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Revenge, estrangement, nihilism. These are the main feelings identified by historians to describe the political culture and anthropology of the subversive far right, from the second post-war period to the years of terrorism. Social scientists have placed at the centre of their analysis the radical right’s process of coming to terms with the grief caused by the defeat of the fascist regimes in the Second World War. The emphasis on pessimism, however, has pushed into the background the specificity of the elaboration of defeat within right-wing radicalism. The efforts of far-right intellectuals, in fact, had been aimed at overcoming ‘nostalgism’, that particular form of political melancholy, widespread in neo-fascism, which led to regret rather than overcome the fascist experience. In this perspective, the outbreak of global protest in the 1960s opened a difficult generational confrontation within the Italian far right. Neo-fascist youth movements rediscovered the myth of the ‘fascist revolution in its original form’. The division even ran through families, opposing veterans of the Italian Social Republic with extra-parliamentary militants who later entered underground terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This content-based research examines a) how older-age-based environmental movements position and present themselves in relation to older and younger generations, and b) how they frame issues of capability, responsibility, and social justice within intergenerational dynamics. Based on qualitative content research of the “About Us” webpage and the visual content of seven older-age-based environmental movements, the findings suggest that while the movements exhibited visibility and agency through words and contents related to wisdom, experience, strength, dedication, commitment, and greater notions of social justice, they also simultaneously exhibited lack of self-concern and transparency by focusing on future-oriented concerns, overlooking older persons’ vulnerability to climate change, exhibiting hyper-sense of responsibility, and a secondary positioning in relation to youth environmental movements. The findings are discussed from the prism of intergenerational relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the theoretical and empirical interest of protest slogans and writings for social movement research. It shows how this material can contribute to a better understanding of collective identities, emotions, and claims made in contemporary demonstrations. Theoretically, it invites researchers to go beyond the actual 'words' to invest these slogans as political performances: increasingly individualized and diversified, these writings carry a public staging and a political discourse that can address multiple audiences. Therefore, they give access to the individual and collective voices expressed within contemporary social movements – and the way they interplay. To take into account their diversity, the article proposes a typology of the main political functions of these writings – whether they aim to lay claims, to proclaim, to mobilize or to witness, which will determine their very form and their favored support. Secondly, the article revisits the ethical and methodological issues raised by the collection and analysis of protest writings for the empirical study of social movements. It examines different ways of mining their potential for comparison and mixed method device, through either textual, visual or qualitative analysis. To do so, it draws on the experience and results of an international study of youth social movements in the second decade of the twenty-first century, to which this method was widely applied to identify and compare the fundamental rhetorics of these post-2008 protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to help educators and researchers to understand the pedagogical practice of STEM in early childhood and its impact. To support this, 29 publications related to STEM teachinglearning methods and activities were selected in the period between 2014 and 2023. The study covers the distribution of research over time by countries, the analysis of keywords, research goals and results, research methods, STEM domains, as well as emerging teaching-learning methods and activities, and the presentation of research limitations. According to the results, digital activities and impact studies have become dominant in early childhood STEM activities. There is a small number of studies presenting educational practices related to the relationship between sustainability and STEM. It was also revealed that impact assessments regarding early childhood STEM education need further development and improvement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Scientific evidence and public health reports keep highlighting the continuous and alarming worldwide progression of physical inactivity and sedentary behaviors in children and adolescents. The present paper summarizes findings from the 2022 French Report Card (RC) on physical activity for children and youth and compares them to the 2016, 2018, and 2020 RCs. Methods: The 2022 edition of the French RC follows the standardized methodology established by the Active Healthy Kids Global Matrix. Ten physical activity indicators have been evaluated and graded based on the best available evidence coming from national surveys, peer-reviewed literature, government and nongovernment reports, and online information. The evaluation was also performed in children and adolescents with disabilities. Indicators were graded from A (high level of evidence) to F (very low level of evidence) or INC for incomplete. Results: The evaluated indicators received the following grades: overall physical activity: D−; organized sport participation and physical activity: C; active play: F; active transportation: C; sedentary behaviors: D−; family and peers: D; physical fitness: C; school: C−; community and the built environment: F; government: B. Conclusions: While this 2022 French RC shows progression for 7 out of the 10 indicators considered, it also underlines the continuous need for actions at the local, regional, and national levels to develop better surveillance systems and favor a long-term improvement of youth movement behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the conditions of geopolitical instability, globalisation of information space, cultural and digital transformations, it is necessary to pay special attention to the problems of preservation of identity and formation of students’ state-oriented active citizenship, also on the basis of using socio-communicative technologies for managing institutional trust in the authorities. The subject of the study – elements of communicative policy of government officials, public organisations, mass media, aimed at student youth. The purpose of the study is to develop a set of modern technologies to increase the level of students’ institutional trust in the authorities. The research methodology is based on theoretical and methodological provisions of sociology, social psychology, political science to define the phenomena of institutional and social trust as well as the concept of a single information space. As a result of the empirical study, the authors have determined the level of trust in regional and federal authorities, individual socio-economic and political institutions put by students from higher and secondary professional educational organisations; the authors have also identified the causes of low awareness and involvement of student youth in public processes of regional development, and low participation in the activities of specialised all-Russian and regional youth organisations. The technologies for improving the effectiveness of interaction between the authorities and students, as well as in the network information space, are proposed as recommendations.

