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Copyright of Bulgarian Historical Review is the property of Bulgarian Historical Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Bien que le débat sur l’adhésion de la Serbie et du Monténégro à l’Union européenne soit fondé sur des arguments institutionnels solides, dans le contexte du dossier des Balkans occidentaux, le rythme des négociations des deux pays avec la Commission européenne reste modeste. Dans cette recherche, nous avons retrouvé les fondements historiques qui justifient la démarche de rapprochement de l’UE des deux pays ex-yougoslaves, tout en évoquant la nature de leurs relations avec l’espace communautaire à présent. La question des perceptions de l’intérieur de l’Union à l’égard des deux pays est analysée à plusieurs niveaux, y compris par le biais des rapports de la Commission européenne et des débats au Parlement européen et dans les chancelleries des États membres, afin d’évaluer la plausibilité de l’année 2025 comme moment possible de leur adhésion.

Dans le contexte des débats intenses autour de l’intégration européenne, une meilleure compréhension de la panoplie d’éléments qui influencent ce processus est un facteur-clé dans la création et l’implémentation d’un système européen efficace et efficient. Ce papier se penche sur les facteurs culturels qui influencent le processus d’intégration économique, tout en investiguant l’environnement culturel de la Roumanie, son influence sur le climat économique et son potentiel pour la création et la mise en œuvre des politiques économiques qui mèneraient à une plus grande convergence économique.

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En 2017, la Roumanie a fêté une décennie depuis l’obtention de la qualité de membre de l’Union européenne, ce qui a représenté une bonne occasion de dresser un bilan des performances, voire des accomplissements du pays, aussi bien que des obstacles qui persistent dans le démarche d’intégration. Cette étude se propose de remémorer les premiers pas faits vers le rapprochement du bloc communautaire,dont l’expression très connue reste la Déclaration de Snagov. Notre analyse du contexte engendrant les travaux de la commission éponyme continue par une analyse du document mentionné, afin de constater sa profondeur et la continuité de l’esprit engendré par l’épisode de 1995 dans l’attachement de la Roumanie au projet communautaire.

En France, les référendums sur la ratification du Traité de Maastricht et du Traité constitutionnel, qui se sont respectivement déroulés le 20 septembre 1992 et le 29 mai 2005, furent des événements décisifs pour l’histoire de la construction européenne et de division pour la sphère socialiste française, mettant en évidence les fractures au sein du Parti socialiste (PS) sur la nature du processus d’intégration européenne, sur le plan économique, social et institutionnel. Ces divisions étaient en partie déjà apparues en mars 1983, sur la politique économique adoptée par le gouvernement Mauroy pour garantir la permanence de la France dans le Système monétaire européen. Les socialistes français se divisèrent, en outre, sur le Projet Spinelli, en optant pour l’abstention à l’occasion du vote au Parlement européen en février 1984. En 1992, après le choix de François Mitterrand d’organiser un référendum sur la ratification du Traité de Maastricht, et après les résultats du Congrès de Bordeaux, où le PS se prononça en faveur du « oui » au référendum, Jean-Pierre Chevènement quitta la Direction du parti pour s’engager dans la campagne en faveur du « non » et fonder le Mouvement des Citoyens (MDC), avec Max Gallo à la présidence. Le MDC constituait encore une composante du PS, dont il se sépara en avril 1993 pour se transformer en un parti en décembre de la même année. Puis, il y eut le référendum sur le Traité constitutionnel européen. Le PS organisa, entre ses membres, le 1er décembre 2004, un référendum sur le Traité qui vit prévaloir le « oui » à la ratification, mais des dirigeants socialistes importants, comme Laurent Fabius, Marc Dolez, Jean-Luc Mélenchon et Henri Emmanuelli, soutinrent le « non », pendant la campagne pour le référendum national. En dehors du PS, Chevènement fit – lui aussi - campagne en faveur du « non ».

Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Deux images de l’Europe se sont consolidées et pouvaient coexister durant la première moitié de l’époque moderne : l’image d’une Europe, continent parmi d’autres continents, civilisation parmi d’autres civilisations, sûrement supérieure aux autres continents et civilisations ; et celle d’une Europe divisée à l’intérieur en différents peuples – organisés en nations ou États. Parallèlement, l’image de l’Europe a été fractionnée selon un axe nord–sud (l’Europe du nord dominant le sud) et selon un axe est–ouest (la “vraie” Europe, celle de l’ouest, excluant l’est, non-européen). L’histoire de l’Europe et de l’idée européenne, au-delà des tentatives de concevoir une narration linéaire de la construction d’une identité commune, qui trouve ses « origines » dans des processus culturels, religieux, politiques et sociaux, toujours lointains, constituera pour toujours une histoire difficile à écrire. En reprenant l’hypothèse de Cassano, celle que nous avançons est une « alternative méditerranéenne » pour repositionner l’Europe à l’échelle mondiale. Notre contribution vise à attribuer une valeur civilisatrice et humaine différente et plus consciente à une Union Européenne qui ne se contente pas de regarder vers le sud, vers la Méditerranée, mais qui se construit à partir de cette mer où se croisent des cultures, des sociétés, des religions dont la diversité est un point fort en contraste avec la simpliste « reductio ad unum » que la mondialisation voudrait instaurer.

En el espacio geopolítico europeo actual conviven dos activismos antagónicos. Uno trabaja a favor de una Europa más unida e integrada a nivel político económico y social mediante la creación de grandes estructuras supranacionales cada vez más complejas y burocratizadas dotadas de amplios poderes, mientras que el otro se esfuerza en reivindicar un mayor grado de soberanía e independencia para los pueblos y sus identidades territoriales. En este contexto, se hace un balance general de las organizaciones internacionales creadas para impulsar el proceso de integración regional y se analizan los principales focos y movimientos nacionalistas que operan en el territorio europeo, profundizando en el rebrote de los movimientos secesionistas dentro de la Unión Europea, en los Balcanes y en el espacio postsoviético, sin olvidar la cuestión del nacionalismo kurdo. [fr] Dans la zone géopolitique européenne actuelle vivent deux activismes antagonistes. Un travaille en faveur d’une Europe plus unie et intégré à un niveau politique, économique et social par le biais de la création de grandes structures supranationales plus en plus complexes et bureaucratissées avec des pouvoirs, tandis que l’autre s’efforce de demander un plus grand degré de souveraineté et d’indépendance pour les peuples et leurs identités territoriales. Dans ce contexte, la recherche fait une évaluation des organisations internationales créées pour stimuler le processus d’intégration régionale et aborde les principaux foyers et les mouvements nationalistes qui opèrent en Europe, approfondissant dans la ré-émergence de mouvements sécessionnistes au sein de l’Union européenne, dans les Balkans et dans l’espace post-soviétique, sans oublier de mentionner la question du nationalisme kurde.

Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue des Sciences Sociales is the property of Universite des Sciences Humaines and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Moldovan society, that has many gaps, contradictions and divergences on the road to European integration, faces serious media challenges. The mass media play a central role in this process through the functions they perform. The research comes to demonstrate the thesis according to which an adequate information of the citizens on the European Union, necessary condition of the process of European integration, is disturbed by many destabilizing factors both objective and subjective. The concentration of the media, the political control, the proliferation of Russian televisions, the new media propagate harmful phenomena such as manipulation, propaganda and misinformation, aiming at compromising the European vector of development of the country. At the same time, a serious problem is the violation, for various reasons, of the ethical standards of the journalism, based on European values and practices. The European integration of the Republic of Moldova can be a successful process if they are ensured the freedom and pluralism of the media, based on a reformed legal framework and massive media support to prepare public opinion favorable to the integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compte rendu de l’atelier sur l’histoire de l’Europe organisé par Transform ! Europe, le 14 février 2014 à l’Espace Niemeyer (Paris). Avec les interventions d’Élisabeth Gauthier, Marie-Christine Vergiat, Francis Wurtz, Jean-Numa Ducange, Gilles Pécout, Serge Wolikow et Sia Anagnostopoulou. Débat transcrit avec la collaboration de Jean-Numa Ducange.

Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Economie Politique is the property of Editions Dalloz Sirrey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ler Historia is the property of Ler Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

L'article se réfère aux relations de pouvoir asymétriques au sein de l'Union Européenne au cours de la crise de la zone euro, à travers le cadre analytique de la gouvernance (néo)coloniale et des expériences postcoloniales. Comparé à la ‘puissance normative en Europe’ et à d'autres termes semblables qui ont servi de source d'inspiration pour le titre de cet article et qui concernent la présence internationale de l'UE, le récit d'une ‘puissance néocoloniale en Europe’ est construit sur les caractéristiques de la gouvernance européenne. Quelques remarques liminaires se rapportent aux études postcoloniales ainsi qu'aux défis de l'intégration européenne en tant que telle, suivies par une référence particulière à la crise récente. Une attention particulière est accordée aux arguments des ‘pays de l’UE comme colonies de dette’, à la problématique de ‘la reconstruction de l'Europe du Sud’ ainsi qu'à ‘l'encadrement des PIGS’ dans les discours politique et médiatique. Parallèlement, les tendances et les comportements néocoloniaux, même à l'intérieur des frontières de l'UE,  devraient être étudiés et analysés. Autrement dit, l'essence de l'UE ne prétend pas être nécessairement néocoloniale, mais la prudence est de mise quant à la possibilité de l'émergence de telles pratiques.The article refers to asymmetric power relations within the European Union especially during the crisis of the Eurozone, through the analytic framework relating to (neo) colonial governance and (post)colonial experiences. Compared with the term ‘normative power Europe’ and similar ones, which served as a source of inspiration for the article’s title and which pinpoint the concerns about the EU’s international presence, here a narrative of a ‘neocolonial power Europe’ is constructed regarding the features of European governance. Initially, a few introductory remarks are made concerning postcolonial studies as well as the challenges of European integration per se, followed by special reference to the recent crisis. Attention is given to certain cases such as the ‘EU states as debt colonies’ argument and the problématique about ‘the reconstruction of the European South’ as well as about ‘framing the PIGS’ in political and media discourse. Given that from a certain point of view it makes sense to speak of a postcolonial moment of Europe, the nobleness of this endeavor is not refuted. At the same time though, neocolonial tendencies and behavior even within the EU’s borders should be researched and analyzed. Differently put, the EU’s essence is not claimed to be necessarily neocolonial, however caution is raised on the possibility of the emergence of such practices and processes.

Copyright of Synergies Roumanie is the property of GERFLINT (Groupe d'Etudes et de Recherches pour le Francais Langue Internationale) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bucharest University Annals - Law Series is the property of CH Beck Publishing House and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politique Étrangère is the property of Institut Francais des Relations Internationales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Some scholars have argued that the only way to resolve the Euro crisis would be to further deepen the integration process by institutionalising a European welfare state. This article examines whether a Europeanised welfare system would be supported by citizens of three member states of the EU. The authors argue that the legitimacy of a harmonisation of national welfare regimes would be established if a majority of citizens supported a Europeanised social policy. Using survey data from Germany, Poland and Spain, descriptive findings show that indeed a majority supports the idea of Europeanisation of social policy. Further, multivariate analyses show that those respondents who reject Europeanisation of social policy cannot be characterised to any significant extent in terms of socio-economic factors, and are only slightly more likely to be associated with cultural factors. The cleavages that structure people’s attitudes are thus relatively weak. The authors conclude that the potential for political mobilisation against Europeanisation of social policy in the three countries under investigation is rather low. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Studies is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revue d'Economie Politique is the property of Editions Dalloz Sirrey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Professional lobbying, appearing in central Europe thanks to the opening of markets to foreign investors, is a new source of jobs in the public sphere. Who occupies this profession, which is not very institutionalized and is ambivalent for public opinion? And what are their expectations? Are these middlemen between the private and public sectors involved in politics? A typology of lobbyists and an analysis of them as a professional group helps provide answers. This typology's major criterion of differentiation, which most lobbyists have in common, is a stint in the public sector. But it apparently has a paradoxical function. While fostering a practical and symbolic dependence on the public sphere, it provides lobbyists with control over the resources necessary for developing an autonomous status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work studies the origin of macroeconomic imbalances in the Spanish economy in the context of European integration, analyzing some of the major hypotheses found in economic literature as causes of imbalances in current accounts, disparities in competitiveness among member states and the fiscal position of the Spanish government. We emphasize the breaking point of adopting a single currency and how this has affected interest rates, economic growth forecasts and the strong and continuous inflow of capital from countries in the Eurozone core, contributing to the real-estate bubble and leveraging the private sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Fomento Social is the property of ETEA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Universitatis Babes-Bolyai, Europaea is the property of Babes-Bolyai University, Cluj-Napoca, Romania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper employs comparative analysis of the economic policies adopted in Romania and Bulgaria over the period from the last years of the Communist regime until recently to examine the divergence between the two neighboring Balkan countries. In particular, the analysis focuses on the evolution of their monetary policies. The results indicate that at first the prospect of joining the European Union improved the performance of monetary anchors in Bulgaria and inflation targeting in Romania. However, once the accession became certain, these monetary policies increased moral hazard and led to a surge in private debt in Bulgaria and public debt in Romania. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revue d'Économie Régionale & urbaine is the property of Librairie Armand Colin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spain's entry into the European Union (EU), in 1986, represented a great challenge in several areas, including the evaluation of public policy. In 1988 Structural Fund regulations were amended to include mandatory evaluation of European structural policies by both the Commission and the member states, and the 1999 reform strengthened evaluation requirements. This contribution discusses the major changes introduced in the Spanish evaluation landscape due to Spain's entry into the EU. It provides a description and analysis of a case that has elicited great interest among countries that have entered the EU in the 21st century and are trying to learn from the experience of Spain and other countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tax competition among EU member states is not new, and has increased since 1990 and even more following the 2004-2007 enlargment to eastern European countries. Its positive and negative aspects are analyzed while paying close attention to the flat tax system adopted by new member states. Given the risk of production plants and tax bases relocating elsewhere, the tax system's redistributive function would be impaired, whence a threat to the European welfare model. For this reason, questions are raised about this model's prospects and about the attraction exerted by the Anglo-Saxon and Nordic models of capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of communism, Bulgaria managed to consolidate a democratic political system, with a stable parliament, an active civil society and media free from political influence. A series of presidential, parliamentary and local elections took place in this period; these elections were free, correct and without major problems. Considerable progresses have been made in applying the principles of the rule of law, but there are still many efforts to be made in this direction. The main goal of this article is to highlight Bulgaria's way of facing transition and overcoming this complex process. In addition to that, this analysis emphasizes some aspects of this country's recent political evolutions, with an accent on the electoral process, which speeded the acquirement of a much desired statute: consolidated democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Swiss Journal of Sociology / Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

