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Leszek Kołakowski (1927–2009) is known primarily as a researcher and critic of Marxism. However, his research on the philosophy of religion, especially the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, is less known. The text presents the Polish philosopher’s position on the phenomenon of heresy and orthodoxy, showing the role of both phenomena and their mutual interpenetration. Orthodoxy is a function of heresy, and heresy is a causative function of orthodoxy. The Reformation is considered a reaction to the tension between the religious consciousness of the individual and the social bond built by the institutional Church. The Reformation can therefore be considered an act of building a new quality of bond between the individual and the church institution. In turn, the Counter-Reformation consists in expanding the field of orthodoxy by accepting, in part, what the Reformation had developed. The author proposes to use the Russian term “perestroika” known from the Gorbachev era to refer to the Counter-Reformation. In this sense, counter-reformation can be defined as an attempt to introduce a new quality in the relationship between the individual and the leader, and an attempt to rebuild trust.

The article is a comprehensive study of the biography and scientific work of Evgeny Ivanovich Timonin. As part of the study of the biography, the author, actively relying on the poetic legacy of E. I. Timonin, publications in scientific journals and the press, restores the picture of rural life in Soviet Siberia in the 1920s and 1930s. Later, E. I. Timonin’s studies at Tomsk State University, his contacts with teachers and front-line students, are studied. The author of the article pays great attention to the service of E. I. Timonin worked at the Ministry of State Security of the USSR, his work at the Beloyarsk seven-year school, Omsk Higher School of Militia. A serious volume of the article is devoted to the analysis of E. I. Timonin’s cooperation with the Omsk regional organization of the society «Knowledge» and work after the collapse of the USSR. E. I. Timonin left 200 works on history and historiography, 10 monographs, 20 pamphlets and dozens of newspaper publications on the history of the region to future generations of historians. A more worthy monument to the historianresearcher could not be found. The article is intended to perpetuate the memory of E. I. Timonin, taking into account his centennial anniversary.

The article presents a revisionist interpretation of the reforms in the late Soviet Union, focusing on the strong affinities between the perestroika and China's reform and opening-up. The article draws on social constructivism, poststructuralism, and post-Marxism and formulates an original typology of Soviet political discourses as the main method. Discourse analysis reveals that the implementation of the Chinese reform model in the Soviet Union was possible in discursive terms. Politico-economic analysis shows that the reform of Soviet socialism, which began in 1983 before Gorbachev's perestroika, coincided largely with the parallel process in China. The author argues that the neo-Leninist perestroika was modelled on Dengism until the hegemony of this discourse was replaced by liberal socialism in 1988. Nevertheless, neo-Leninism remained relevant up to August 1991 when the failure of the State Committee on the State of Emergency frustrated the prospects for socialism in the country. The article concludes that the dismissal of Dengism by Soviet leaders was one of the principal causes of the collapse of the Soviet Union. This historical experience provides the Communist Party of China with invaluable lessons and shows the crucial importance of the Four Cardinal Principles for reform and opening-up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cet article examine la transition du système éditorial soviétique, passé du modèle socialiste ultra-centralisé et contrôlé à celui du marché entre la fin des années 1980 et le milieu des années 1990. L’étude se concentre sur le cas des ‘Éditions du Progrès’ [Издательство Прогресс] (1963-1996), seule maison d’édition spécialisée dans la traduction de la littérature soviétique vers les langues étrangères destinée à l’export, qui a réussi à se réinventer en promotrice principale du mouvement de la glasnost au sein du champ éditorial en URSS pendant les années de la perestroïka. Par son engagement pour les réformes et sa quête d’autonomie professionnelle, la maison a contribué à la démocratisation de la sphère publique dans le pays ainsi qu’à la désétatisation du secteur éditorial. L’article s’intéresse aux conditions sociopolitiques et aux stratégies d’acteurs ayant permis une telle reconversion, en s’appuyant sur des sources archivistiques, des articles de presse spécialisée, des mémoires d’anciens responsables de la maison d’édition et des entretiens semi-directifs. Cette étude entend ainsi contribuer aux recherches récentes sur la sociologie historique et l’histoire intellectuelle de l’édition en Russie et apporter un éclairage sur la période cruciale du passage d’un contexte soviétique à celui post-soviétique.

