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This descriptive study presents a critical reflexive account of my research journey within a large-scale and long-lasting participatory project aimed at siting, developing and building a repository for low and intermediate-level radioactive waste (LILW) in Belgium. While at the start of my employment I fostered ambitions to address several democratic deficits that our research team had identified in the participatory process and which had been brought to the fore by my predecessors over the years, this optimistic aim soon collided with the reality of top-down-oriented public participation in an institutionalised context. I draw on personal notes to elaborate on my evolution as a researcher with participatory, democratising and transformative aspirations. Several grounding principles of the ‘action research family’ provided me with a reflexive lens to engage in, analyse and comprehend the participatory process within the cAt-project, as well as to grasp the broader context of the project and to reflect on my own research practice. More importantly, in this article, the first-person perspective offers a critical lens through which to reflect on the democratising aspirations of action research and on the challenges researchers face in putting these aspirations into practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to contribute to contemporary understanding of student activism dynamics by using insights from prefiguration literature. We use practical prefiguration and conceptual prefiguration to analyse student protests against education reform in Myanmar in 2014–2015. Using in-depth interviews with student activists, their list of educational demands, and secondary sources regarding educational legislation, we unpack the complex relationship between educational claims and national politics that characterised the students' struggle. We show how the students reimagined a new and better version of the Myanmar state by using both educational practice and theory to fuse the future with the present, the desired with the possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many large cities after the success of opposition in local elections are becoming ‘democratic enclaves’ in the de-democratising countries. It is worth posing a question about the effectiveness of this role in the face of further autocratisation at the national level. It requires investigating if taking over the power by these democratic forces as well as characteristics of major cities, favourable in many aspects for democratisation (they have often a ‘democratic potential’) enable the cities to play a role of effective democratisers. The author of this paper takes this task and analyses the cases of Warsaw and Istanbul. He verifies the hypothesis that the combination of long-term democratic deficits, including the local level, impact of the de-democratisation present at the national level and the current centralisation or re-centralisation process undermines the role of both cities as democratic enclaves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Palaeolithic art is an unknown and often difficult to see cultural manifestation. • The conditions for viewing the rock art have been improved through augmented reality. • The light variation of the decorated panel has been overcome with LiDAR technology. • The LiDAR project has been successful implemented in caves and open-air stations. • The app democratises rock art and enhances the on-site experience. By developing new recording methodologies, current rock art studies generate a large amount of graphic information about sites (tracings, photographs, three-dimensional reproductions) providing visibility of this fragile and little-known heritage, whose accessibility is often difficult or impossible for the general public. In addition, many rock art depictions are challenging to observe, due to the very nature of the artistic entities (fine engravings or faded paintings in karst environments or open-air sites with poor or changing light conditions), or to conservation problems derived from natural factors such as erosion and geological and biological processes, as well as from anthropic factors. These conditions make rock art depictions nearly indistinguishable in many places and on many objects today, except for experts. This difficulty of accessing and visualising rock art heritage, located in fragile environments and often challenging places such as caves or difficult-to-reach open-air sites, makes the information and knowledge generated by investigation of this heritage asset difficult to transfer to society in general, which is frequently unaware of the priceless value of this heritage. The present study proposes generating several mechanisms to transfer the results of research, restitution and documentation of rock art to society in general. An AR (Augmented Reality) application has been developed using LiDAR (Light Detection and Ranging) technology to address current challenges in implementing AR technologies in low-light environments. So far, this app has been developed in a Proof-of-Concept project at Spanish archaeological sites such as Hornos de la Peña (Cantabria), Domingo García (Segovia) and La Salud (Salamanca). This application will be particularly interesting for sites currently visited with or without a guide, allowing user interactivity and real-time reconstruction, for example, of the visibility of graphic motifs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea's transition to democracy in 1987 was driven by social movements. The grand democracy coalition included the opposition party and various civic associations, including student groups, labour unions, and religious organisations. Civil society continued to pressure the post-transitional governments to dismantle authoritarian structures and remove undemocratic practices. Political authoritarianism in South Korea in 1961–1987 was inseparable from the developmental state that delivered the country's impressive economic development. Government reform after the democratisation entailed the weakening, if not dismantling, of the developmental state, to make public governance and policymaking more transparent, responsive, and participatory. In this paper we examine government reform in South Korea, focusing on the first ten years following democratisation. The Roh Tae Woo government created the Administrative Reform Committee in 1988, and the Kim Young Sam government