This paper describes forms of online youth civic engagement that center the experiences of youth with historically marginalized identities and documents ways that youth are civically engaged. Twenty U.S.-based, digitally active youth ages 16 to 21 years old were interviewed. Seven participants (35%) identified as female, nine (45%) as male, and four (20%) as gender nonbinary. Twelve (60%) identified as a first or second generation immigrant. Youth were recruited through youth-led movement accounts on Twitter and contacted via Direct Messaging. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with youth between March and September 2020, a period spanning the outbreak of COVID-19 and rise in participation in the Black Lives Matter movement. Inductive Constant Comparative Analysis was used to document forms of youth civic engagement on social media and understand how youth ascribed meaning to their civic engagement. Framed by literature on critical consciousness and psychopolitical resistance to oppression, findings highlight three forms of online youth civic engagement: Restorying, Building Community, and Taking Collective Action. These findings indicate that, for youth with identities that have historically been marginalized, social media is an important context to be civically engaged in ways that resist oppression and injustice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 21st century, the imperative to combat extremism and terrorism has risen to the forefront of global and regional agendas, becoming an indispensable condition for fostering the secure and prosperous development of states amidst the formation of a new strategic order. This study aims to examine the peculiarities of combating religious extremism among the youth demographic, drawing insights from global experiences aimed at minimizing terrorist threats within this sphere. Two primary methodologies were adopted in this study: the comparative analysis method, which compares the factors contributing to youth extremism, and the descriptive method, which identifies the main features of radicalization processes across diverse countries worldwide. Examining the landscape of modern youth movements in Kazakhstan and their affiliations with various religious beliefs, it becomes evident that developing a comprehensive and cohesive legal framework is imperative to curtail the emergence of aggressive groups and address the root causes of student radicalization. Moreover, our study underscores the predominant reliance of modern youth on social networks as conduits for accessing information pertaining to mental health, traditional beliefs, and psychological support. Analysis of counter-radicalization efforts across nations reveals a spectrum of approaches adopted by state entities tasked with addressing this issue, often contingent upon the prevailing religious context. In Muslim-majority nations, scholars and public figures championing traditional values emerge as key agents in educating young people on the imperative of participating in radical groups. Conversely, in Western European countries, public organizations and institutions of higher learning emerge as pivotal actors in fostering effective counter-radicalization measures. The findings and insights gleaned from this study are poised to furnish a practical foundation for future research endeavors in this realm. Furthermore, they hold promise in informing the development of youth policies and the resolution of issues pertinent to religious dynamics within advanced societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bangkok is a tropical metropolis subject to many human and nonhuman transformations. While Covid‐19 raged, the city's mix of precarity and oppression gave rise to a youth protest movement that opposed the junta government and sought to intervene in Thai politics‐as‐usual. At the same time, a rewilding experiment aimed at undoing environmental damage quietly was unfolding in Benjakitti Urban Forest Park. We draw on science and technology studies (STS), anthropology and urban theory to elicit the events of both park and protests as ongoing experiments in rewilding Bangkok on more‐than‐human terrain. Both involve overlapping critical zones, where encounters between many beings and practices of worlding shape an uncommons and create problems of coexistence. Such problems call for cosmoecological diplomacy, understood as the art of giving collective shape to a more‐than‐human cosmos yet to arrive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antifascists have developed action‐oriented principles and practices for collective resistance to fascism. In this article, we discuss antifascism as praxis, which is the nexus of theory and practice through collective reflection and action. Antifascist praxis can inform developmental science at individual and contextual levels of analysis. For the study of individual developmental trajectories, we examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to stop fascist recruitment of youth and counter‐recruit youth into liberation movements. For the study of developmental contexts, we use the example of family separation to examine how antifascist praxis can inform research to identify fascist threats and support collective action against fascist violence. We also present next steps for developing a field of scholarship in which communities of developmental scientists engage in antifascist praxis. As developmental scientists, we must see ourselves as part of—not objectively disconnected from—broader mass movements building power against fascism and pursuing liberation for all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers conducting fieldwork, especially in comparative social research, face the complex issue of conceptualizing and practicing positionality. How we position ourselves affects the research approach, the interpretation of the data and, therefore, the whole research process. This paper discusses my own in-between or 'in-out-sider' positionality during my fieldwork studying the experience of youths in social movements in Thailand and Myanmar in 2020 and 2021. Drawing on data from a visit to Thailand and interviews with 40 Myanmar and Thai youths who