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In the base of the detailed analysis of dam safety monitoring expert system of knowledge, it is introduced that the method of expert system structure of knowledge and the characteristics of knowledge's representation. Maxing the method and ANN to indicate dam safety and the physical structure of the knowledge base is studied. The reasoning strategy based on hybrid knowledge base is also discussed and the technical's problems which forming mixing knowledge base should be paid attention to is analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The multiplicities and uncertainties of dam safety influencing factors make the dam safety evaluation complex and difficult. As a mathematical instrument, Dempster-Shafer theory has a great advantage in the expression and combination of uncertainties. A method for dam safety evaluation was proposed based on Dempster-Shafer theory in order to improve the accuracy of dam safety evaluation. The method was verified by the analysis of the monitoring data of a concrete gravity dam. And the analysis result of Dempster-Shafer theory was compared with the Average Evidence Theory and Fuzzy Comprehensive Assessment. The result shows that the safety assessment method based on Dempster-Shafer theory is feasible, effective and superior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century, industrial empire brought new force into the transformation of agrarian regions. Britain controlled the corridors of mobility in southern Eurasia. English became the imperial language. A new rupee homogenised the money supply. In 1800, cowry shells from the Andamans were the currency in Sylhet, and dozens of different silver, gold, and copper coins filled markets from Surat to Chittagong. Money changers worked every corner. But in the 1820s, the Company's silver rupee set the monetary standard and market prices began a tumble that lasted thirty years. In these hard decades, markets contracted along routes of imperial expansion, real taxation increased, seasons of scarcity were common, and overseas cloth exports died. The Act of 1793 had established a permanent settlement with no survey, no records of rights, and no definite method of assessment; after 1820, zamindari settlements required the recording of rights, annual assessments of cultivated land, and periodic reassessments. Almost everywhere, routine revenue collections provoked struggles and dislocations. When indigo stocks crashed on the London exchange, Bihari peasants lost their income and tenants lost their land. The Torture Commission in Madras reported routine beatings by revenue officers. Company critics multiplied in London but could not quite topple the old regime before rebellions killed the Company in 1857. Crown rule ended an imperial crisis. Prices had begun moving upward again by 1855, and decades of inflation then steadily lowered the real cash burden of revenue and rent. Land became more attractive for investors as a veneer of modernity covered British India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the beginning of the month of Day [October 1615] merchants came from Persia and brought pomegranates of Yazd and melons from Kariz, which are the best of the Khurasan melons … As my revered father (may God's light be his witness!) had a great liking for fruit I was very grieved that such fruits had not come to Hindustan in his victorious time. The composition of Mughul India's trade with Safavid Iran and Uzbek Turan was determined primarily by contrasts between its economy and those of these two contiguous states, while the volume of exchange was influenced both by supply and demand and the commercial policies and political stability of their dynasties. Mughul India possessed vastly greater natural and human resources than did Safavid and Uzbek territories; its economy also overshadowed its neighbors in terms of its overall size, diversity and sophistication. There was a consistent demand for Mughul India's natural and manufactured products in Iran and Turan, and the level of commerce was catalyzed in the second half of the sixteenth century by the achievements of two exceptionally able Mughul and Safavid rulers. These were the Mughul emperor Akbar (1556–1605) and the Safavid shah ‘Abbas (1587–1629). Both men stimulated internal and external commerce by consolidating their dynasties’ political authority, and by consciously instituting policies that stimulated trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Money The Mughal empire could well boast of one of the finest coined currencies in the contemporary world, a tri-metallic currency of great uniformity and purity, with the silver rupee as the basic coin. Until the reign of Sher Shāh (1540–5), the principal coin in circulation in northern India was the billon sikandarī, a copper coin with a small silver alloy, which had developed out of the progressive debasement of the silver tanka of the Delhi sultans. The silver tanka had other descendants also, coins of more or less coarse silver, such as the muzaffarīs of Mālwa and the mahmūdīs of Gujarat. The Deccan sultanates also coined billon tankas. The coinage of the Vijayanagara empire was, on the other hand, based on the hūn or ‘pagoda’, a gold coin. This continued to be coined by the principalities of southern India and the Qutbshāhī kingdom of Golkonda even after the disintegration of the Vijayanagara empire. Sher Shāh occupies an important place in the history of Indian coinage, because of his attempt at establishing a coinage untainted by any element of debasement. This was exemplified by his coining of the silver rūpaya, or rupee, together with coins of pure gold and copper. But it was really under Akbar that the system was firmly established. The basic coin, the rūpaya, or rupee, weighed 178 grains troy in which the alloy was never allowed to rise above 4 per cent. Akbar's successors continued mintage of this coin, with certain short-lived additional issues of heavier rupees by Jahāngīr.) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]