launched the Presidential Commission for Administrative Reform in 1993. Although both agencies engaged civilians in the reform process, it was the Ministry of Government Administration and the Ministry of Finance and Economy that dominated the designing and implementing of the reforms, which demonstrates that the introduction and implementation of collaborative governance in South Korea was state led. Comparative implications are drawn from the South Korean case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent success of Generative AI (GenAI) has heralded a new era in content creation, dissemination, and consumption. This technological revolution is reshaping our understanding of content, challenging traditional notions of authorship, and transforming the relationship between content producers and consumers. As we approach an increasingly AI-integrated world, examining the implications of this paradigm shift is crucial. This article explores the future of content in the age of GenAI, analysing the evolving definition of content, the transformations brought about by GenAI systems, and emerging models of content production and dissemination. By examining these aspects, we can gain valuable insights into the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead in the realm of content creation and consumption and, hopefully, manage them more successfully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper discusses the trilogy framework of decarbonisation, decentralisation and democratisation and its relevance in the implementation of just energy transition agendas in rural communities of Global South countries (GSCs). It argues that just energy transition should be implemented via developing nationally independent but locally driven renewable energy projects in GSCs. To corroborate the trilogy framework, the paper discusses case studies of India's Panchayat institutions, Nepal's community renewable projects, and Bhutan's hydro projects. The paper recommends that the trilogy framework be implemented in GSCs through the concept of 'energy prosumer communities'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to make a conceptual contribution to the role of the International Baccalaureate Organization (IBO) in regard to global education within state global heritage (multicultural) schools – using England as a representative example – in an age characterised by epistemological, historical and cultural securitisation. This paper recruits ideas and concepts taken from Lefebvre and Bourdieu in a discussion focussed on the IBO's potential role in resistance to the dominant neoliberal imaginary and cultural securitisation. However, in order to be a force for democratisation, the IBO must itself democratise through a reconceptualisation of the school spaces it operates in/produces. It will also involve a process of reassessing its notion/positioning of what constitutes symbolic (and therefore valuable) cultural capital. This will mean untethering global education from the International Baccalaureate Diploma Programme. This paper highlights the possibility of a new space for global education, operationalised by moving beyond the 'IB school' to the potential of the more informal IB supported school. It is argued here that the IBO has the potential to galvanise a new wave of inclusive global education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the impact of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy in Sudan, a nation grappling with ethnic, sectarian, and regional identity politics. Using a mixed-method approach, the study employs Time Series analysis from 1990 to 2019, followed by theoretical analysis to explore the relationship between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy. The framework of this study draws from relevant studies on this nexus, incorporating factors such as racial/ethnic voting motivations, corruption, institutional dynamics, conflict, and individual income. The study bridges a gap in the existing literature by providing insights into the mechanisms through which ethnic identities shape democratisation processes in the African region. The findings reveal an influence of ethnic diversity on electoral democracy, as evidenced by factors such as violent conflicts, political institutions, and economic inequality. Additionally, the study delves into contemporary implications of ethnic dynamics on democratic processes, particularly examining the military confrontations between the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) since April 2023. The practical implications of this study lie in developing effective strategies to mitigate the political repercussions of ethnicity, thereby fostering a peaceful democratic transition. Therefore, the findings may not be readily applicable to other regions or nations with distinct historical, cultural, or geopolitical contexts that might influence the interplay between ethnic diversity and electoral democracy differently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The integration of social media into political discourse is becoming the norm, facilitating citizen engagement and amplifying voices across the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This study centered on a literature review on the role of social media in political participation within the region. Through exploration across three databases, 50 articles were identified, with 42% of these closely related to the research focus and categorized under five distinct themes. Findings reveal various perspectives on the impact of social media on political engagement, with scholars offering different interpretations on its influence. Furthermore, majority of research underscores the role of social media in mobilizing protests and revolutionary movements driven by heightened participation observed in some SSA countries. Social media platforms are increasingly perceived as avenues to express opinions on pertinent issues contesting unfavorable government actions. Thus, this study posits the emergence of a "New Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa," propelled by the positive utilization of social media in political spheres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Arab Spring' posed major emotional challenges to European diplomats. Sympathies for the demonstrators' open embrace of European norms and values merged with discomfort about incalculable consequences following the former rulers' eventual fall. Focusing on Egypt, this