The extremely tense Romanian-Soviet relations after April 1964 would deteriorate even more during Mikhail S. Gorbachev 's mandate. The leaders of Kremlin criticised Nicolae Ceaușescu and, at the same time, could not forgive him for his ambition and his demonstrative flirting with the West. Speaking about Nicolae Ceaușescu, Mikhail S. Gorbachev stated that after August 21, 1968, he began to distance himself from the Soviet Union and to emphasize his demand for Romania's independence and sovereignty to be respected in every way possible, so that this basic demand in itself, repeated on every occasion and even without reason, turned into a kind of incantation that brought with it doubled dividends. Nicolae Ceaușescu and socialist Romania proved to be the stumbling block in the process of reforming and restructuring the strategic glacis of the USSR, reforming socialism and trying to bestow a new perspective on an ideology that proved to be failing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recial is the property of Universidad Nacional de Cordoba, Centro de Investigaciones, Facultad de Filosofia y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The perestroika-time public discussion about the “white spots” of history in the Kaliningrad region focused on the history of East Prussia, which had previously been under a tacit ban. This article analyzes publications about the pre-war past of the region in the popular youth newspaper “Kaliningradskiy komsomolets” from 1985-1991. It examines the process of changing the regional historical narrative and characterizes the transformation of the historical memory of Kaliningrad residents during the years of perestroika. The paper aims to trace how the “discovery” of East Prussian themes occurred, who promoted the new historical narrative and by what means, and the stages through which the process of “appropriation” of the cultural heritage inherited after the war by the inhabitants of the region went. The study utilized a qualitative-quantitative content analysis method of newspaper texts, conducted with the help of the MAX QDA 2020 program. The results were interpreted using the categories of “Our Own” and “the Other” from B. Wandelfels’ philosophical concept and P. Nora’s “place of memory” one. The paper concludes that by the early 1990s, Kaliningrad society had varied approaches to the “pre-Soviet” period ranging from denial of the significance of the “foreign” and “the Other” heritage to its full acceptance as “one’s own”. The analysis of the content of the publications, including the commemorative practices reflected in the newspaper, shows that the regional historical narrative changed during the years of perestroika. The course of “exorcising the Prussian spirit”, approved immediately after the war, although not completely eradicated, became a marginal phenomenon, while the study, preservation, and utilization of the experience and historical and cultural heritage of the predecessors became the dominant trend in which the press of the glasnost’ era played a significant role.

This study aims to demonstrate that post-Soviet Russian prose from 1991--2000 contains a critique of totalitarianism manifested as much on the level of literary problematics as on the art of the narrative itself. The first part of the study synthesizes the most important themes in post-Soviet Russian literature, among which resentment of the trauma caused by communism stands out. Among the various literary movements, postmodernism played a decisive role by adopting an aggressive stylistic stance in the radical spirit of the avantgarde whose aesthetic it continued. The second part of the study analyzes one of the most renowned novels of the period in order to depict a significant anti-totalitarian vision, Underground, or a Hero of Our Time (1998) by Vladimir Makanin. In addition to the critique of totalitarianism, Makanin's novel offers a critical reflection on post-Soviet reality seen as an effect of the trauma of communism. The sombre social mural created by Makanin -- emphasizing at least three topoi: the underground, the obshhaga 'communal apartment block', and the psychiatric hospital -- casts a bleak shadow over the recent past, from the paternalistic communist state to the chaotic transitional period of Perestroika, all depicted against a controversial ideological, economic and political landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Leszek Kołakowski (1927–2009) is known primarily as a researcher and critic of Marxism. However, his research on the philosophy of religion, especially the Reformation and Counter-Reformation, is less known. The text presents the Polish philosopher’s position on the phenomenon of heresy and orthodoxy, showing the role of both phenomena and their mutual interpenetration. Orthodoxy is a function of heresy, and heresy is a causative function of orthodoxy. The Reformation is considered a reaction to the tension between the religious consciousness of the individual and the social bond built by the institutional Church. The Reformation can therefore be considered an act of building a new quality of bond between the individual and the church institution. In turn, the Counter-Reformation consists in expanding the field of orthodoxy by accepting, in part, what the Reformation had developed. The author proposes to use the Russian term “perestroika” known from the Gorbachev era to refer to the Counter-Reformation. In this sense, counter-reformation can be defined as an attempt to introduce a new quality in the relationship between the individual and the leader, and an attempt to rebuild trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory article highlights the main developments in the Republic of Moldova from the breakup of the Soviet Union to the present from the perspective of national sentiment and manifestations. Using Mark Beissinger’s concept of “tides of nationalism”, the article examines the bottom-up ethnic mobilisation between the “quiet” and the “noisy” phases of national projects in Moldova. With the persistence of the “quiet” phase of nationalism, in the last three decades, Moldova’s population transitioned from identification based on ethnicity to one focused on civic coexistence. However, Russia’s attack on Ukraine risks disrupting this balance, while contributing to the resurgence of ethnic sentiment at the expense of civic cohesion. Following an analysis of the literature in the field of “everyday nationalism”, the authors present the contributions to this thematic section, highlighting the relevance of the Republic of Moldova’s case within the regional and international context.

