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The article presents definitions of criminology terms that begin with letter P. Pardon, also referred to as executive clemency, is a declaration of forgiveness by a head of government or a local government chief to a person or people accused of a crime and removes the punishment linked to the conviction. Parole refers to immediate freeing of prisoners considered by parole board as harmless to society. Other terms include party admission, perjury, and phishing.

A subject index for the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented.

A chart depicting the commutations by Governor per Chronology of Capital Clemency for 1900-2004 that relates to the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," is presented.

A chart depicting the commutations by State per Capital Clemency for 1900-2004 that relates to the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," is presented.

Chapter 6 of the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented. It points that in the state of Illinois, the issue of mercy has been put on trial in the court of law and in the court of public opinion. It concludes that George Ryan's clemency by virtue of his right to impose executive punishment has disguised the act of mercy and compassion while trying to prove that he is tough on crime.

Chapter 5 of the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented. It details the speech of Governor George Ryan regarding his decision to empty the death row in Illinois as a democratic exercise of his executive power. It points that Ryan's speech justified his action and decision on the context established by capital clemency, but he acted at a time when people support for the death penalty.

Chapter 3 of the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented. It narrates the perspective of Senator William Haine on the decisions and actions of Governor George Ryan and his raw exercise of power against law that has become inconsistent with the law. It explores the position of theorists such as Peter Fitzpatrick, Giorgio Agamben, and Jacques Derrida on the conditions of law with regards to clemency and democracy.

Chapter 4 of the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented. It details the 1976 Report of the Committee for the Study of Incarceration which presses for individualization of justice and rehabilitative ideal of penology. It cites the belief of law professor Elizabeth Rapaport that the redemptive theory of clemency has completely embraced the concept of leniency rooted in compassion that often result to reduce punishment below what justice demands.

Chapter 2 of the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented. It explores the uses of capital clemency by other governors such as Lee Cruce and Winthrop Rockefeller which could illuminate the traditions and historical context of executive clemency to support the decisions of George Ryan. It points to problems intrinsic to traditions on clemency based on politics and personal morality that provide insight on the trials of mercy in the killing state.

Chapter 1 of the book "Mercy on Trial: What It Means to Stop an Execution," by Austin Sarat is presented. It explores the events in the state of Illinois on January 10-11, 2003 wherein Governor George Ryan has exercised his clemency powers under the state constitution to pardon and commuted condemned inmates' sentences. It details various explosive reactions from people who contradict Ryan's decision and believe that death is a morally appropriate punishment for sadistic rapists and murderers.

Chapter 5 of the book "Hidden Victims: The Effects of the Death Penalty on Families of the Accused" is presented. The receipt of an execution date implies that all appeals are exhausted and clemency, if sought, has been denied. Many family members choose to be present during the execution so that their loved one will see the faces of people who do not hate him or her, not rejoicing in death. The closer the bond between the condemned person and the family member, however, the more difficult this task may be.

INTRODUCTION As was indicated by the momentous decision of the Antwerp synod in 1566 to approve armed resistance against the government, the vehemence of the Wingean disputes, the repudiation of the 1568 London theses by Marnix van St Aldegonde and Pneumenander's appeal to the Joyous Entry of Brabant, in the justification of the resistance against the government of Philip II arguments based on the rights and privileges of the Low Countries began to play an eminent role in the 1560s. This chapter reconstructs the political justification of the Dutch Revolt. The focus is on the articulation of the political right of resistance against Philip II, which finally led to his abjuration as lord of the Dutch Provinces. THE EARLY PROTESTS OF THE 1560S On 5 April 1566 about 300 nobles marched through the streets of Brussels. The impressive procession was heading for the court of Margaret of Parma, where they offered the famous Petition to the governess. The Petition was an initiative of the so-called Compromise, a group of nobles whose main objective was to save the Low Countries from falling under the yoke of the Inquisition. As the constitutive document of the Compromise argued, a number of foreigners, driven by private avarice and ambition, had misled the king and, under the pretension of protecting the Roman Catholic religion, had introduced the Inquisition. This form of ‘barbarism’ exceeded the worst acts of tyranny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION In June 1575 Holland and Zeeland concluded a closer union, which not only strengthened the co-operation between the two provinces but also enlarged the authority of William of Orange. In retrospect the 1575 union should be regarded as an important step on the road to independence. In October 1575 the States of Holland were already discussing a proposition to abjure Philip II. Although the idea was certainly not supported unequivocally, offers of sovereignty in return for military support were made to Queen Elizabeth in November 1575 and to the Duke of Anjou in May 1576. Eventually the contacts with Anjou led to the treaty of 13 August 1578, which awarded the duke the title of ‘Defender of liberty against the tyranny of the Spanish and their allies’ and which promised that, if the States should abjure Philip II, Anjou was their first choice as successor. The threat to deprive Philip II of his political authority was expressed in public during the Cologne peace negotiations. On 4 July 1579 the States' deputies announced that if Philip II did not accede to the demands of the States, the latter would ‘proceed to the act of privation, by which they will declare that the king is fallen out of all rule, authority and seigniory’. With the Act of Abjuration, this was effected. From about 1578 political treatises started to comment on the political course the provinces should adopt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

THE NETHERLANDS AROUND 1555 ‘The people of this country are in general of beautiful stature, well made and proportioned, and amongst their other beautiful features they have the most beautiful men and women. In general their personage is upright but many exceed the normal and are tall, principally in Holland and Friesland where they are extremely tall.’ In these terms the Florentine merchant Lodovico Guicciardini praised the physical features of the inhabitants of the Low Countries. Lodovico, who was a member of the famous Guicciardini dynasty and a nephew of Francesco Guicciardini, spent most of his life in the Netherlands, especially in Antwerp where he lived for forty-eight years. In 1567 he published his Descrittione di tutti i Paesi Bassi, which contained a meticulous description of the Low Countries, their towns and rivers, their economy, their political system and their inhabitants. According to Guicciardini the Dutch were rather ‘cold’ and sober-minded people, who wisely took the world and Fortune as it came. They were neither ambitious nor haughty, but polite and open, enjoying good company which sometimes led to licentiousness, especially since their main vice was drinking. Passion, even when love came into play, seemed alien to them: ‘As persons of cold nature they are very temperate in the matters of Venus, and they strongly abhor adultery.’ Guicciardini had a keen eye for Dutch women. He described them as beautiful, gracious and of good manners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter XXXVII of the book "The Battle Of The Strong: A Romance of Two Kingdoms" by Gilbert Parker is presented. It highlights Philp d'Avranche's confession to Guida that he was wrong and pleads for forgiveness. It emphasizes the arguments of Guida for the possession of their child against Philip's persistence.

An encyclopedia entry for "Court of Appeal" is presented. It refers to any court of law that is empowered to hear an appeal of a trial court, which was not established in Great Britain until 1907. King George III of Great Britain took the Royal Prerogative of Mercy seriously, but the need for change was highlighted by the case of Adolph Beck. The primary function of the Court of Appeal is to uphold Great Britain's justice system.