contribution analyses how European diplomats reacted to Hosni Mubarak's ouster and the following developments. With their reminiscences to Europe's own history and the European Union's (EU) self-perception as 'force for good', a two-sided sense of disillusionment grew among European representatives: about the regime's eventual unwillingness to reform, and about their own incapacity to meaningfully support change. Based on extensive research in Cairo and Brussels, this article analyses the emotions that escorted the actions of officials from the EU and its member states in Egypt. From a multi-level perspective, it considers activities by the EU Delegation to Egypt and EU member states' embassies in Cairo, plus initiatives coming from Brussels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Annual of the Faculty of Law / Godišnjak Fakulteta Pravnih Nauka is the property of Pan-European University Apeiron and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study explores the perceptions of data journalism among specialised Arab audiences in the context of declining trust in media and government institutions. Through interviews with respondents from data-processing fields and NGOs, this study examines the perceived effectiveness of data journalism in informing audiences, its credibility compared to existing forms of journalism, and its potential and limitations in democratising the regional media environment. The findings revealed that the perceived effectiveness of data journalism lies in its ability to validate misleading information, provide direction for decision-making, and distinguish itself from common information found on social media or other public sites. This was achieved by offering context, presenting evidence, and supporting claims. However, data journalism is also viewed sceptically, as its perceived ability to inform audiences depends on context and audience. Moreover, the potential for data journalism to democratise the region's media environment faces constraints beyond the structural and individual limits highlighted in previous studies. It encompasses matters related to journalistic practice and integrity, impacting other forms of journalism in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses and discusses how to develop contemporary methods to conduct democratic and sustainable planning in rural landscapes based on place-making, collaborative planning and strategy-making. The analysis is based on a Danish regional strategy-making case, the Nørreådalen river valley (NRV), which is used to explore how to democratically incorporate local values and establish sustainable development priorities. The NRV case highlights the significance of cultivating a shared frame of reference to foster inclusive and informed landscape strategies, which underscores the importance of understanding diverse values and their holders in landscape governance. Collaborative strategy-making may serve as a powerful method for addressing complex challenges and fostering sustainable development in rural landscapes provided it is tailored to the specific contextual considerations and nurtures a comprehensive understanding of shared landscape values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Surveying a representative sample of studies of colloquialisation, a tendency for written norms to move closer to spoken usage, the chapter explores: the relationship between colloquialisation, operationalised in exclusively linguistic terms, and informalisation and democratisation, two processes primarily targeting wider sociocultural change, and complications arising when colloquialisation is extended beyond its original domain of application, standard written English of the ENL type. There are two major findings. Colloquialisation works less well in the study of ESL varieties than ENL ones. In addition, recent real-time analyses of change in spoken English suggest that the supposedly homogeneous baseline style of informal conversational English is more internally variable than is assumed in current work on colloquialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mahsa (Zhina) Amini, a young Kurdish woman who had travelled to Tehran to visit her family, died in the custody of the morality police on 16 September 2022 for allegedly not wearing her hijab properly. Her death provoked outrage across the country. An image of her in the hospital where she lost her life, and a handwritten sign on her grave ‘you have not died, your name will become a code’, quickly went viral. Months of nationwide protests by hundreds of thousands followed her death. Thousands were arrested and injured. Hundreds were killed on the streets and a number of protesters were executed. This article discusses the emergence of the movement, its transformation, achievements and challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many African states have become electoral democracies, but others are still run by electoral authoritarian regimes, and/or exhibit procedural but not more substantive emancipatory extensions of rights and functions. In such contexts, alternation of power, or electoral turnover, has been recognised as a key signifier of successful democratisation. South Africa's post-apartheid democratic transition was widely lauded as a textbook case, yet declining support for the political incumbent, factionalism, the phenomena of "state-capture" and the decline of state-owned entities has raised questions about the promises and challenges of post-African National Congress (ANC) hegemony. Limited research in South Africa (SA) focuses on the influence of political contest — including alternation, coalition formation and factionalism on municipal Environmental Governance (EG). Accordingly, we provide an analysis of political contest in both single and coalition councils between 2016 and 2021 in the of the Endumeni Local (ELM) and uMzinyathi District (UDM) municipalities in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), SA, focusing on environmental governance implications. The study was theoretically framed by a broad Political Ecology Approach (PEA). A mixed-method research approach consisting of qualitative and quantitative data collection techniques was utilised. The findings revealed contested politics and instability in both single and coalition councils, regardless of who governs. and this predominantly constrained, but in few instances enabled EG. This complicates narratives of alternation and coalition politics and points