Цель исследования заключается в рассмотрении поликодового текста как инструмента, который с помощью вербальных и невербальных компонентов отражает явление дефицита. Материалом исследования выступили обложки выпусков популярного сатирического издания Советского Союза и Российской Федерации – журнала «Крокодил» – за первую половину 1991 г. В качестве основных методов исследования использованы интерпретативный, понятийный, лингвокультурологический и коммуникативно-прагматический подходы. Практическая значимость настоящего исследования заключается в описании лингвистическими инструментами феномена дефицита, поскольку поликодовый текст включает символьный ряд, отражающий исторический контекст. Проведенный авторами анализ может быть использован как образец исследования социальной проблемы или определенного исторического периода, отраженных в поликодовом тексте.

The article analyzes the religious policy of the Soviet authorities during the period of implementation of the policy of perestroika in the USSR. The author tracks the changes that took place in it during the period from 1985 to 1991, which factors influenced it. It is indicated that the turning point of religious changes was the celebration of the 1000th anniversary of the Baptism of Rus’, in which representatives of the authorities took an active part. The attitude to religion and the Church not only of the union leaders, but also of the republican ones, the changes in the legislation related to the religious sphere were analyzed. The article shows how the oppression of religious organizations is gradually being replaced by the support of their activities by the state; how the Church, which was oppressed by the state for decades, becomes a rather influential social institution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to interpret the Boldino topos in the film directed by Roman Balayan Guard Me, My Talisman (1986). It discusses the main tendencies in the reception of the Pushkin myth in Soviet culture in the period from the 1960s to the 1980s -- the neoromantic attitude to Pushkin's personality and works in the texts of the "sixtiers", the transformations of the myth in documentary cinema, and dissident literature over the next two decades. It examines the elements of cinema poetics of the time of "stagnation" and the cinema of Perestroika in the artistic structure of the film. The carnival character of the Boldino topos in the film is traced on several levels: the resemanticization of the "Paradise" topos, the discreditation of the social hierarchy and eclecticism of poetic texts, functions of the carnival dress-up, and deviance as an ostensible feature of the characters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The turn of the 1980s and 1990s brought a number of changes for the whole Soviet world, including the Hungarian community in Transcarpathia, which obviously had an impact on the language of the press, as elements of political or economic jargon appear in the daily press just as much as the language of sport or the argot. The majority of linguists agree that press language is a mirror of language use in which linguistic changes are detectable and traceable almost immediately. In this paper, we have attempted to present an overview of the 1989-1990 issues of the Berehovo District Council newspaper, the Vörös Zászló [Red Flag]--i.e. more than 300 issues and more than 1,200 pages of text for the two years--presenting the major events and problems of the period, and the linguistic information related to them, especially the state language loanwords that appeared in the paper as a result of bilingualism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Background. The glasnost policy pursued in the USSR in the second half of the 1980s made it possible to weaken censorship restrictions. At party conferences, in newspapers, television programs, previously forbidden topics began to be raised. One of them is the spread of bureaucracy in the organs of power in the Soviet Union. The fight against this phenomenon in the Soviet Union during the years of perestroika was practically not considered as a phenomenon in post-Soviet historiography within the Kirov region. The paper analyzes the articles of the newspaper “Kirovskaya Pravda”, condemning bureaucracy. The headings that highlighted the negative impact of red tape on society were studied. Purpose. Consider and analyze the articles of the newspaper “Kirovskaya Pravda” of the perestroika period, which denounce bureaucracy. Materials and methods. The basis for the study was the archival materials of the Central State Archive of the Kirov Region and the issue of the newspaper “Kirovskaya Pravda” – the organ of the Kirov Regional Committee of the CPSU and the Regional Council of People’s Deputies in the period under review. When analyzing sources, the method of content analysis was used. Results. The appearance in the newspaper “Kirovskaya Pravda” of columns devoted to exposing bureaucracy in the Kirov region was associated with the political trend set by M. S. Gorbachev in 1986. Most of the articles published in the periodical within the framework of sections “Bureaucratism - out of the way” and “Addresses of red tape”, were associated with complaints from tenants of apartment buildings about the work of housing and communal services enterprises. The reason for the irregular publication of articles was a change in the interest of the country’s leadership in this topic. The results of the content analysis allow us to conclude that both headings that denounced formalism contained similar stories of residents of the Kirov region who faced bureaucracy. The problems associated with the sphere of housing and communal services were the basis for articles related to red tape. Practical implications. The results of the study can be used to study the phenomenon of “bureaucracy” during the years of perestroika.