participated in the movements, this article documents my experience of the subtle nuances of multiple positionalities and how I navigated through the fieldwork as an in-out-sider researcher. In this comparative context, especially, I believe that my in-out-sider positionality facilitated the research process, from interviewing participants to conducting the field visit. The discussion of this contextually situated positionality challenges the typical explanations of the insider/outsider dichotomy, suggesting the need for a rethinking of certain aspects of this explanation, such as the background and experience of the researcher, and the context in which the researcher and the researched interact. This paper therefore contributes to knowledge around this subject and its application, particularly in the context of comparative social research which studies specific groups of youth activists or protestors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Imam Musa Sadr is one of the most significant contemporary Muslim thinkers. The development of his thoughts and practices within the context of social activities increases the importance of studying them. In this paper, we studied the youth social problems in the thoughts and practices of Sadr by using thematic analysis. In the field of youth, several problems were brought to Sadr's attention. Including youth movements, generation gap, and interaction with youth. For each of these problems, the identified themes were categorized into causes and solutions. In analyzing youth problems, Sadr pays attention to the idealistic and revolutionary nature of young people, and also to the requirements and social conditions of today, which are the result of the new civilization. Therefore, by praising this spirit of youth, he considers it as a capacity for changing and reforming society, which should be used correctly in guiding the youth movements. In addition, he emphasizes on educating the young generation based on the correct worldview, preserving the culture of faith in God and absolute values, and strengthening family and social emotional ties, which prevents generational gaps and its consequences. He also considers the improvement of social conditions as a prelude to interacting with youths and inviting them. In order to attract youths, he calls on religious people to improve their behavior, to introduce religion and its intellectual and practical capacities, while establishing religious organizations and institutions to attract them.. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thailand appeared to be under a tide of youthful revolutionary change. In 2020, in a rare moment in Thai history, university and secondary school students, particularly female and LGBTQ + schoolchildren, took the lead in national protests against an autocratic government. It was a period during which the seemingly impossible, such as the reform of Thailand's royal institutions, appeared possible. What were the historical origins of the country's revolutionary youth movement? This article argues that the Thai youth movement emerged from youth activist networks fostered by post-coup political entrepreneurs. It describes the foundational moments of these networks and analyses their inside brokerage processes, i.e. how these political entrepreneurs cultivated friendships and ties among segregated young activists by creating unique spaces – campsites and activist houses. These underground spaces allowed activists to connect, learn, brainstorm, organize mobilization, and build cross-issue and cross-regional activist ties under an autocratic regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Faced with the challenges of global warming, which are likely to have a strong impact on the generation currently in school, the role of the latter is questioned by teachers supporting youth movements, such as the climate strike. A research-training project aimed at teachers wishing to develop and share their practices to integrate the climate emergency is described and the speeches produced in this context are analyzed. Several strong themes emerge from this analysis, particularly in the form of concerns and projected avenues. The teachers' comments are discussed in light of trends aimed at making the environment a school subject that has existed since the 1970s. The results highlight the diversity and richness of the activities offered and the strong commitment offered by these teachers to integrate the climate emergency into their practices. They also highlight the paradoxical role given to students, moving from the role of a driving force to that of a brake on commitment. Faced with the challenges of global warming, which are likely to have a major impact on the generation currently in school, the role of schools is being questioned by climate activist teachers. We describe a research and training project aimed at teachers who wish to develop and share how they integrate the climate emergency into their practice, and analyse the discourses produced in this context. A number of key themes emerge from this analysis, particularly in terms of concerns and projected courses of action. Teachers' comments are discussed in the light of ways in which environment and ecology have been treated as a school subject since the 1970s. The results highlight the diversity and richness of the activities proposed and the strong commitment of these teachers to integrate the climate emergency into their practice. They also highlight the paradoxical role of pupils, who can both motivate and hinder this commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The radical rejection of the liberal political movements of the 1960s and 1970s by conservative politicians has been a core aspect of conservative politics. In fact, the youth movements of the 1960s broadened the goals of the labor and civil rights movement, also dealing with pacifism, ecologism, promotion of a new sexuality, new rights for women, and different sexual identities foreshadowing a revolutionary future for Western societies. It has been referred to as the silent revolution to define this movement of social change that began more than half a century ago. However, the reaction to the changes