to the broader and ongoing need for council policy reform, local council stability, municipal competence and accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research article analyses the impact of the farmers' agitation on the legislative process in India. The Indian farmers' protest against the 2020 Indian Agriculture Reform Acts, dubbed as 'Kala Kanoon' (black laws), not only voiced dissatisfaction with the contents of the farm bills but also confronted the undemocratic legislative practices. We provide descriptive evidence by discussing five major dimensions of the impact of the protest and the outcome i.e. the repeal of the laws. First, the protest movement and the resultant repeal helped discern a valuable public policy lesson to abandon top-down policy-making. Second, the protest questioned the bureaucratic approach to legislation that excluded the primary stakeholder group from policy-making. Third, it revealed the diminished role of the legislature and the concentration of power in the executive. Fourth, it exposed vulnerabilities in the parliamentary system when the ruling party holds a brute majority. Fifth, the protest emphasized the importance of state autonomy and legislative accountability to hold the executive accountable. We conclude with the summation of the major arguments from the discussion by highlighting the implications of the farmers' movement for India's future legislative processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2020, the Maldives instituted a transitional justice process to address decades of systematic human rights abuses including the widespread use of arbitrary arrest and detention, torture, and the forced depopulation of entire island communities. While the country's decision to confront its violent past is not unusual, the institution it has established to undertake that task is. Rather than institute a truth and reconciliation commission (TRC), refer cases to its Human Rights Commission, or undertake criminal trials in its domestic judicial system, the Maldives has taken the unprecedented step of establishing a temporary Ombudsperson's Office for Transitional Justice (OTJ). Comparing the OTJ to national human rights institutions and TRCs, this article examines how and why the Maldives' transitional justice process has taken this unusual form. It suggests that the OTJ represents a new attempt to address the full range of human rights abuses, including violations of social and economic rights, perpetrated by repressive regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I will first describe the extent of the influence of Buddhism in Taiwan, presenting some data on the demographic importance of this religion in terms of people who identify with it, but also in terms of associations that claim to do so. I will then introduce the positions of the main masters of this tradition relevant to four kinds of political issues relevant to Taiwan: the democratic transition process itself, the development of Taiwan's welfare regime, cross-strait relations with China, and the contribution of Buddhist associations to the international influence of Taiwan in the context of the latter's diplomatic isolation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Africa attained its constitutional democracy in 1994 from a contemporary political order that has been shaped by the country's history of colonialism, segregation, less or no service delivery to black communities, and apartheid. Since the inception of the second decade of democracy, the country has experienced numerous service delivery protests, raises brings doubt about whether or not democracy exists in South Africa. The current study was carried out in Hlanganani Cluster in Collins Chabane Local Municipality. A qualitative research methodology that utilised a phenomenological research design was used to investigate democracy, democratisation and governance in the Hlanganani Cluster. A sample of 15 respondents from the area participated in the study. The results of the study revealed that the broader definition of democracy is not familiar in the area, yet the political rhetoric one more widely embraces the concept of democracy. Hence, the challenges of poor service delivery, lack of accountability of public officials' lack of transparency, and corruption are key obstacles hindering the full realisation of democracy in the area. It is recommended that the government enhance the participation of local communities in decision making, encourage the youth, and create a democratic space for civic society to maintain checks and balances. The results of the study are also useful for crafting strategies for creating an enabling environment for democracy, democratisation, and good governance to thrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Vote18 in Malaysia aims to extend voting rights to individuals aged 18 and older from the former voting age threshold of 21 years and older. This article discusses the challenges associated with implementing Vote18 in Malaysia, aiming to fill the gaps in the scholarly debates on Vote18 and the obstacles to implementing it in Malaysia. Even though the federal constitutional amendment to implement Vote18 was ratified in 2019, its implementation was delayed by two years, raising the essential question: What is the rationale for its delay? The primary data were collected from interviews with four respondents, comprising current and past ministers who had a pivotal role in revising the federal constitution and implementing Vote18, whereas secondary data were gathered from books, journals, and online newspapers. The findings revealed four obstacles to implementing Vote18 in Malaysia. First, the state constitution or state body laws, including the Election Offenses Act 1954, the Elections (Conduct of Elections) Regulations 1981, and the Registration of Electors Regulations 2002, must be amended before allowing people aged 18 and over to vote or run for office. Second, merging data and information stored by numerous government departments and agencies, such as the National Registration Department (NRD), is labour-intensive and time-consuming. Third, the development of a new voting system and the necessary infrastructure are still ongoing. Finally, the most critical hindrance is the government's lack of political will to ensure the initiative's success. Therefore, it can be concluded that lowering the age restriction is among the key components in reforming the Malaysian electoral system.