Copyright of Comparative Literature / Primerjalna Književnost is the property of Slovenian Comparative Literature Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Albena Dimitrova (1969 -), Bulgarian-born writer, poet and playwright, belongs to the corpus of « contemporary extreme » women writers who have chosen to express themselves in French, in the context of a migratory or exile situation, or out of an attraction to this language that represents the host country, France. In her novel Nous dînerons en français (2015) Dimitrova blends individual stories and major national events with extraordinary mastery. This work of autofiction bears witness to an era marked by austere politics in Bulgaria throughout the 1980s and 1990s, a tumultuous period when perestroïka and glasnost challenged the regime in power. Through the prism of a passionate and forbidden love, Dimitrova sketches the background of existences, showing how the destinies of individuals are buffeted by the winds of History. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artikli eesmärk on rekonstrueerida Eestimaa Rahvarinde loomisele aluse pannud programmiliste dokumentide ajalooline tähendus. Analüüsi keskmes on 30. aprillil 1988 ajalehes Edasi ühise pealkirja all âKodanikualgatus uuenduskursi toetuseksâ ilmunud kaks dokumenti: Rahvarinde deklaratsioon ja Rahvarinde projekt. Artikli laiemaks taotluseks on täpsustada Rahvarinde rolli Eesti Vabariigi taasiseseisvumiseni viinud poliitikate väljatöötamises.

Artikkel uurib Eesti poliitilise mõtte tärkamist perestroika perioodil (1986â1988) ning väidab, et see toetus olemasolevale teadusavalikkusele ja sealsele teoreetilisele mõistestikule, mis võimaldas Eesti teadlaskonnal ja ekspertidel arendada perestroika reformimõtet. Artikkel vaatleb, millistest varasematest teadussuundadest, mõistetest ja mudelitest said Eesti teadlaskonnale poliitikasse sisenemise ning radikaalsete reformiideede (sh vabariiklik isemajandamine) loomise ja kaitsmise vahendid. Artikkel rekonstrueerib Eesti perestroika kolm argumentatiivset keelt â detsentralismi, süsteemiteooria ja innovatsiooni. Samuti asetab artikkel siinsed arengujooned laiemasse rahvusülesesse konteksti, vaadeldes Eesti teadlaskonna seotust ülemaailmses teaduskogukonnas 1960.â1970. aastatel esile kerkinud uute distsipliinide ja ekspertkeeltega.

After Chernenko's demise and Gorbachev's coming to power in 1985, the period known as perestroika began in the Soviet Union. Realignment led to an ostensible end of the Cold War and the disintegration of the Soviet Union, thanks to Yeltsin's declaration of sovereignty of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). As a consequence, former Soviet socialist republics, including Ukraine, became independent states. The United States of America declared victory in the Cold War and a new world order was established with the United States as the great hegemon. In this paper, our aim is to show that the ongoing conflict in the territory of Ukraine did not start either in 2022 or in 2014 (when the conflict became armed). Instead, the conflict was kick-started with the independent state of Ukraine being established in 1991, on historically Russian lands, the purpose of this exercise being to create a new Ukrainian nation. The thirty-year history of the Ukrainian state bears witness to its non-Russian and anti-Russian character, as well as to the undisguised influence of the United States of America, which was particularly evident in the so-called colour revolutions and the armed coup of 2014, which led to the overthrow of the legally elected president of this country, Viktor Yanukovych. Russian intervention in 2022, which has a global geopolitical character, shows that a new perestroika is in full play. Denazification and demilitarisation of Ukraine, declared as the main goals of the Russian Federation, are the fundamental measures of the new perestroika. If the Russian Federation succeeds in this endeavour, this would undoubtedly mark the end of U.S. hegemony, while a new multicentric world would be created. If Russian intervention turns out to be a failure, U.S. hegemony will be reconfirmed so that the interests of the Russian Federation would most likely be faced with a threat of further disintegration. Thus, this is not primarily a conflict between Russia and Ukraine, but rather a decisive battle between Russia and the collective West led by the United States. This is the reason why the West is putting in a strenuous effort, and suffering substantial economic damage, to win this war. It defends Ukraine for its own sake, not for the sake of Ukraine itself. Not by their own choice, Ukrainians are in a tragic position in which their nation is used for the achievement of Western interests.

