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Copyright of Legal Thought / Pravna Misao is the property of Legal Thought / Pravna Misao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Koncepti vanjske politike Ruske Federacije doneseni od 2000. do 2023. imaju komunikacijsku funkciju o glavnim ciljevima i idejama ruskih vanjskopolitičkih aktera. Koristeći pristup Engleske škole međunarodnih odnosa, posebice njezina teorijska obilježja međunarodnog društva, pluralističkog i solidarističkog pristupa te globalnog i regionalnog društva, u radu se analiziraju ruske ideje o međunarodnom društvu koje su istaknute u tim konceptima. Zajedno s tom analizom pokazano je koliko se stvarna ruska vanjska politika podudara s idejama iznesenim u njima.

With the end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the SFRY, the states that emerged on its territory, including Bosnia and Herzegovina, began to redefine their foreign policy. From the point of view of international law, we can certainly consider Bosnia and Herzegovina as an internationally recognized state, which cooperates in international, ie bilateral, regional and global frameworks, and regulates contractual and other relations, with states and international organizations. In federal states, as a rule, foreign policy is entrusted to central authorities, as is the case in Bosnia and Herzegovina, where the authority to conduct foreign policy is given primarily to the Presidency of Bosnia and Herzegovina, as a joint body of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Today's era in many countries brings a number of innovations in terms of conducting foreign policy and the competencies themselves, but Bosnia and Herzegovina has a number of specifics here as well. It is a time when states should fight for the best possible integration, with the most stable way of preserving national sovereignty and state subjectivity in general. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, practically both the state and the entities have their own foreign policy, despite the fact that there are state bodies at the level of Bosnia and Herzegovina that are responsible for its management. In circumstances where participation in international relations is set as an imperative, Bosnia and Herzegovina allows for internal conflicts caused by the distribution of power, which are maintained on the very conduct of foreign policy. The paper analyzes the state bodies of Bosnia and Herzegovina responsible for conducting foreign policy with an indication of the specifics that exist in this regard and a review of the foreign policy of Bosnia and Herzegovina. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association / Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva is the property of Croatian Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Religion has often been an ignored dimension of statecraft, particularly so by realist or neorealist schools. This article explores the question of how a number of states, in which all or a considerable part of the population is Muslim, incorporate Islam as a guiding principle into their broader foreign policy. In this regard, it reviews a selected number of foreign policy cases using individual, domestic and international levels of analysis in which diverse Islamic incentives from major theoretical perspectives interplay with foreign policy. Its ultimate objective is to provide a deeper synthesis of the literature on Islam in foreign policymaking and relating it to major IR theories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Proceedings of the Faculty of Economics & Business in Zagreb / Zbornik Ekonomskog Fakulteta u Zagrebu is the property of Ekonomski Fakultet u Zagrebu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sarajevo Social Science Review is the property of University of Sarajevo, Faculty of Political Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polemos is the property of Croatian Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Međunarodni odnosi, kao disciplina političke znanosti, samo su djelomice države smatrali glavnim subjektima budući da su se zapravo usmjeravali ponajprije na odnos i pozicioniranje velikih država u međunarodnoj zajednici. Male su države ostale na marginama znanstvenog interesa, ograničene različitim kvantitativnim i kvalitativnim determinantama, sposobnostima utjecaja i projiciranja moći u međunarodnim odnosima, te kao svojevrsne figure na šahovskoj ploči na kojoj iza glavnih poteza stoje velike sile. Ostvarivanjem jednog od najvažnijih ciljeva vanjske politike članstvom u NATO NATO NATO NATO -u 2009. godine te neposredno prije ulaska u Europsku uniju u srpnju 2013.godine, Hrvatska je suočena s potrebom redefiniranja prioriteta vanjske politike, vodeći se pritom prednostima i ograničenjima položaja male države u međunarodnoj zajednici. U tom smjeru autori nastoje demarginalizirati znanstveni diskurs o malim državama usmjerujući se na sljedeće aspekte: (1) definiranje malih država i njihovo pozicioniranje u međunarodnoj zajednici (2) analizu vanjske politike malih država (3) istraživanje multilateralizma (povezivanja u saveze i regionalnog integriranja kao najučestalijih vanjskopolitičkih strategija malih država) (4) teorijsku analizu normativne moći kao faktora vanjskopolitičkog utjecaja malih država, te (5) na primjerima nordijskih država demonstrirati kako male države putem prenošenja normi povećavaju svoj utjecaj u međunarodnim odnosima, dajući istodobno smjernice za mogućnosti djelovanja Hrvatske kao buduće male članice EU -a.

Iznova se pojavljuju natpisi u medijima, ali i u znanstvenim i stručnim publikacijama, propitujući je li Jugoslavija nakon 1945. godine radila na atomskoj bombi te gdje. Bez dovoljno argumenata i uvida u relevantne dokumente iznose se pojednostavljene prosudbe, ponekad na temelju općih stavova prema drugoj Jugoslaviji. Bez poznavanja složenih odnosa u višenacionalnoj državi u kojoj je osjetljivu ravnotežu među etnicitetima vrlo različite razvijenosti i s vrlo različitim nacionalnim interesima uspostavljala Komunistička partija s Titom na čelu može doći do pogrešnih procjena i miješanja državne politike s djelovanjem neke od struja ili frakcija. Ta unutarnja djelovanja odražavala su s jedne strane vanjsku politiku (nesvrstane) Jugoslavije, a s druge strane i politiku dvaju blokova u vremenima Hladnoga rata. Obje strane nastojale su zakonitim, ali i drugim metodama povećati svoj utjecaj. Ovaj rad nastoji dati prilog rasvjetljavanju toga pitanja na temelju dokumenata u posjedu autora i njegovog sudjelovanja u nekim relevantnim aktivnostima. Dokumenti koji su nam dostupni nisu dostatni za konačan zaključak o pokretačima, motivima i ostvarenom u planu izradu bombe, ali se iz rada može naslutiti u kojem bi smjeru trebali ići daljnji napori.