Since the fall of Major-General Suharto's "New Order" regime, Indonesia has struggled to deal with its authoritarian legacy. This article argues that in the quarter of a century since his disappearance, the Indonesian poet-activist Wiji Thukul (1963-1998?) has become a martyr for the still unfulfilled progressive ideals of the Reformasi (reform) movement that helped to bring down that regime in 1998. Using the developing body of theory around "secular" or "political" martyrdom, this article examines the process by which this status has been achieved, situating its development alongside the emergence of the Refusing to Forget movement, as well as comparing and contrasting his fate with that of two other candidates for the label of Reformasi martyr: those of the labour activist Marsinah (1969-1993) and the human rights lawyer Munir Said Thalib (1965-2004). It argues that Thukul's role as a martyr has been significant in maintaining progressive public discourse about the human rights abuses of the Suharto period, as well as the continuing illiberalism of the period since the end of the regime, and that Thukul remains relevant to efforts to stimulate and nurture the fragile democratisation project that was initiated in the late New Order period. In particular, the authors see Thukul's brand of grassroots creative practice as playing a central role in his emergence as a progressive icon and in giving his life and work international significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the transformation of welfare states carries far-reaching implications for property relations, there is an astonishing amnesia regarding property in research concerning the welfare state. To date, the French sociologist Robert Castel is the only thinker to have illuminated the connection between property and social rights: he understands transfer payments and public infrastructures as social property and describes them as rehabilitation of the previously propertyless. Starting out from Castel's concept of social property, the article discusses its strengths and weaknesses and elaborates conceptually on what it would mean to think of social rights consistently as social property. The authors argue that it is a worthwhile endeavour to think further with and go beyond Castel's concept of social property. This allows not only to think about public alternatives to private property and to theorise the dismantling of social rights as expropriation, but also to think further on the democratisation of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pedagogical reform is an institutional change that involves revising the rules of the game in practice, the legitimacy of which depends on political and legislative contexts. In the context of Myanmar's experience transitioning into a democratic society, this study discusses the changes in theoretical equilibria concerning pedagogical practices with reference to the changes in the links between the national regime, education policies, and teacher preference about practices. As the country transitioned from a junta to a civilian government, education policies became more democratised. However, the coup d'état of February 2021 could retract these changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Crítica de Ciências Sociais is the property of Centro de Estudos Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Students, through teaching and learning, must reflect on what they do not know. It is only when they recognise what they know, and what they do not, that they will awaken to their own curiosity. The more they can open themselves to others and their epistemologies, the deeper their own self-reflection in relation to others. In this way, engendering curiosity opens students to the possibilities of other kinds of identities, thoughts, and actions, and hence, the value of all forms of knowledge. This article considers, firstly, the importance of deliberative encounters as opening opportunities for engendering curiosity in others' traditions; secondly, for co-creating new knowledge in the interests of invoking transformative learning and action towards issues of common concern. And thirdly, by bringing into conversation democratisation and decolonisation, an argument is made for the cultivation of an ubuntu justice, which is not only concerned with recognising the Other, but is intent upon forgiveness and reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of institutions of representation – understood as one of the examples of the idea of democratisation – in the construction of the Polish school system. The basic changes that have occurred in this area since the beginning of the 1990s have been reconstructed. These processes have been reinterpreted in the context of three models of democratisation. Thus, the text presents diverse – and not always consistent – approaches to democratisation of the Polish school system after 1989. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The integration of social media into political discourse is becoming the norm, facilitating citizen engagement and amplifying voices across the Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). This study centered on a literature review on the role of social media in political participation within the region. Through exploration across three databases, 50 articles were identified, with 42% of these closely related to the research focus and categorized under five distinct themes. Findings reveal various perspectives on the impact of social media on political engagement, with scholars offering different interpretations on its influence. Furthermore, majority of research underscores the role of social media in mobilizing protests and revolutionary movements driven by heightened participation observed in some SSA countries. Social media platforms are increasingly perceived as avenues to express opinions on pertinent issues contesting unfavorable government actions. Thus, this study posits the emergence of a “New Democratisation in Sub-Saharan Africa,” propelled by the positive utilization of social media in political spheres.

In this article in honour of Justice Johan Froneman, I consider an early judgment of his on the Constitutional Court, Bengwenyama Minerals (Pty) Ltd v Genorah Resources (Pty) Ltd 2011 4 SA 113 (CC). I read the case as an important property law judgment, showing already at an early stage in the Court's jurisprudence strong traces of a transformative vision of property law developed by Van der Walt, Ngcukaitobi and Wilson, among others that I describe as a democratised property law. I show how the three pillars of this approach (the move from objects to objectives; the opening up of the canon of recognised property interests; and the move from property to propriety) all feature in Froneman J's Bengwenyama judgment. On this basis I then conclude by making the point that real transformation of property law derives much more from the kinds of "small moves" made by Froneman J in Bengwenyama than from the grand-scale solutions such as "expropriation without compensation" or state custodianship of land that have dominated political imagination over the past several years.