In a problematization of the external reactions of the USSR and the ”party and state apparatus” during the period of Mikhail S. Gorbachev, we believe that the actions to contituite the new strategic thinking that ordered the political movement in the international environment must be included, with analytical priority for Soviet power. After the disappearance of two leaders from the Stalinist era, as a formative political vision, Andropov and Cernenko, the time had come to change the referential strategic concept for the Soviet Union on the lineage of détente. Thus, Gorbachev approached the relations with the USA through the prism of an improved political communication on the themes of disarmament, without excluding the competition for power through the arms race, the issues generated by the problem of German reunification, the discussion of the status of the Eastern European countries traditionally integrated into the communist bloc, the approach economic and ideological assistance for the Third World.

The Cotton Affair (1983-1989) was the largest purge in the post-Stalinist USSR. This episode, which occurred in the Uzbek periphery, grew out in a complex judicial and political imbroglio concerning the falsification of data on cotton production and the corruption that served to cover it up. The scandal rapidly overwhelmed the ruling class and expanded to other sectors, finding connections to the Moscow power centers. This season of mass purges and criminal prosecutions constitutes a relatively obscure episode of perestroika but one of great importance in late Soviet history by which we can interpret, from a local perspective, Andropov’s legacy in early Gorbachev policy, the extent of reform and change in the Soviet periphery, and how this triggered a crisis within the communist party of Uzbekistan and in relations with the Moscow center, accelerating the Soviet collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a review of the book U.S.S.R. (1922-1991). A century since its formation, three decades since its dissolution. Current perceptions, coordinated by Cristian Chirca and Florin-Răzvan Mihai, Corint Publishing House, Bucharest, 2024, 334 p. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

30 years have passed since the full-scale renewal of relations between Russia and the countries of Central (at that time Eastern) Europe. With an error of one year plus/minus, in 1991, 1992 and 1993, fundamentally new agreements on friendship and cooperation were signed, designed for a long-term perspective and the possibility of bringing relations to a new denominator. Unfortunately, the period of ideological renewal turned out to be short-lived, taking place against the background of the deterioration of economic relations until the mid-1990-ies and in the end, it ran into a wall of lack of strategic vision in rapidly changing international realities and a narrowing space of mutual understanding. Even the exceptional pragmatism of relations with which Russia emerged from Medvedev’s presidency and after Putin’s Munich speech did not save these relations from almost complete destruction, where the years superimposed on the Covid-19 epidemic turned out to be particularly catastrophic and the battle with the Sputnik vaccine was followed by very real hostilities.

The article deals with the problem of shortage of consumer goods during the period of perestroika. This historical aspect is one of the key aspects in the study of the daily life of Soviet society. The purpose of the study was to determine the causes of the deficit, to analyze methods to overcome it. The article also examines various phenomena of deficit manifestation: queues, coupons, and the black market. To develop these goals, various approaches and methods were used: historical-systemic, historical-genetic, comparative-historical and historical-dynamic, quantitative and others. Analysis of archival historical sources, workers complaints, reports of government and party organizations, materials of historical interviews. As a result, it was found that the deficit had a huge impact on the socio-political climate in the USSR. Its manifestations became an integral part of everyday life, and every year the situation with the supply of goods became worse. Similar questions were raised by historians earlier, they were studied on materials from other regions of the Middle Volga region, however, a comprehensive analysis of the supply situation was not made on materials from the Kuibyshev region. It was also possible to establish the nature of the influence of problems with the supply of consumer goods on everyday life, public opinion, the psychological state of people, to trace the dynamics of their attitude to this problem. The significance of the findings will complement the materials on the problem of the transition of the USSR and Russia to a market economy, as well as on the social processes that took place at the end of the XX century