Kako u pitanju ulaska u EU Turska ima sve više protivnika među uticajnim državama članicama, turska vlada je usvojila multilateralni pristup vanjskoj politici. Takav je pristup rezultirao dinamičnim ekonomskim i diplomatskim mjerama prema nizu zemalja u Aziji, Africi, Latinskoj Americi i balkanskoj regiji. U članku autor analizira efekte i posljedice tog paradigmatskog prijelaza u turskoj vanjskoj politici prema zemljama zapadnog Balkana koje imaju izgleda da postanu članice EU. Kroz svoje proaktivne ekonomske i diplomatske inicijative Turska u regiji sebe osigurava kao sutrašnju članicu EU. U tom smislu ukoliko se turska vlada više koncentrira na rješavanje svojih unutrašnjih problema i nastavi svoju proaktivnu politiku kako na zapadnom Balkanu tako i u drugim područjima, Turska bi mogla postati ne samo regionalna već i svjetska sila.

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pregled is the property of University of Sarajevo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Polemos is the property of Croatian Sociological Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Foreign policy and diplomatic skills played a key role in the survival and development of the Dubrovnik Republic for more than four and a half centuries. Throughout the period, the Dubrovnik Republic had foreign-policy sovereignty, which was manifest in the fact that it autonomously decided upon its relations with other states (including recognition of other states), signed international contracts, and established and maintained diplomatic and consular relations. Through timely awareness of the advantages of their geopolitical position and through their orientation towards the sea, the people of Dubrovnik entered into numerous international political and trade relations, both with countries in their continental background and with countries throughout, and beyond, the Mediterranean. They were able to assess and utilize such geopolitical and other relevant characteristics wisely and skilfully in the defence of their independence, sovereignty and economic growth, resorting almost exclusively to diplomatic means and diplomatic skill. The Dubrovnik foreign policy was based on the principle of remaining neutral in international conflicts and of stressing its position of the last Christian enclave in south-eastern Europe. As a small country with no military force, Dubrovnik managed to survive by seeking protection of powerful states, such as the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, the Pope, the Spanish King and, finally, Turkey. In spite of the fact that first the Ugric-Croatian Kingdom, and then Turkey, provided it with "supreme protection", the Dubrovnik Republic succeeded in establishing and preserving for centuries all relevant components of state sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay comparatively examines explanations of american foreign policy after 9/11. After introductory reviewing chronology of events, concurring evaluations of american foreign policy and justifications given by the public officials of the Bush administration, author describes six different approaches in explaining american foreign policy and position of USA in the world. Explanations search for causes of current american foreign policy in: myths of american culture, crusading mentality of Americans paired with legitimacy problem of american federal government, ideology of american neoconservatives, war for oil and attempt to geopolitically control the Middle East, logic of capitalist imperialism, and the decline of the capitalist world system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an expression of China's eagerness to modernize its foreign policy in line with the modified global conditions at the start of the 21st century, a new official Chinese foreign-policy doctrine has emerged -- the theory of "peaceful rise". After the top echelon of the Chinese leadership have adopted this doctrine, now it is being peddled to the international public. The fundamental tenet of the theory of "peaceful rise" is that a vigorous long-term growth of Chinese economy and China's affirmation in the arena of international relations does not represent a regional or global threat; on the contrary, China's rise may be good for its neighbours (by bringing economic opportunity and strengthening their security) and the global community in general. After the successful resolution in the 1990s of the border disputes with Russia, Kazakhstan and Tajikistan, and the settlement of the issue of the land border with Vietnam, China has directed its efforts to the resolution of the remaining territorial disputes with Japan and India. China joined the ASEAN in October 2003, a sign of the continued improvement of China's relations with the countries in this region. China has also been very keen on improving its -- primarily economic -- relations with Russia and Japan which will bring economic benefits to all the parties. It is interesting that most China's neighbours, unlike the countries of the EU and the US, have a trade surplus with China. China's most important bilateral relation, that with the US, has been marked with the strategic rapprochement of those two great powers after "September 11" concerning the fight against international terrorism, but is nevertheless still burdened with an array of troublesome issues: Taiwan, criticisms of China due to its violation of human rights and intellectual property, the huge American trade deficit with China. The main challenges to the process of China's "peaceful rise" are the following: the disbalance of its economic growth, particularly its overdependence on exports, the deteriorated relationships with Taiwan after President Chen Shui-bian, a strong advocate of Taiwan's independence, won the 2000 elections. The author concludes that the Chinese foreign-policy doctrine of "peaceful rise" is a welcome effort to allay the fears that have been fueled by China's prominence and to explain its new role in international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author looks into the post-"September 11" Chinese foreign policy. It has had three areas of special importance. The top priority are China's relationships with the USA. The second important area of foreign policy are its relationships with the neighbouring countries, and the third concerns China's cooperation and solidarity with the developing countries. The author is of the opinion that the Chinese foreign policy has entered its mature stage i.e. it is relatively predictable. The relationships between China and Croatia have been traditionally good and partly inherited from the former SFRY. These relationships are going to evolve in accordance with the degree of Croatia's integration into the EU or with EU's policy regarding China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Democracy & Security in Southeastern Europe is the property of Atlantic Initiative and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)