In this introduction, the authors present the ambition that guided the composition of this edition devoted to family law. They first highlight the interest in addressing the intersection between the process of democratisation and the process of transnationalisation of families. These two processes are refracted in family law. They find their origin in the same refusal of a substantial moral definition of the “good family”. However, all normative perspective is not abandoned. A new normative and effective relationship is established between interactions and institutions. The new regulation of the family gives an important place to interactions and their immanent normativity. Legal principles (human rights, procedural standards) give expression to this mutation. Institutions are no longer given before the interaction, but rather constitute instruments for repairing the interactional order. This trend in the evolution of the law is particularly visible in the two cases treated in the issue: homosexual marriage and international child abduction. The close analysis of these two situations, however, suggests the persistence of obstacles to these transformations, due to the persistence of the principle of national sovereignty. En esta introducción, los autores presentan la ambición que guió la composición de esta edición dedicada al derecho de familia. En primer lugar, destacan el interés por abordar la intersección entre el proceso de democratización a y el proceso de transnacionalización de las familias. Estos dos procesos se refractan en el derecho de familia. Encuentran su origen en el mismo rechazo de una definición moral sustancial de la “buena familia”. Sin embargo, no se abandona toda perspectiva normativa. Se establece una nueva relación entre interacciones e instituciones. La nueva regulación de la familia da un lugar importante a las interacciones y a su normatividad inmanente. Los principios jurídicos (derechos humanos, normas procesales) reemplazan las reglas que definen la “buena familia”. Las instituciones ya no se dan antes de la interacción, sino que constituyen instrumentos para reparar el orden interaccional. Esta tendencia en la evolución del derecho es particularmente visible en los dos casos tratados en el número: el matrimonio homosexual y la sustracción internacional de menores. El análisis cuidadoso de estas dos situaciones, sin embargo, sugiere la persistencia de obstáculos a estas transformaciones, debido a la persistencia del principio de soberanía nacional.

This article examines the European Union’s role as a promoter of democracy in the countries participating in the EU’s Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative. Particular attention is paid to those tools used by the EU to promote democracy in the specified countries, namely: political and diplomatic actions, election observation, international cooperation, EU development assistance for effective governance and civil society, sanctions, various platforms and democracy support funds, and financial support. In order to assess the state of democracy in the countries of the EaP, a number of indices were considered, namely: the Freedom House Democracy Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit’s Democracy Index and the Eastern Partnership Integration Index to clarify the correlation between the integration processes of Eastern Partnership countries and the effectiveness of reforms. In addition, the authors used the data of the Normandy Index for 2019-2023, which captures, among others, the state of democratic processes. The research hypothesis states that EU’s influence on the countries of the Eastern Partnership in terms of democratisation is not always effective, due to both exogenous and endogenous factors. The mechanisms applied by the EU should complement/intensify the internal transformations of the EaP countries that foster democratisation.

This study investigates why anti-democratic laws persist in democratic societies, focusing on South Korea's National Security Act (NSA). Enacted in 1948, the NSA restricts freedom of expression and movement to deter pro-North Korea behaviour. Despite being at odds with the tenets of liberal democracy, the act remains in place. Existing public opinion data indicates modest to strong support for the law, but measurement concerns leave much to be desired. Using a choice-based conjoint, we test the impact of democratic norms and national security rationales on various policy propositions related to the NSA, including its abolition. Results show widespread support for the Act, driven by both democratic norms and security concerns. Progressives are more likely to support revisions limiting the scope of the Act on the basis that it safeguards democracy, but they agree with conservatives that it should not be abolished. This research contributes to understanding South Korea's post-democratic transition and the balance between national security and democracy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic breakthrough in Indonesia in the late 1990s was made possible through the dynamic interactions between the civil society organisations (CSOs) and its ruling elites. Although some of the former ruling elites were affected by the political transformation, others have evolved and survived as ‘authoritarian diasporas,’ In fact, the former ruling party, Golkar, also survived the change and is considered one of the ‘authoritarian successors parties.’ Based on these two conceptions developed by James Loxton and elite adjustment by Panji Anugrah Permana, this article explores the resilience of authoritarian legacies in post-Reformasi Indonesia, particularly among the authoritarian diaspora and its influences on Indonesia’s democratisation, particularly during the Jokowi years. By examining the three main sectors among the former authoritarian elites in politics, businesses, and the military, this article makes a case for democratic backsliding in Indonesia under the Jokowi administration due to the resurgence and the roles played by the former authoritarian elites in re-capturing politics and political change from the CSOs. The analysis in this article is based on a field study and library research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Slavonic Review / Slovanský Přehled is the property of Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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The Hungarian public administration development path can be displayed in four stages: "democratisation" from 1990 until 1998, the beginning year of the EU accession negotiations; "Europeanisation" as preparing for EU accession until 2004, when Hungary became full member of the EU together with 9 other countries. The next phase is the unsuccessful "quest for efficiency" until 2010, including 2008, when the Hungarian state