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Although some of India's major business families can trace their ancestry as far back as to the Moghul period, the origins of the modern Indian business class are unmistakably colonial. Its rise is closely linked to developments which took place in the Indian economy in the post-1850 period. The following section is a brief sketch of the rise and growth of this class. The rise and growth of an Indian business class (1850–1930) After 1850 there occurred a big spurt in the internal and external trade of India, due to the growth of commercial agriculture, and the first beginnings of a large-scale mechanized industry were witnessed. In clear contrast to the case of most other European colonies in Asia and Africa, in India indigenous businessmen were capable of exploiting some of the new opportunities offered by the development of trade and industry. While foreign trade itself was largely monopolized by European commercial firms, the financing and forwarding to the ports of the commercial crops (mainly cotton and jute) as well as the redistribution of imported goods within the interior offered a vast field to indigenous merchants and bankers. Some trading communities of Western and Northern India showed a remarkable ability to seize on these opportunities. Among them were: the Parsis, who had developed a special relationship to the British, firstly in Surat and later in Bombay where they had played the role of junior partners in the China trade; other communities of Western India, such as the Bhatias of Cutch or the Khojas, and the Marwaris of Rajasthan, whose spread throughout Northern, Eastern and Central India had received a new impetus from the establishment of the Pax Britannica. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between July 1937 and October 1939 the political attitudes of Indian businessmen were determined by a complex interplay of national and provincial factors. The advent of Congress governments in the majority of the provinces gave crucial importance to the provincial arena of politics and provincial trends directly influenced the overall relationship between Indian big business and the Congress. However, developments on the all-India scene also contributed to shaping the politics of business. These developments mainly related to the economic and commercial policy of the Government of India which met with growing opposition from Indian business circles. Of particular importance was the negotiation of the Indo-British trade agreement which started in July 1937 and was concluded in March 1939. Indian business and the Indo-British trade agreement When the negotiations started in London between the two governments, the Indian advisers adopted a policy of offering concessions to Lancashire (the exact shape of which remained undisclosed) in return for a complete acceptance of the rest of their demands by the Board of Trade. This approach suited the Government of India well, since it was anxious to placate both Lancashire and Indian business and was less preoccupied with other British interests. The Indian delegation took a hard line at the outset of the negotiations, asking for a surrendering of five-sixths of the preferences enjoyed by British goods in India, the free entry of jute and other Indian manufactures into the UK, plus some extra concessions. Understandably the Board of Trade, which had to take into consideration a variety of British interests, took a very different position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1930 and 1933, the Indian economy as a whole was severely affected by the world depression while the post-1933 recovery had only a limited impact on India. However, the industrial sector was spared the worst consequences of the crisis and its expansion continued at a more rapid pace than in the 1920s. In spite of the overall depression in the economy, there were thus opportunities for Indian capitalists to expand. The impact of the world depression The world depression hit India in full force between 1930 and 1933. Table 4 shows that the fall in wholesale prices between 1929 and 1933 was more pronounced in India than in the industrial countries. The fall in the prices of agricultural commodities was even greater. On the basis of 1928 = 100, the index of agricultural prices stood at 48 in 1933. But the impact of the fall in prices on the internal economy was cushioned by the fact that the bulk of agricultural output was not produced for the market. As foodgrains production responded only marginally to price fluctuations and more to weather conditions, given a normal rainfall it did not show a downward trend during the depression years. The impact of the depression on the external position of the Indian economy was, in contrast, very great. The bulk of Indian exports consisted of agricultural commodities while imports were mostly manufactured products. Therefore during the depression years India's terms of trade deteriorated considerably, as shown in Table 5. The consequence was a considerable reduction in India's trade surplus on merchandise transactions. Whereas during the 1920s the surplus on merchandise transactions averaged Rs 100 crores, between 1929–1930 and 1933–1934 it averaged only Rs 40 crores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have, even now, no methodology for accounting for women or calculating the demand for them. There is no system and no plan. Work proceeds samotek. In the Leningrad electrical factory, Elektroapparat, the “door to the production shop was closed to women.” They could always be found outdoors, however, hauling heavy loads in the freezing, dirty yard that surrounded the factory. Male workers joked that the yard was “the women's shop.” By the beginning of 1931, the state had developed extensive plans for involving women in the labor force. NKT (the Commissariat of Labor) and Gosplan had drafted a five-year plan for female labor, the Party had launched a campaign to employ 1.6 million women, the government had published long lists of jobs reserved primarily or exclusively for women, and women's brigades had visited factories throughout the country to determine which jobs women could fill. Yet all of these plans, lists, and recommendations still existed only on paper. For the central authorities and KUTB (the Committee to Improve the Labor and Life of Women), the key question in 1931 was how to move plans from paper to reality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction Efforts to maintain political neutrality and economic independence are some of the basic, historically rooted features of Swedish foreign trade policy. Although situated in a remote corner of Europe and rather small in terms of population, Sweden has developed into a technologically sophisticated industrial country, particularly since the Second World War. Compared to home market sales the volume of Swedish foreign trade, always relatively large and decisively important for economic growth, has increased proportionately as Sweden's economy, like that of other industrial nations, has gone through a prolonged process of concentration. To what extent the degree of concentration is comparable to that of other countries is hard to judge, as a comparative study of the development of Swedish enterprises along the lines drawn up by Professor Alfred D. Chandler, Jr, has yet to be made. Still lacking, too, is a modern history of the banking economy. However, these gaps should be filled before long. The purpose of this paper is to provide some insight into the interrelations between the Swedish export economy and the major powers. Sweden as a strategic component of the economies of the Great Powers Obviously, sustaining neutrality and independence involves special problems. Thus the lack of coal on the part of neutral states during the First World War enabled Britain to pursue a stiff price policy. Her coal exports served as an argument for depressing the prices of vital British imports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chapter 6 of the book "The Next Catastrophe: Reducing Our Vulnerabilities to Natural, Industrial and Terrorist Disasters" by Charles Perrow is presented. It explores how the chemical industry has reduced its vulnerabilities to disasters in the U.S. It states that the industry has not done much to reduce terrorism threats and its targets are the easiest to attack. It mentions that the industry's track record of self-regulation is not good, with chemical companies evading federal inspection.