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The results of the Caribbean crisis in the domestic and foreign literature have rarely been covered from the point of view of the Soviet-Cuban relations that influenced the internationalist policy of Cuba in Africa in the 1970s. The author analyzes: the degree of independence of Cuba’s policy in Africa, the participation of the USSR in it and the fairness of accusations brought by Washington. The results of the analysis show that deploying of Cuban “volunteers” in Angola and then in Ethiopia was not initiated by the USSR, which aimed at maintaining détente in relations with the West. Moreover, new deterioration of relations with Cuba amid escalating Chinese-Soviet tensions, increasing centrifugal tendencies in the “socialist commonwealth” and emergence of “Eurocommunism” threatened to further weaken the “world system of socialism” and erode the ideological foundations of Marxism-Leninism. By analyzing Cuba’s internationalist activity in Africa, the author has been able to draw some conclusions about its implications for the international communist movement and its influence on the balance of power in the world before perestroika policy began in the Soviet Union. The end of détente policy did not allow the USSR to redirect the resources released from the arms race to improving the living conditions of the Soviet people. Cuban revolutionary activity contributed to fragmentation of the formerly united “upfront antiimperialist forces.” The weakening of the ideological foundations of “real socialism” was an additional factor that prompted the Soviet leadership, represented by Mikhail Gorbachev, to begin a policy of perestroika. Cuba’s ‘progress’ in Africa contributed to consolidation of Cuban society around the policy of the Cuban Communist Party, which, in turn, helped it to withstand the difficulties of the “peculiar period of peace” in the early 1990s.

February Russian revolution attracted much attention in 2017, and during its discussion was revealed the unexpected similarity of its doctrine to the structure, goals, means, logic and organisation of "perestroika" approaches in 1985-1991. Comparison of the programmes of these two revolutions makes perestroika seem like a remake of 70 year old film. Reformers of the end of XX century repeated the steps and claims of liberals and mensheviks, bourgeois and corrupted officials, westerners and nationalists. And in the end —terrorism. The same gestures and pathetic, promises and lies, provocations and support from the West. And the same illusions and theatrical fail. And if the February revolution was the sincere attempt to follow the bourgeois revolution of early capitalism, but operation "perestroika" looks more like well-developed technology — the prototype of "colour revolutions" in greater scale. This technology of massive destruction requires research. Social sciences are far beyond, state and society are not ready for such attacks.

The poetic model Păunescu - Vieru hasn't diminished its value in the Bessarabian literary space and most probably the lyrism with ethnical and ethical elements will be regarded as a source of inspiration for the new generation of poets. The study problematizes a unifying perspective by simplifying, reducing the field of poetical experiences to a patriotic dominant feature. Considering the perspective from a distance, outside the Bessarabian literary space, as well as from the inside, we notice the way that a poet chooses one or several models no matter the space and its matrix, his mother tongue and the time frame he lives in. Considering and studying such authors as Eugen Cioclea and Grigore Chiper in the cultural-historic context of the Perestroika time and the following period, two personal and original lyrical voices are revealed, outside the poetic model of the Bessarabian patriotic commitment, obviously synchronizing with the poetic reality on the other side of the Prut River. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article is an attempt at an introductory presentation of the Soviet cultural policy at the local level on the example of Grodno in the second half of the 1980s. Based on the analysis of source materials, it can be concluded that the outdated system of organising and managing cultural policy was in conflict with the informal cultural practices of the city’s inhabitants. The declared goals of the state cultural policy, which is still an ideological tool for forming a new man, and the model of disseminating the content of culture clearly did not keep up with the grassroots initiative of the city’s residents in terms of shaping the free time space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Acta Historica Tallinnensia is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Historica Tallinnensia is the property of Teaduste Akadeemia Kirjastus and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The analysis of film studies concepts (in the context of the sociocultural and political situation, etc.) of the existence of the Cinema Art journal during the period of "perestroika" (1986−1991) showed that theoretical works on cinematic subjects during this period can be divided into the following types: - scientific-publicistic articles written under the influence of perestroika trends of change in Soviet society, including the sphere of cinema (V. Fomin, E. Gromov, S. Dobrotvorsky, S. Lavrentiev, etc.). - theoretical articles and discussions dedicated primarily to professional issues: analysis of the theoretical heritage of the classics of Soviet cinema, directing, the problem of "Cinema and the Spectator," etc. (Y. Bogomolov, E. Levin, I. Levshina, N. Klimontovich, L. Mamatova, M. Turovskaya, M. Yampolsky, M. Zak, etc.); - theoretical articles on foreign cinematography (S. Lavrentiev, V. Matizen, O. Reisen, and others). Overall, between 1986 and 1991 the Cinema Art journal significantly shifted away from the former ideological stereotypes of Soviet film studies, and took a radical re-examination of the history of Soviet and world cinema, as well as an objective evaluation of contemporary film production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to the study of the reasons for the beginning of perestroika in the USSR (1985–1991). The purpose of the article is to show that democratic transformations began not as a result of the backwardness of isolation in the USSR, but in connection with urbanization, the growth of the level of education and international communications. Also, the beginning of perestroika is associated with the crisis phenomena of the Soviet system, which are considered in the article both on the basis of all-Russian and Siberian materials.

