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ADVANCING NONVIOLENCE AND SOCIAL TRANSFORMATION: NEW PERSPECTIVES ON NONVIOLENT THEORIES Heather Eaton and Lauren Michelle Levesque (Editors) Sheffield, UK: Equinox Publishing 380 pages, paper, [pounds sterling]22.95 / $29.95 This volume [...]

CHAMPIONS FOR PEACE: WOMEN WINNERS OF THE NOBEL PEACE PRIZE (2nd EDITION) Judith Hicks Stiehm Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 2014 277 pages, Hardback $50.00 What lessons do the lives [...]

The authors examine how the U.S. peace movement responded to the Bush administration's attempts to generate and capitalize on a heightened sense of threat after the 9/11 attacks. Longitudinal analysis of statements by U.S. peace movement organizations issued before and after 9/11 indicates that the movement's discourse is both ideologically consistent and contextually adaptive. In each period, movement discourse highlighted the U.S. government as a source of threat and people living outside of the United States as the targets of that threat. Nonetheless, the movement's discourse changed significantly in the exacerbated climate of fear in the first 4 months after the 9/11 attacks and then began to revert to pre-9/11 patterns during the Iraq War when the salience of threat declined. This research significantly advances knowledge of social movement discourse by establishing that ideological consistency and contextual adaptation are not mutually exclusive, by highlighting the contextual and dialogical factors that encourage certain types of movement responses to dominant discourses, and by explaining the role of emotional work in mobilizing dissent. Keywords: social movements; peace movement; discourse; emotions; September 11; United States of America

An annotated bibliography of resources on conflict, peace and justice provides a teaching and curriculum development tool for women's studies and peace studies. The bibliography, which consists of books, chapters in books and articles, is divided into eight categories. These are: general overview; education and feminist social change; women: war, conflict and violence; masculinity and militarism; women and nonviolence; women organizing for peace and justice; and feminist peace research and conflict resolution. All categories include additional resources.

Peace and health have long been connected through significant social structures such as violent conflict and social/economic inequalities and oppression. Peace and health have also been connected through research and action as war and interpersonal violence are recognized as threats to public health and individual welfare. In 1986, the Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion laid out the dependence of health on the presence of "peace, shelter, education, food, income, a stable eco-system, sustainable resources, social justice, and equity." Scholars of peace building and community health (including "peace through health") share an interest in the marriage between theoretical and applied aspects of the discipline, but we lack interdisciplinary thinking through collaborative projects and the development of transdisciplinary theoretical and methodological insights. The opportunity for interprofessional and intellectual exchange can benefit scholars and practitioners focused on each topic. The following outlines the similarities and differences in the fields and identifies where opportunities for symbiosis and support exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the workshop was to expose incoming graduate students to design thinking1 (DT) and empower them to use creativity and innovation during their graduate program and practice. Topics include objectives of the workshop were for students to develop a flexible mindset and envision themselves as innovators and design thinkers.

Black feminist scholars argued decades ago for working for peace and justice from the intersections of people's multiple identities. A body of scholarship focused on intersectionality subsequently arose since doing so is thought to have broader appeal and be more efficacious. However, the degrees to which social movements actually use intersectional discourses is undetermined. Quantitative and qualitative data analyses from a longitudinal study (1990-2005) of peace movement organizations ( PMOs) reveals surprisingly low levels of use. A subset of data from the Women's International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), a group thought to be highly likely to use intersectional discourses, was used to further explore the disconnect between public statements and organizational sensibility. Findings show that while WILPF historically did not use intersectionality discourses, usage significantly increased in their recent civil society consultation process regarding women and security issues. The findings suggest that an ideological commitment to inclusion alone was not sufficient to produce intersectional discourses; a combination of an external mediated political opportunity and an internal demographic threat to the movement's longevity were necessary before discursive change occurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the author discusses various topics within the issue including multidimensional approach to intersectionality, balance of powers in groups, and intersectionality and social change.

Despite the prominence of framing analysis in social movement research, the ways that power-holders and challengers attempt to persuade the general public remain under-theorized. We develop a multidimensional typology of what content producers frequently anticipate will make their frames potent. Moreover, we argue that several contextual factors influence which of these dimensions are emphasized in frames. To assess these propositions, we conducted an analysis of statements issued by President Bush and 10 US peace movement organizations following the September 11th attacks. Both sides touched upon all dimensions. President Bush's statements took advantage of discursive and emotional opportunities in crafting messages supportive of war and repression. Illustrating their strategic nature, PMO statements either appropriated or rejected dominant discourses for any single dimension. While peace groups took advantage of emotional opportunities, oppositional cultures curtailed their use of discursive opportunities. Lacking democratic legitimacy and rational legal authority, peace groups devoted a higher proportion of text to establishing the empirical credibility and the moral authority of their claims. The study advances social movement theory by highlighting the interplay of culture, power, and agency in the production of public collective action frames. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examines the interplay of religion and war policies, U.S. President George W. Bush's religious discourse in the aftermath of the September 11 attack, and the religious discourse of peace movements. Data were sourced out from press and media releases, printed statements, and public calls to auction from August 1990 to March 2005. An overview of hegemony and the U.S. civil religion is presented. Results show that President Bush's religiosity emanates from binary thinking that leads him to define enemies in his own context and peace movements tackle hegemony in terms of their own religious discourse and its relation to politics. It also presents the U.S. Peace Movements response to President Bush's religiosity in times of the conflict

The article examine the ways that the integration of peace culture theory, green jobs and ideas about environmentally sustainable development could be used to guide the development of green economies within a framework of social justice. A discussion of the ways that the principles of peace culture and community empowerment could be used to help develop green economies is presented. Changes of policies which would have to be implemented in order to have the principles of peace culture theory and sustainable development merge successfully are discussed.