promoted by this movement since the 1980s has led to a cultural backlash. Fear of diversity, immigration, and economic and ecological crises has thus been the trigger for the new conservatism and populism. Everything produced by globalization has been considered decadent and immoral compared to a great and glorious past. The fortunes of the new populist parties in this sense are based on a traditionalist ideology that is not new at all, however. This article shows from a historical perspective how the idea of a threatening future found in the contemporary populist right is a radical conservative tendency that recurs throughout human history. In the article, an attempt will be made to define the culture and psychology of this conservative rejection of the future. Finally, possible solutions will be described in order to imagine a positive idea of the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The activities, outputs, and histories of youth organisations across a range of contexts can give us a privileged understanding of later political movements that find their roots with those youth movements. Scholars have already paid a great deal of attention to youth movements as part of totalitarian regimes, revolutionary and rebellious factions, as well as weird and wonderful cults. However, our understanding of the realities and impact of youth groups tied to minoritised language movements in Iberia remains underdeveloped and fails to reflect on the agency of youth. In the case of Catalonia – the focus of this article – a number of youth groups emerged in the delicate, and politically fraught period between Spain's disastrous defeat at hands of the United States in 1898 and the sudden rise of the Primo de Rivera dictatorship (1923–1930). Nearing the end of this timeline, the Pomells de Joventut de Catalunya (1920–1923) were one such organisation that sprung up to serve both God and Catalonia, a combination which would garner interest from the Catalan elite but also single them out for annihilation at hands of Spanish nationalism. This article seeks to disclose the history of the Pomells, their wider networks and relations to the power structures of the day, how young people made the organisation their own through small actions, and, finally, the demise and afterlives of the organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Functional tic‐like behaviors (FTLBs) can be difficult to distinguish from tics. Objectives: To describe the phenomenology of FTLBs in youth and assess the movements and vocalizations most suggestive of the diagnosis. Methods: We compared the phenomenology of tics between youth (<20 yr) with FTLBs and with primary tics from our Registry in Calgary, Canada. Results: Two hundred and thirty‐six youths were included: 195 with primary tics (75% males; mean age: 10.8 yr) and 41 with FTLBs (98% females; 16.1 yr). In the bivariate models, FTLBs were most associated with copropraxia (OR = 15.5), saying words (OR = 14.5), coprolalia (OR = 13.1), popping (OR = 11.0), whistling (OR = 9.8), simple head movements (OR = 8.6), and self‐injurious behaviors (OR = 6.9). In the multivariable model, FTLBs were still associated with saying words (OR = 13.5) and simple head movements (OR = 6.3). Only 12.2% of youth with FTLBs had throat clearing tics (OR = 0.2). Conclusions: This study shall help physicians diagnose youth with FTLBs according to the presence/association of specific movements and vocalizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth—people ages of 15–24 years—are at the forefront of present-day social movements focused on climate justice, civic activation, gun reform, and racial justice. Social movements occur when people with a shared purpose come together to take collective action in order to achieve a social justice goal. This article examines how youth-organized social movements not only propel individual and collective action but also actively support and sustain youth well-being. We define well-being as feeling positive, socially connected, and purposeful. We explore social movement practices for promoting individual and collective youth well-being. This research builds on dual insights: (1) the well-being practices of youth social movement organizers and (2) the extant literature in consumer research and its associated disciplines. Finally, we highlight insights from consumer research that advance our understanding of youth well-being and raise questions to encourage more researchers to investigate how social movements support youth well-being and well-doing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From April to August 1937, Paul Rosner recorded his experiences while attending the Beth Halutz / Maccabi Hatzair boarding school in Berlin, and while participating in the Maccabi youth movement in Germany. Clearly illuminating his personal history in the group, the diary describes daily life, and offers a glimpse into several important events of the Berlin Jewish community, particularly within Zionist circles. This article first covers the history of the Maccabi youth movement, before analyzing the diary's coverage of various topics including culture, religion, politics, and leisure. Previously, the official writings of the movement's leaders dominated the narrative of this group, but Rosner's diary offers a youth's perspective that is both unique and complex, exploring the movement's successful attempt to create a parallel Jewish reality for its members during a period of ongoing persecution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In succession of climate change and the associated concerns about the future of the planet, a global climate movement has been developing since 2018, following the initiative of Swedish schoolgirl Greta Thunberg. Alongside Fridays for Future, which use demonstrations to encourage politicians to act quickly, more radical groups have also formed, hoping to achieve more success through high-profile provocations. In Germany, the Letzte Generation is one of these groups. The climate movement is characterised by a strong interest in apocalyptic rhetoric and symbolism. On the one hand, this article will compare the historical youth movement of the first third of the 20th century