budget faced insolvency and turned to the IMF for a standby loan. Finally, in 2010 the era of continual crisis management started with the financial and economic crisis, the migrant crisis, the Covid--19, and the war in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the historical background and conduct of recent elections in two small island nations in Asia-Pacific, Fiji and the Maldives. It assesses the situation of democracy prior to elections, and afterwards in 2020-2021. This article seeks to contribute towards filling the gap in literature, with regards to comparative case studies on electoral authoritarianism in small island states. The two nations with dissimilar history, religion, ethnicity and geology, held national elections in 2018. Fiji comprising volcanic and limestone islands with a multiethnic and multi-religious population is located in the Pacific Ocean. The Maldives with lowest lying coral atolls, and a homogeneous population of one ethnicity and one religion Islam, is located in the Indian Ocean. The elections were conducted under differing circumstances of electoral authoritarian rule in the aftermath of multiparty elections, with repression in the Maldives increasing, and repression in Fiji easing. But the 2018 election results saw a return to transition to democracy in the Maldives. Conversely in Fiji, the electoral authoritarian government was re-elected. Challenges to democracy remained unchanged in both nations during the COVID-19 pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a real sense, post-third wave democratisation was a transition to democracy after 1991. The character brought down authoritarian regimes such as one-party systems, military regimes, and the personalisation of power. The consequences led to the establishment of democratic governments in different political situations. The article argues that the democratic experience dictates the non-feasibility of elections during the transition process, as there are massive irregularities that marred the conduct of elections in different forms. This article contests the founding (first) elections that were conducted under the supervision of the military leaders. The outcome of the transition elections raised an issue about the quality of future democracy. This includes the socio-economic development that interfaces with the dividends of democracy. Therefore, post-third wave democratisation defines the new African politics. The methodology employed in this study includes qualitative focused on secondary data. The article submits that civilian-military relations are the new paradigm shift in African politics. Given the new approach, the researcher foresees that the politicians will deepen democracy in the two countries. However, military intervention in politics was a result of non-commitment to democratic principles in the past. The tradition became unending, and the countries that organised democracy-based unethical practices could witness military intervention or otherwise civil war that may obstruct the new democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the European Union's role as a promoter of democracy in the countries participating in the EU's Eastern Partnership (EaP) initiative. Particular attention is paid to those tools used by the EU to promote democracy in the specified countries, namely: political and diplomatic actions, election observation, international cooperation, EU development assistance for effective governance and civil society, sanctions, various platforms and democracy support funds, and financial support. In order to assess the state of democracy in the countries of the EaP, a number of indices were considered, namely: the Freedom House Democracy Index, the Economist Intelligence Unit's Democracy Index and the Eastern Partnership Integration Index to clarify the correlation between the integration processes of Eastern Partnership countries and the effectiveness of reforms. In addition, the authors used the data of the Normandy Index for 2019-2023, which captures, among others, the state of democratic processes. The research hypothesis states that EU's influence on the countries of the Eastern Partnership in terms of democratisation is not always effective, due to both exogenous and endogenous factors. The mechanisms applied by the EU should complement/intensify the internal transformations of the EaP countries that foster democratisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the fall of Major-General Suharto’s “New Order” regime, Indonesia has struggled to deal with its authoritarian legacy. This article argues that in the quarter of a century since his disappearance, the Indonesian poet-activist Wiji Thukul (1963–1998?) has become a martyr for the still unfulfilled progressive ideals of the Reformasi (reform) movement that helped to bring down that regime in 1998. Using the developing body of theory around “secular” or “political” martyrdom, this article examines the process by which this status has been achieved, situating its development alongside the emergence of the Refusing to Forget movement, as well as comparing and contrasting his fate with that of two other candidates for the label of Reformasi martyr: those of the labour activist Marsinah (1969–1993) and the human rights lawyer Munir Said Thalib (1965–2004). It argues that Thukul’s role as a martyr has been significant in maintaining progressive public discourse about the human rights abuses of the Suharto period, as well as the continuing illiberalism of the period since the end of the regime, and that Thukul remains relevant to efforts to stimulate and nurture the fragile democratisation project that was initiated in the late New Order period. In particular, the authors see Thukul’s brand of grassroots creative practice as playing a central role in his emergence as a progressive icon and in giving his life and work international significance.

En partant de questions d’ordre juridique soulevées par un terrain réalisé auprès d’auteurs et autrices francophones de récits de fans (ou fanfictions), cet article vise à comprendre les enjeux éthiques et moraux sous-tendus par la numérisation de cette activité. La réflexion proposée mobilise des données qualitatives et quantitatives, obtenues auprès de 71 enquêtés lors d’entretiens semi-directifs portant sur leur positionnement en tant qu’auteurs de fanfictions, et sur les relations qu’ils mobilisent pour parvenir à publier. Elle se nourrit également d’observations faites sur les dispositifs de publication en ligne et d’un retour sur certains des travaux consacrés au Web et aux travaux de fans. L’objectif est de comprendre le rôle joué par le numérique dans la définition et la constitution de cette activité en tant qu’expérience sociale, mais aussi dans sa démocratisation et les réflexions collectives qu’elle permet.