В статье рассматривается творчество ленинградско-петербургского художника Александра Николаевича Рычкова-Галактионова (р. 1948), живописца и графика, выпускника Института имени И.Е. Репина Российской академии художеств (1973). Особенностью его творческого пути стало обоснование им в 1990 году собственного творческого метода, названного «энергетизм», и изобразительной манеры «еxtantion». Его творчество условно делится на три периода, первый из которых — нащупывание своего авторского «я» (1970–1980-е годы). Второй период связан со временем исторической эпохи «перестройки», некоторые стороны которой художник стремился передать метафизическим изобразительным языком, отходя от прежней реалистической живописной манеры. Этот период может быть назван переходным к следующему, полуфигуративному этапу творчества, на котором художник окончательно формулирует свое творческое кредо.

This article considers the development of Soviet historical science during the second half of the 1980s based on the analysis of periodicals, private sources, as well as clerical and other documents of Soviet universities and academic institutions. During the first stage, i.e., in 1985–1987, historians had to respond to the “challenge posed by the party” and turn to studying the topical problems of the recent past. However, the system of Soviet historical science was “stable” enough to cope with this “challenge” without profound transformations of the long-established mechanism of work among academic institutions and universities. The second stage of the Soviet historical science reorganization, i.e., in the second half of 1988–1990, was characterized by more radical changes that implied the institutional restructuring implemented within the framework of the program for the reorganization of the existing research centers and the “turn” to solving the urgent research problems. Additionally, a new space of public history, where publicists, writers, and historians discussed the “acute” problems of the recent past was developing with the very legitimacy of official Soviet historiography questioned.

In modern Russia, there is a clear discrepancy between the official policy of historical memory and the mass historical consciousness. In the politics of official memory, Joseph Stalin is a tyrant, a dictator who killed millions of people. In the mass historical consciousness, he is a fighter against corruption and privileges, a caring owner of a huge country. While the mass historical consciousness considers the Victory in the Great Patriotic War as a significant event of the twentieth century, the policy of historical memory turns to the tragic sides of this war. Other examples can be given. At the divergence of the official policy of historical memory and mass historical consciousness, there are “wars of monuments” and “wars of memory”, as well as various manipulative strategies on the part of the authorities. So far, the official policy of historical memory fluctuates between these two formulas. The main reason for the discrepancy between the official policy of historical memory and the mass historical consciousness in modern Russia is that in Russian society, due to economic and political problems, nostalgia for the Soviet past, deemed a time of stability and certainty is growing.

The terms perestroika (literally, "transformation") and glasnost (literally, "transparency ") refer to the social change that took place in the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Then USSR leader, the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev, introduced perestroika as a necessary action to improve the nation’s economy and its international relations. Glasnost was meant to promote effective discussions regarding the country’s existing problems and shortcomings. However, only a few years following their instatement, both processes did not improve the sociopolitical situation. On the contrary, they led to the country’s collapse. This article seeks to answer why gracious intentions, meant to actualize the hopes and dreams of the Soviet people, eventually resulted in tremendously difficult times. Special attention is paid to the role of the Soviet media, which became a catalyst for many social problems. The authors raise the issue of the media’s level of responsibility during this social transformation, which appeared to be one of the most crucial conditions for its successful implementation.

The study does not focus on the actions of political elites in a second phase of perestroika (1988-1990) in this article. The object of the research is small social groups, such as "Zashchita", which were rather marginal even in a large Soviet city of Rostov-on-Don. Such groups are considered to be informal. During perestroika such informal groups were strong supporters of the reform ideas of the Communist Party. They were independent socio-political force in large urban centers of the USSR. It explains the interest in members of Rostov social informal groups. Relevant historical documents were analyzed according to historical anthropology, sociolinguistics and historical sociology.

The interpretation of Kant’s philosophy by thinkers in pre-Soviet Belarus has been the subject of not a few publications. They described the reception of his seminal ideas, the analysis, polemic and occasionally sharp criticism of these ideas. It is helpful now to look at Kantian studies beginning from the 1920s to the present time. I will show that immediately after the October 1917 revolution and until the 1930s interest in Kant’s teaching was waning. When they turned to his ideas during that period Belarusian authors described and analysed them primarily in textbooks or when examining, or rather criticising, the views of Western philosophers, thereby rigidly adhering to Lenin’s assessments. During and after World War II the number of studies was also very insignificant. It was not until the beginning of Perestroika that an urgent need was felt for a new reading of Western philosophy, and interest in Kant’s heritage in the country increased sharply. A surge of interest was registered beginning from 2004 which was declared “Immanuel Kant Year” by UNESCO. From that time onward Belarus has hosted a number of international forums devoted to Kant, materials of conferences, articles and textbooks have been published, dissertations defended etc. The article reviews the main trends of these studies in the Soviet and post-Soviet periods.

