contexts--around the world and also over time--are more alike than they are different. On the surface, secondary schools in the Czech Republic look much like secondary schools in Israel, India or China: students and teachers gather at the same time of the day, do many of the same tasks in the same order, and leave at the same appointed hour. What makes these similarities even more interesting is that in many countries there is a consistent effort to change secondary schools to meet more closely the needs of the changing populations of students who reside in them. In looking closely at the reform efforts for secondary schools in the U.S., however, it was found that even when schools do change, they do so in superficial or cosmetic ways; little seems to change with regards to the core of educational practice. In analyzing the secondary schools it's observed that changing the relationships, processes, habits and experiences of the adults and children within schools is extremely difficult to accomplish.

The article discusses the resilient skill development in couples living with non-insulin dependent diabetes (NIDDM). Diabetes affects approximately 7% of the population in the United States. Non-Insulin Dependent Diabetes or adult-onset diabetes is the most prevalent form of the disease and accounts for approximately 90% of the identified cases. NIDDM is characterized by inadequate insulin production and disrupted glucose metabolism, which results in dramatic fluctuations in blood glucose levels. Care of NIDDM encompasses many routine daily habits, such as diet and exercise, as well as illness-specific treatments, such as medications and glucose monitoring. To become skilled, couples must go beyond the facts about diabetes and learn primarily by experience how to incorporate these facts into their everyday habits and practices. Knowing that one should eat no more than 15 grams of carbohydrates at a single sitting is one level of knowledge, but knowing how to construct interesting, varied meals that incorporate this restriction requires a different kind of knowledge-what some have termed experiential or practical knowledge. Similarly, learning one's own (or a partner's) response to dietary restrictions takes practice.

Focuses on the structure of manual and language habits. Relationship between verbal, manual and visceral behavior; Initiation of well organized implicit verbal processes; Role of memory in the development of talking and thinking.

Focuses on the development of manual habits in human beings. Role of the stimuli in the formation of habits among individuals; Relationship between conditioned reflexes and habit formation; Factors influencing manual habit formation.

Focuses on the study of human behavior. Impact of stimulus to call the existence of reaction; Importance of stimuli and response conditioning in the study of human behavior; Correlation between habit formation and the conditioning of stimuli.

The chapter explains the idea in the notion of habit and custom as economic theories. Every impression or perception, whether external or internal, whether of the bulk, motion and solidity of bodies or of their colors, tastes, smells, sounds, heat or cold or of pains and pleasures arising from them. Causation is the most extensive and appears in the two relations of motion and power. Motion is produced by one object in another object, but power is the capacity to produce such motion. There is a suspicion that a science of nature is impossible, instead of being overcome is elaborated into a system.

The chapter provides information on the sovereignty of the consumer with regards to taste and tolerance. Superior ethical significance may be attributed to the principle of liberty. Individual tastes and preferences have been largely imposed by society and acquire rigidity from imitation and habit. The pecuniary motive arises through desire being moulded by habit. But habit is essential to the economy of private existence. The element of custom in consumers' taste does not detract from the consumers' sovereignty ideal.

Deals with the prevalence of devout observances in the practices of the leisure class. Basis of the class' sporting and gambling temperament; Analysis on the intimate relation between athletics and devout observance among college men; Discussion on the guiding habits of thought of a devout person.

Focuses on the belief of the leisure class individuals in luck. Factors attributed to the belief in luck; Implications; Significance of the animistic habit on economic theory.

Offers a perspective on the standard of living. Role of expenditure in a person's standard of living; Influence of habit in a person's standard of living; Discussion on the factors that determine a community's standard of living.

The article offers the author's insights on the relationships among the tension between the need for privacy and fear of loneliness and moral education. The author says that moral education exposes a tension between the fear of falling into isolation and the need to be left alone. The author relates that moral education is a social institution which allows individuals to be responsible, virtuous, and autonomous by developing their will, understanding social roles, and obtaining valuable habits.

Part one is an analysis of Locke's concept of natural and civil liberty in the Two treatises. His account of liberty in the Essay is interpreted within the framework laid down in the Two treatises. I continue to believe that this early interpretation of natural and civil liberty is substantially correct and crucially important for understanding the formation of the concept of civil society or ‘public sphere’ in which citizens actively judge the policies of government in light of the public good. Whereas Hobbes and the absolutists argue that citizens alienate their independent political judgement as a condition of subjection, civic humanists uphold independent political judgement but tend to restrict its exercise to those directly engaged in government. Locke, in contrast to both, grants to citizens not in government the right to discuss and judge their governors in public, to dissent, and, if necessary, resist, when they transgress the public good. However, as I worked on chapter 6 I came to see that the interpretation of Locke's natural law as ‘rationalist’ rather than ‘voluntarist’ was mistaken. I took Hobbes' extreme form of moral and legal voluntarism as a benchmark and assumed that any theory short of that was rationalist. But it became clear that Locke developed his theory of natural law within an intellectual context set by Pufendorf of ‘mitigated’ voluntarism in which the creation of the world is purely contingent, as in all forms of voluntarism, yet once it is created certain unalterable and rational rules of human conduct follow that god ordinarily binds himself to obey, as in rationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION This is a working chapter. The claims it embodies are provisional and tentative. The hypothesis laid out in the chapter is that a new practice of governing conduct was assembled in the period from the Reformation to the Enlightenment. My aim is to describe this ensemble of power, knowledge, and habitual behaviour at the point, 1660–1700, when its relatively enduring features consolidated, and from the perspective of one person who described, evaluated, and partly constructed it: John Locke. This mode of governance links together probabilistic and voluntaristic forms of knowledge with a range of techniques related to each other by a complex of references to juridical practices. Its aim is to reform conduct: to explain and then deconstruct settled ways of mental and physical behaviour, and to produce and then govern new forms of habitual conduct in belief and action. Finally, this way of subjection, of conducting the self and others, both posits and serves to bring about a very specific form of subjectivity: a subject who is calculating and calculable, from the perspective of the probabilistic knowledge and practices; and the sovereign bearer of rights and duties, subject to and of law from the voluntaristic perspective. The whole ensemble of knowledge, techniques, habitual activity, and subjection I will provisionally call the juridical government. Aspects of this have been studied by Michael Foucault in Surveiller etpunir: naissance de la prison (1975). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter VI of the book "Around the World on a Bicycle: From Teheran to Yokohama" is presented. As he travels, the author came across a rude stone tower with an irregularly looking guard comparable to ruffianly-looking specimen outside Asiatic Turkey. He also described the Assababad villagers as a very accommodating community with a not overly clean habit. He also mentioned the caravanserai which is situated between two mountain ranges two miles from Assababad.

Chapter IV of the book "Ralph the Heir," by Anthony Trollope is presented. It relates that lawyer Thomas Underwood declared to himself that his nineteen-year-old niece named Mary Bonner is the most lovely young woman he had ever seen. It also says that Underwood had brought into his family his niece who would urge him in his old age to change all his habits in life.

Reports that a Gallup consumption habits survey revealed that the American public is fairly accepting of such bans. Preference of Americans for a ban in their state which make it illegal to smoke in all workplaces, restaurants, and bars; Differences of the views of smokers and nonsmokers; Opposition to a ban on public smoking.

A reprint from an article published within the September 29, 1840 issue of the journal "The Long Island" is presented which discusses issues related to peculiarities of men, diversities of their culture, and habits and notions. Money and property are considered to be causing lots of problems in the society. Topics related to wisdom and intellect have also been addressed.