The research relevance is determined by the importance of public control over the activities of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine, which follows directly from the status of this central executive body and its key tasks. The study aims to explore the concept and legal nature of public control as a modern institution, to establish the specifics of its formation and to determine in general terms the peculiarities of its adaptation to the functions and tasks of the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine. The key method of the research is formal-dogmatic (special legal), which is used to study the legal and regulatory constructions of understanding of public control, its goals and mechanisms. The study establishes the relationship between the content of the concept of public control and the goals which it sets or should set. Local self-government bodies and other entities are the primary providers of public control, and it is substantiated that the essence of public control is realised through the tasks of monitoring, inspection and supervision of activities of public authorities, local self-government bodies and other entities. The author establishes that the ultimate goal of control is to ensure that the subjects under control comply with the requirements of legislation, human and civil rights and freedoms, and the principles and values of civil society. It is found that the most balanced approach from the point of view of the needs of public administration and the realities of modern democratisation of Ukraine is a broad understanding of public control as a permanent and systematic, multifaceted activity of civil society institutions in their close interaction with the object of control: governmental authorities, law enforcement agencies, judicial and expert bodies, etc. The theoretical value of the article lies in a comprehensive review of the current state of understanding of the concept of public control. The practical value of the study lies in the fact that its results can be used to further improve the legal and regulatory framework for public control in Ukraine.

Au cœur de la présente étude portant sur la prolifération des partis politiques face à la démocratisation de la République Démocratique du Congo, se trouve l’objectif de ressortir les causes et les conséquences de la création accélérée des partis politiques sur la démocratie R.D. Congolaise. Pour cela, la préoccupation majeure se résume à évaluer son impact sur le processus de démocratisation des institutions dans ce pays.

The study systematised the preconditions, reasons, peculiarities, procedural aspects, legislative outline, and consequences of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries, namely Poland, Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic. At the same time, the author based their work on the assumption that lustration – or purge of the officials – was one of the main prerequisites for legitimising political power as a result of the collapse of “old” autocratic communist regimes and the beginning of democratisation and consolidation of the countries of this region. In other words, the study was mainly aimed at clarifying the content and functions, legislative outline and regulation, practices and effects of lustration processes in post-autocratic and democratising political regimes of the Visegrad Group Countries. To do this, the meaning of the concept of “lustration” and the state of the study and understanding of its procedural manifestations and expected effects in the Visegrad Group Countries were first outlined. After that, the author studied and structured the political, legal, and institutional causes, the nature and types of lustration processes in the Visegrad Group Countries. Finally, a comparative analysis (in the format of individual case studies and regional comparisons) of logic, content, and practical implementation of lustration acts, processes and procedures in the analysed Visegrad Group Countries was carried out. As a result, it was concluded that lustration – at least symbolically and ideologically – was indeed a successful mechanism for legitimising a more successful transition from the previous or “old” autocratic regime to the new democratic political regime in the region. After all, a qualitative theorisation of the phenomenon, essence, and components of lustration processes was performed in the Visegrad Group Countries, and the region itself is now quite often held up as an example to other states in this context. However, at the same time it was found that in reality lustration in the countries under consideration was regulated and implemented in very different ways – both in terms of procedures and the resulting consequences, – and this was largely influenced by various dividends and risks during the renewal of political elites through channels and by means of various lustration options. However, in general, the practice of lustration in the region has shown that after the symbolic legitimisation of “new” government, in almost all Visegrad Group Countries lustration started to become less effective and increasingly manipulative and artificial.

An essential part of the Western Allies’ plans for the democratisation of Austrian society was to provide Austrian youth with political knowledge in order to entrench democracy in the coming generations and thus ensure its longevity. Political youth magazines were one of the media to support this process. Along with other educational offerings, they were to facilitate the circulation of political knowledge after its initially linear transfer from the Western Allies to the Austrian population. In this article, I use the example of Austrian party youths’ magazines to reflect on the obstacles to the transfer or circulation of political knowledge as envisaged by the Western Allies. Based on the analysis of selected issues of these magazines between 1945 and 1955 and of the metaphorical concepts used in them, I discuss what circulated when the intended political knowledge about democracy did not. I conclude that in the political magazines and the writings of party youths traditional party ideologies merged with democratic rhetoric, resulting in the circulation of competing concepts of democracy.