PESCHEL K. (1992) European integration and regional development in Northern Europe, Reg. Studies 26, 387–397. Attention is directed to the spatial effects of ongoing West European integration, the unification of Germany and the possible westorientation of East Europe. The effects of Western European integration can be judged by theoretical reasoning and empirical knowledge about regional development trends in the past. Statements concerning the effects of German reunification have to be based on experiences of regional restructuring in Germany during the 1980s. Insights into the possible integration of Eastern and Western European economies are obtained by applying the results of models, developed to explain the spatial structure of international trade. PESCHEL K. (1992) l'intégration européenne et le dévelopement régional dans l'Europe du Nord, Reg. Studies 26, 387–397. On considère les effets économiques et géographiques de l'intégration ouest-européenne en vigueur, l'unification de l'Allemagne et la possibilité de l'ouverture occidentale de l'Europe de l'Est. Les retombées de l'intégration ouesteuropéenne peuvent être évaluées à partir d'un raisonnement théorique et des connaissances empiriques à propos des tendances antérieures relatives à l'aménagement du territoire. Les déclarations concernant les effets de la réunification allemande doivent être fondées sur des expériences de restructuration régionale en Allemagne au cours des années '80. Appliquer les résultats des modéles conçu afin d'expliquer la structure géographique des échanges internationaux permet une pénération dans l'intégration éventuelle des économies de l'est et de l'ouest. PESCHEI K (1992) Europäische Integration und regionale Entwicklung in Nordeuropa, Reg. Studies 26, 387–397. Die Aufmerksamkeit wird auf die räumlichen Auswirkungen der fortschreitenden Integration Westeuropas, die Vereinigung Deutschlands und die mögliche Ausrichtung Osteuropas nach Westen gelenkt. Die Folgen der westeuropäischen Integration können anhand theoretischer Überlegungen und auf Erfahrung aufbauender Kenntnis früherer Tendenzen regionaler Entwicklung beurteilt werden. Festellungen über die Folgen der deutschen Wiedervereinigung müssen auf Erfahrungen bei der regionalen Umstrukturierung in Deutschland in den achtziger Jahren aufbauen. Einblicke in die mögliche Integration der osteuropäischen Wirtschaften in die westeuropäischen werden durch Anwendung der Ergebnisse von zur Erklärung der räumlichen Struktur des internationalen Handels entwickelten Modellen gewonnen. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]