In the days following the tragic events of September 11, U.S. peace movement organizations (PMOs) found themselves operating in a difficult political climate. For the government, the mainstream media and the general public, "citizen," "patriot" and "retaliation" merged into a single "American" identity so that many felt that the nation and its way of life were at risk and that war was an appropriate response to the "new threat." Since then the mistaken hyperbole of an "everything has changed" approach to understanding September 11 has permeated most discussions of the event. While the extent of change is exaggerated, it is nonetheless true that significant shifts occurred in the political landscape in both domestic and foreign policy. In addition, relatively simplistic understandings of patriotism gained even more credence than usual in the U.S., and policy dissent was denigrated and more easily branded as unpatriotic. A long-range and comparative approach to history shows that many of these political developments are predictable and relatively common when a state comes under attack on its home soil. But owing partly to the United States' placement as the world's lone military superpower and its imperial policies in a globalized economy, the attacks of September 11, 2001 also deeply influenced how Americans understand themselves and perceive their relationships to the rest of the world. For example, the false insularity that most Americans had long taken for granted was suddenly threatened. The Bush administration easily exploited this, rallying support for a policy of a permanent war economy, aggressive military retaliation, pre-emptive attacks abroad and civil liberty suppression at home. At the core was a call to intensely nationalistic patriotism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the multiple tensions that a consensus-based group faced trying to balance the need for business sustainability with their ideological commitments to consensus processes, empowerment of women, and a deep, normative commitment to encouraging and honoring the claims-making by the women within the group. This study of a small business, collectively owned and operated by women, expands the understanding of collective process by analyzing the relationship between democratic participation and the nature of the organization as socially constructed through the claims-making activities of its members. The study highlights the dissonance the group repeatedly experienced between being a successful economic collective. The collective embraced both consensus decision making and the creation of an empowering business space where each woman could find her own voice as a business partner while making individual claims on the group. This combination of normative commitments eventually created a host of competing claims, not all of which could be met by the collective while remaining a viable business venture.

Discusses feminist principles for designing a pro-active curriculum for peace studies in preparation for the 21st century. Issues to be addressed; Definition of feminism; Information on a feminist methodology; Need to empower students.

Social movement organizations (SMOs) engage in the formation of public policy and social beliefs by framing issues and events for the public. These framing activities may offer an alternative source of knowledge and challenge status quo definitions of important social issues. Analyzing the statements and press releases of four peace movement organizations during the seven months of military escalation and war in the Persian Gulf in 1990 and 1991, this article explores the structure and content of social movement framing of a specific event. Findings suggest that the shape and content of the frames used by these SMOs are rooted in a complex amalgamation of each organization's historical and public identity, intended audiences, and contemporary motivations and organizational goals. The collective identity of an organization influences the shape and content of the organization's framing activities. The organizations studied made use of their specific structural and organizational strengths as part of a credentialing process, wherein they shaped their oppositional voices so they could be heard and accepted by specific audiences. This was in turn a matter of the organization's historical prac- tice, the ways it presented that history, and how it constructed its contemporary collective identity (e.g., as Quakers or as Catholic peacemakers). All of this is done with a view toward claiming a voice in the public debate, a voice that may help the SMO create oppositional bases of knowledge, influence public policy, sustain and embolden members, and establish a historical record of opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the "Journal for the Study of Peace and Conflict" which was founded in 1991 by the Wisconsin Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies. Topics include the aim of the journal to build support for peace studies on both public and private college campuses across the state, the number of issues published since 1991, and the journal's initiative to get listed on online academic database EBSCO.

The article discusses various papers published in this issue including one by Paula Cueller on the application of the concept of 'the right to truth' in domestic court cases, one by Ciara McHugh on the relationship between gender, violence and language, and Muriel Schmid on peace activism and the balance between peace and justice.

The article discusses the assessment's role in establishing a student-centered curriculum as employed by the Syracuse University (SU). The Department of Sociology directed an institutional response to the recent ideology of SU, that of being a research university, by systematizing the structure of teaching and learning in the classroom. In spite of the difficulty in assessing students' critical thinking, it brings a vital role in the teaching process and in the foundation of curriculum reforms.

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses various reports within the issue on topics including non-profit peacemaking organizations, leadership and structure, and mountaintop-removal coal mining.

Background: The knowledge and practice in the field of peacebuilding is congruent with nursing and offers important dimensions and insight that can strengthen the work of nurses in building healthy communities and individuals., Purpose: This article summarizes key literature and discussions with faculty in each field to outline impactful opportunities for interprofessional collaboration around peace and health., Methods: An iterative process of reviewing theory and practice in each field produces a structured comparison of major commonalities and differences., Discussion: Collaboration between nurses and peacebuilding practitioners provides a unique opportunity to address the wicked problems of direct and indirect (structural) violence. Shared interests in a holistic systems lens approach to violence prevention and conflict transformation provide for professional synergies., Conclusion: An exemplary case for collaboration between nurses and peacebuilding practitioners is found in the work of understanding and addressing direct and indirect violence locally and globally., Competing Interests: Declaration of Competing Interest The authors declare no conflicts of interest., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)