with the Letzte Generation. It will show that youth protest movements are particularly open to apocalyptic motifs. On the other hand, it will highlight the challenges for religious education, because secular apocalypticism, which lacks important aspects of its Judeo-Christian origin, can be not uncomplicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Ecological by Design: A History from Scandinavia" by Kjetil Fallan is a comprehensive exploration of the intersection of ecology and design in Scandinavia during the 1960s and 1970s. Fallan, a professor of design history at the University of Oslo, examines the emergence of eco-design and its interaction with environmentalism. The book covers various topics such as consumerism, ecological systems of thought, design and development aid, the UN Conference on the Human Environment, and the Danish windmill revolution. Fallan's approach weaves together cultural, technological, political, architectural, and personal histories to present a nuanced and global understanding of the era. The book is a valuable resource for researchers interested in environmentalism, design, and the complexities of eco-design. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the role of youth in twentieth-century China, particularly during Communist party rule. It discusses how the concept of youth is diverse and changes over time, and how youth movements have emerged in different social and historical contexts. The Chinese Communist Party utilized the energy and enthusiasm of young people for political action and nation-building projects. After 1949, youth were celebrated as the builders of the "new China" and were organized into disciplined movements through official mass associations. The article emphasizes the importance of understanding the history and cultural perspectives of youth in China, and explores the complexities of identity formation and cultural production under socialism. [Extracted from the article]

The climate protests are one of the most impressive social movements of this time and are historical in various respects: the global and widespread scale, the employed protest tactics, and its young demographic character. This study explicitly takes the position that the climate marches are opening new avenues of politization with a radical educational democratic potential. Building on the conceptual framework of social movement learning, the educational experiences of recurring participants of the protests are explored in terms of civic education. This contributes not only to the understanding of the possibility of the climate movement as educational spaces for learning about politics and democracy, but also to a better understanding of the educational potential of social movements in general. The research design consists of a single country case study with individual interviews and focus groups with frequent participants of the climate protests in Belgium. The findings indicate that the climate protests are an especially fruitful place for political engagement acting as a catalysator for politization. It fosters a process with reflections on individual agency, collective responsibility, current political structures, and the democratic ideals of our society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the global cultural revolution of 1968 and highlights Ernesto Che Guevara's participation in Cuba. The social movements that emerged that year and their impact on Cuban culture and society are mentioned. The role of youth and students in these movements is emphasized, as well as the transformation of education and the media in Cuba. The literacy campaign carried out in 1961 and the importance of the cultural revolution in Cuba are also mentioned. Che Guevara played an important role in promoting education and culture in Cuba, as well as in the creation of a new man and the liberation of women. Additionally, the incorporation of Cuban women in all social activities and Che's criticism of racism and discrimination are highlighted. The article also mentions the magazines and media projects in which Che Guevara participated, as well as his influence on Latin American culture. The importance of education and culture in the construction of Cuban socialism and Che's openness to the discussion of ideas are emphasized. Furthermore, it is mentioned that Cuba became an important cultural hub in Latin America during the 1960s. The article provides a list of bibliographic references that address topics related to communism, revolution, and capitalism. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista de Filosofía (0185-3481) is the property of Universidad Iberoamericana Cuidad de Mexico and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This text presents a dialogue between Omar Séne, an activist-artist from Senegal, and two researchers, Sandrine Gukelberger from Germany and Anna Grimaldi from the UK. The intention of this particular collaboration is to interrogate the relationship between Pan-African activism in the present and the modes through which they relate to the past. It combines and recontextualises various artefacts, narrative interviews and extracts of Séne's personal archive (including photographs, dance choreographies and on- and offline texts). The aim is twofold: on the one hand, we provide a situated perspective on the pathways of becoming a youth activist in Senegal today, and on the other, we explore one individual's experience of a collective identification with Pan-Africanism. Through this text, we demonstrate how figures of the past are mobilised to drive youth engagement in the present, and how these inherited struggles are perpetuated through bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article situates Zionist-socialist youth movements in relation to the various traditions of radicalism in apartheid South Africa from 1948 to 1970. Topics discussed include the youth movements Habonim and Hashomer Hatzair, social and emotional motives and fear of antisemitism among young recruits to Zionist-socialist movements and their radicalization, intergenerational conflict and Zionist-socialism under apartheid, and activism in Israel and its influence of Jewish South African youth.