Copyright of Oikos: Lithuanian Migration & Diaspora Studies is the property of Lithuanian Emigration Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyzes the politicization of the environment in the late Soviet Union based on a new perception of the interconnection between the human being and the 'rest' of nature. On the basis of previously ignored sources, it shows the emerging rise and ultimate decline of human subjectivity as a political force in the Soviet Union, and the Byelorussian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR) in particular. Experts, politicians, and the secret service had long understood the need to conserve natural resources and the ecological consequences of relentless industrialization or nature transformation projects, and they had at least partially attempted to counter them. However, the disclosure, in the late 1980s, of the extent and consequences of the Soviet Union's ecological legacies, particularly the Chernobyl disaster, triggered an unprecedented awareness of the vulnerability of the human body and the Soviet state's disregard of the dangers to human health. This new awareness mobilized Soviet citizens, including state functionaries who had previously seemed untouched by ecological issues, to call for a right to life in an unprecedented way. Despite some achievements, such as new protection laws and investments in health care, this 'ecological revolution' was short lived. The social and economic difficulties linked to the collapse of the Soviet Union allowed the concern for a healthy, livable environment to fade into the background again in the early 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The introduction of the 'New Thinking' (NT) marked a radical departure from the foreign-policy traditions adhered to by Soviet leaders since the Bolshevik Revolution. Launched by General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev in 1986, his policy approach of NT changed the nature of East-West relations paving the way for the end of the Cold War. A lesser known facet of NT was the perestroika (restructuring) of Soviet foreign policy – especially the devolution of decision-making from the centre to the union republics. It first intended to release the potential of the Soviet people and improve the 'economic mechanism', but soon it became a communist survival strategy in the context of glasnost and demokratizatsiya that had unleashed the centrifugal forces of nationalism. Indeed, NT proved to be a great gamble: by empowering the republics to conduct their own foreign affairs, it allowed national movements to bring their claims to international fora which in turn undermined the legitimacy of the regime. In this vein, NT not only played a pivotal role in defusing East-West antagonism, but ultimately contributed to the collapse of the Soviet Union – with all its wider implications for the Baltic arena, Northern Europe, and the world at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic is a massive health calamity that will also result in an impending global economic restructuring. The impact of COVID-19 Pandemic is extensive and has presented enormous challenges to the world as a whole. A full economic recovery from the COVID-19 is unlikely. The governments must building resilience and leading in this time of crisis to a new phase new normal in the COVID-19 pandemic. Online service (e-Government) is a solution but the challenge in the success of online service (e-Government) implementation. The purpose of this research is to define the processes, challenges and opportunities for the application of the e-BPHTB systems in the Regional Revenue Office of Samarinda. A qualitative descriptive methodology is used in this research. The results of this research suggest that the e-BPHTB system implementation has been successful. Investment in e-BPHTB systems enhances performance, efficacy and quality of service in The Local Revenue Agency of Samarinda. The result also showed that the challenges of e-BPHTB implementation, such as: the quality infrastructure system, the complicated of regional regulations, and the taxpayer's awareness so bad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Georgian art of the perestroika is very important, especially in the context of the history of art movements of the 1980s, linked to the establishment of the non-official art groups in Tbilisi. The aim of this article is to analyze the history of the establishment of the art groups Archivarius (1984) and Tenth Floor (1986) and to discuss the art movements of the 1980s in Tbilisi. The generation of Georgian artists involved in the nonofficial art groups fundamentally changed the art scene of that period and played an important role of the development of contemporary art in Georgia. Perestroika, associated with Mikhail Gorbachev's policy of openness, contributed to a shift in political and sociocultural discourse throughout the Soviet Union and also played an important role in the artistic processes in Georgia. All the events that took place in the 1980s art scene of Tbilisi portray a vigorous willingness to hasten away from the Soviet dimension and maintain the memory of a historical discourse. Some artists found a way out through emigration; others discovered an intangible shelter via working collectively. Perestroika had clearly formed a special environment in which things that were previously unseen became visible. The Georgian avant-garde managed to create its own sui generis aesthetic and theoretical principles in just a decade, alongside expressing postmodernist hues at certain points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)