The article presents preliminary information on the January 2001 issue of the journal "Temperature Measurement." The scope of the book covers all of the principal temperature measurement methods and instruments . Special stress is placed on such problems as temperature measurement of solids, liquids and gases as well as temperature measurement in industrial heating appliances.

Chapter five of the book "WEATHERING THE STORM: Taiwan, Its Neighbors, and the Asian Financial Crisis" is presented. It focuses on the economic differences between Korea and Taiwan. It reviews the development drive of heavy and chemical industries in two countries, with emphasis on the differences in policy and consequences. In addition, it explores the significance of financial market liberalization.

For an understanding of multinational enterprise it is necessary to include an analysis of international cartels. Between the wars they formed an important structural characteristic of the world economy. According to contemporary reckoning in the 1930s between 30% and 50% of world trade was controlled or influenced by international agreements or ‘loose associations’. Up until the early years after the Second World War they held the attention of scholars, journalists and politicians in the same manner as the multinational concerns have since the 1960s. And like the latter they have been judged in highly differing, or contradictory manners. International cartels performed a number of functions, which are fulfilled today by multinational enterprises. In individual cases an international cartel could even become a multinational concern; occasionally it is described as a ‘forerunner’ of multinational enterprise. International cartels are generally less stable and their resources more limited than those of multinational concerns or national cartels, although they can, as Alice Teichova has pointed out, react to changes swiftly and with flexibility, and represent a more effective instrument of economic penetration than direct investment. Mainly – although not always – large enterprises were the driving force in the formation of international cartels. They preferred, according to region and product, to secure the market by direct investment or an agreement with competitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]