Copyright of Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi is the property of Tarih Incelemeleri Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Jewish youth identity, gender, and ideology during the Holocaust in France in order to understand how young people responded to persecution. The author's attempts to understand the youth perspective reveals that these adolescents' experiences were distinct and varied, and each traversed complex and multifaceted paths through the war. Always in perpetual negotiation with other elements of their identities—such as their ideology, religion, and gender—for many, youth movements greatly impacted how they developed and matured into adulthood. Coming of age during the Holocaust meant not only enduring persecution, but also traditional discourses on the place of young people in society. Charting the trajectories of individual young people and Jewish youth groups within the context of the war, the Holocaust, and French Jewish history reveals their radicalized and accelerated wartime development. In researching this phenomenon, it becomes possible to decenter entrenched narratives of persecution and resistance and enhance our understanding of wartime gender roles, the impact of Judaism, and the various ideologies that informed these youths' lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Like many places globally, the health and well-being of children and youth living in Canada were significantly affected by the COVID-19 pandemic. Restricted access to the outdoors, schools, and public green spaces impacted children's physical activity (PA), sedentary behaviour, and sleep. Restrictions changed throughout the pandemic, and children's and youth's movement behaviours may have been differentially affected based on time and place. This paper aimed to examine the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the movement behaviours of children and youth living in Nova Scotia (NS), Canada, over time and by geographic region using mixed methods. Methods: This study employed an explanatory sequential mixed-methods design. Secondary data from three repeated cross-sectional surveys of parent-reported demographic, movement, and geographic data of 291 children and youth aged 5–17 years were analyzed. Spatial cluster analyses were applied to identify geographic concentrations of children and youth who were more or less likely to meet the moderate-vigorous PA (MVPA) guideline during the pandemic. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 14 Nova Scotian parents to understand their perspectives on their child's movement behaviours during the pandemic. Interviews were analyzed deductively based on quantitative results using reflexive thematic analysis. Results: Our findings showed only 5.5% of children and youth were meeting all guidelines throughout the pandemic. Of the movement behaviours, screen time (ST) differed across the pandemic and by age and gender. Clusters of children and youth meeting the MVPA recommendation on fewer days were found in regions within NS's three largest population centres (Truro, Sydney, and the Halifax Regional Municipality (HRM)), and clusters of those meeting the MVPA recommendation on more days were also identified in the HRM. From semi-structured interviews, themes indicated: (1) escaping screens during early parts of the COVID-19 pandemic and when weather was colder was hard; (2) having access to spaces to be active near the home helped facilitate children's movement; and (3) higher socioeconomic status enabled more opportunities for movement. Conclusion: Overall, fewer public health restrictions led to more favourable movement behaviours and spatial and sociodemographic factors may have been at play. Decision-makers should consider these factors when identifying strategies to keep children active during future health crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main focus of this research is how the youth demonstration started in Thailand in late 2020. It is now and this demonstration is still going on in a more severe stage as Thailand just had an election on May 14th, 2023 but the authoritarian regime seems not to respect the majority votes. The analysis since late 2020, the demonstration of Thai youths, will be discussed in this research and the main question is what is the motivation of Youth's demonstration will be analyzed. Why are high school and elementary school students walking out on the street for a political movement, and some out mobilizing in front of the Ministry of Education to represent people's opinions on political changes? When comparing student activism in Thailand on the Day of Great Sorrow "Wan Maha Wippayok" in 1973 and 1976, one sees that the two movements were to promote anti-dictatorship in Thailand. The people who played the role of a striker were university students. In contrast, the demonstration in 2020, it differs from the demonstrations in the 1970s; in the 2020 demonstration, people from all levels participated in this protest, especially elementary school and high school students. This research discovered the deep roots of this protest and how the government and Thai Youth should encounter it halfway through this shift so that the movement will achieve its goal and have less harm on the current economy. An aggressive movement has no benefit to Thai people and the economy. It destroys national GDP and wastes too much time rebuilding the economy under an aging society. Anonymously interviewing the scholars and students who joined the demonstration, data analysis, and online survey from the people who attended Thai schools are the key to finding an answer to the research questions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article distances itself from the scholarship's tendency to describe youth leadership through the prism of the adult world. Leaning on ethnographic data, I explain how adolescent leadership is an outgrowth of social relations and cultural symbols that are perpetually negotiating the status quo. As part of an extensive study on female youth leaders, the paper focuses on the rich array of insignia that are made, worn, and exchanged by my research subjects: teenage female members of the Israeli Scouts (a co-ed Jewish youth movement). More specifically, I examine how the creation and display of material symbols on clothing mirror the leadership identity of Girl Scouts. In contrast to their uniforms and rank, which conform to restrictions and a formal hierarchy, the subjects engender a dynamic, non-formal, and open-ended set of symbols that visually represent power and status within their social group. Among the principal contributions of this study are insights on the nature of adolescent leadership and how it is wrought, maintained, and renewed within social networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lambrakis Youth Movement in early 1960s Greece, although grounded in the nation's post-Civil War political and social framework and oriented toward the future—trying to create a society of freedom, national independence, and social justice—nevertheless made memory and memory work an important aspect of its activism. More specifically, the Youth Movement cultivated a new memory and historical culture, and it was only through this process that the imagining of an alternative political and social future became possible. Memory is important not only for its symbolic content but for its relationship to the emergence of new identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forensic Science & Technology is the property of Institute of Forensic Science, Ministry of Public Security and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study looks at the educational concept of two youth associations, namely the Scouting and the Pioneer movement as two defining youth associations in the 20th century Hungary. In the beginning of the 20th century, due to several social influences, there was an increased demand for communities that bring young people together and educate them outside of school. The Scouting movement spread in the first half of the century, and was replaced by the Pioneer Association during the socialist-communist Hungary. Both youth movements were closely linked to politics and ideology. The study analyses the common and opposite characteristics, everyday life, and mainly the educational concept and structure of the two youth associations with the help of literature and the contemporary press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the normalization between some Arab Gulf states and Israel, the Gulf society has remained mostly distant from it, opting to confront it by various means. This reflects the Gulf popular rejection of normalization policies with the Zionist entity. However, these agreements still pose challenges to pro-Palestinian efforts and to normalization resistance in the Gulf region. This paper showcases four experiences of popular Gulf rejection of normalization with the Zionist entity (including Bahrain,Oman, Qatar and Kuwait), portraying the role of youth movements in these countries in confronting normalization and boycotting the Zionist entity and supporting the Palestinian cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Looking at Blau-Weiss as the first Zionist youth movement in Germany between 1912 and 1927, the article examines the role of dress in expressing new feelings of national belonging as "Jewish" in modern Germany. Drawing on publications of the movement, memoirs, and photographs, the article shows how Blau-Weiss members tried to become visible as Jews while at the same time trying to copy the dress codes of the nationalist German youth movement Wandervogel. It further shows how, after the First World War, Blau-Weiss tried to forge their own way of Zionist dressing. The article argues that it was not the actual clothes worn or the perception of others that was most crucial to the creation of a national Jewish identity, but rather the inner function that reflections and debates on dress had for Blau-Weiss members in forging and redefining their feelings of belonging and identification as Zionist Jews in Germany. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Memorias is the property of Fundacion Universidad del Norte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Educators in non-formal education organizations are often expected to display values of volunteering and giving to the community. These contributions, which are beyond the call of duty, are defined as organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). When such behavior is performed as a result of pressure rather than out of free will, that pressure is defined as citizenship pressure (CP). Building on the job demands-resources theory, the study examined a moderator-mediator model at the team level construct, to explore whether team CP mediates the relationship between both idealized influence behavior and idealized influence attributed (transformational leadership dimensions) and team OCB, and whether that mediation is moderated by organizational identification. The study sample consisted of 75 teams of educators and their direct superiors, who work in 11 youth movements. Results show that the negative relationship between both idealized influence behavior and idealized influence attributed and team CP is moderated by organizational identification. Furthermore, results show a negative relationship between team CP and team OCB. Theoretical and managerial implications are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Don Hellison fully realized that getting students to become positive contributors to their community meant that experiences that engender a greater sense of being a responsible person had to be provided. He leveraged the power of out-of-school time programming to implement his Teaching Personal and Social Responsibility (TPSR) model and build relationships with variety of underserved youth. Don also understood that community partnerships were important in this effort. This article provides a glimpse at how Don was able to establish TPSR programs in a variety of out-of-school settings—all of which addressed the needs of underserved children and youth. A historical context is provided to illustrate the placement of TPSR in the broader movement of positive youth development. Don's programs that operated during out-of-school time and spanned the western region of the country to the urban sections of Chicago are described. Inconsistent partner support, scarcity of program space, and feelings of self-doubt are presented as challenges to the viability of TPSR programming. His commitment to making programs work despite these challenges is portrayed. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to illustrate how Don's work has made a significant contribution to the positive youth development movement within out-of-school time contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Volunteering can serve as a protective factor against substance abuse. Yet, it is unclear whether volunteering in specific community organizations, such as emergency services, promotes or protects against substance use. We aimed to (1) describe community volunteering characteristics among adolescents; (2) investigate differences in the prevalence of substance use according to community volunteering type; and (3) determine whether volunteering type was a predictor of substance use. We analyzed data from the 2018–2019 Health Behavior in School‐aged Children survey among Israeli adolescents aged 11–17 years (N = 3972). Most participants (N = 2452; 61.7%) did not volunteer at all, 27.1% (N = 1077) volunteered in youth movements/councils, and 11.2% (N = 443) volunteered in community emergency services. In comparison to the emergency services group, there was a higher volunteering frequency among the youth movements/councils group. Of the three groups (nonvolunteering, volunteering in youth movements/councils, and volunteering in community emergency services), those in the community emergency services group reported a significantly higher prevalence of weekly alcohol use, lifetime cannabis use, and new psychoactive drug use, while no significant between‐group differences were observed in smoking tobacco prevalence. Volunteering in the community emergency services has been linked to substance use, requiring the development of intervention programs by the school staff, before their active volunteering (e.g., guidance on emotional stress and substance abuse). Also, teachers can act as a protective factor for students, and identify emotional distress and anxiety in their students to prevent substance abuse. Furthermore, emergency services workers and instructors should also be aware of the higher risk of substance use among volunteering youth and should be given tools to better collaborate with parents and teachers in dealing with it. Practitioner points: Adolescents volunteering in the community emergency services report a higher prevalence of weekly alcohol use, lifetime cannabis use, and new psychoactive drug use compared to adolescents volunteering in youth movement/councils and nonvolunteers.The study's results highlight the importance of developing tailored intervention programs by the school staff, teachers, and counselors for adolescents in preparation for active volunteering in the emergency services.At the policy level, a recommendation document should be drawn up to regulate youth volunteering in the emergency medical services forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As of 2018 the message that urgent measures must be implemented to avoid planetary collapse owes much to the youth climate movement, led by, among others, activist Greta Thunberg. The main aim of this research is to explore the level of penetration of the urgency discourse, necessary to determine future communication strategies. Our methodological proposal is to measure the presence of the terms "climate crisis" and "climate emergency," in the Twitter conversation, as indicative of the degree of penetration of the discourse on urgency, as opposed to the term "climate change," which we associate to a discourse prevalent before the events of 2018, as well as to assess Thunberg's influence on the dissemination of said terms in the (digital) public sphere. The period under discussion covers 36 days, including the 2019 United Nations Climate Change Conference held in Madrid (Spain), from which we collected tweets (n=3,324,580) and analyzed the volume of the terms "climate change," "climate crisis," and "climate emergency." We conclude that discourse on the climate urgency is relevant on Twitter and that Thunberg could have played a major role in the increasing use of "climate crisis" over "climate change," though not so for "climate emergency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines juvenile delinquency, environment, and race in the War on Poverty's approach to urban poverty—especially in Los Angles—during the 1960s. It focuses on the role played by the Youth Conservation Corps program that sent "at-risk" youth into western public lands to be reformed and, ostensibly, to be trained as future breadwinners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a comparative analysis of seven youth movements, this article shows the rise of a rhetoric of intergenerational injustice over the past decade, increasingly associated with a direct accusation of older generations and with a generational and global 'we'. Theoritically, we propose to approach the 'generational voice' – rather than the generational 'presence' – to shed light on the generational grievances, emotions and identities carried within movements. We draw on the textual analysis of protest slogans (n = 1914) collected directly from: the Indignados (2011), the student movements in Chile and Quebec (2011–2012), the Paris 'Nuit Debout' movement (2016), the Hong Kong pro-democracy movements (2014 and 2019), and the Montreal pro-climate march (2019). Using mixed methods, the article shows the existence of four major rhetorics of generational injustice – be it economic, social, political or environmental – associated with an increasingly radical critique of a legacy, deemed too heavy for 'future generations'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carroll notes that Suzuki draws on both non-diegetic and diegetic music to, "repeatedly trick the audience about the film music's source" (p. 132). As a member of the Nikkatsu factory, Suzuki made both A and B films and was employed as a director of program pictures, 'that were neither designed to be particularly prestigious for the studio nor assumed to be major box office draws' (p. 69). Based on a confluence of events at the tail end of the 1990s and into the mid-2000s, lesser-known Japanese director Seijun Suzuki became voguish for Westerners. [Extracted from the article]

The massive following that European soccer leagues enjoy in Africa, especially among urban youth, is an aspect of African youth cultures that scholarship has not adequately addressed. This paper explores the phenomenon and its implications for young people's everyday identity politics, by focusing on how African popular cultures draw on global cultural trends to appeal to urban youth in local settings across the continent. Specifically, what is being analysed is how young people engage with global modernity by projecting their aspirations and desires through the fortunes of their adopted European soccer teams. Using the questionnaire interview method, I talked to nine Ghanaian youths living in Accra, Ghana's capital, where there currently exists a vibrant youth support movement for foreign clubs. Findings from the interviews reveal that the glamour of European leagues trigger issues of identity, belonging, and politics among young Africans. While some consider their involvement in European leagues as an escape and a powerful protest to the comparatively unattractive soccer landscape on the continent, others perceive it as an expression of their global citizenship and belonging. Recognising the enjoyment that young people elicit from the European soccer craze, the article argues that not only does the entertainment value of foreign soccer 'absolve' youth of their allegiance to foreign interests, but it also provides a powerful cultural avenue for them to vicariously participate in a modernity whose privileges they cannot access locally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article develops a feminist and democratic theory of girls' activism framed around the work of Greta Thunberg, Vanessa Nakate, and the global youth climate movement. It draws from recent work in girlhood studies to criticize the discourse of the "girl hero" and challenge the two dominant ways that political theorists engage with girls and politics or political change, through Sophocles' tragedy Antigone and Hannah Arendt's "Reflections on Little Rock." A politics of heroism, I argue, unwittingly invests itself in the hostility the hero must face and overcome and therefore minimizes the political networks that make politics possible. Through my readings of Thunberg and Nakate, I attend to girl activists' local attachments within family, community, and nation; intergenerational, transnational, and transcontinental relationships; and the effects of colonialism, white supremacy, and misogyny and anti-feminism. Underscoring networks of support and solidarity (rather than hostility that the girl hero must face down), I provide a new way of thinking about girls and politics (and politics, in general) outside of the framework of heroism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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