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The European Union (EU) is often understood as a normative power. However, based on a case study of European policy networks in Vietnam, this article shows that despite the EU's commitment to norms and transformative development, norms are not a priority in the implementation of development policies. Rather, norm promotion is delegated to political and diplomatic representatives, whereas development and trade representatives are responsible for technical work. Consequently, policy networks created around these four sectors tend to operate separately from each other, undermining the spillover of norms from diplomatic and political networks to development and trade networks. As a result, this article shows that the structural-institutional separation of sectoral policy networks is one of the EU's systemic characteristics that restrict normative policy coherence for development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This last decade, regional organizations progressively became unavoidable actors of regional health governance and have been supported by some global health actors to strengthen such a role. Among these actors, the European Union (EU) is the only regional organization that implements health initiatives in cooperation with its regional counterparts. This article focuses on such "health interregionalism" toward Southeast Asia and Africa and in the field of communicable diseases, with the main objective of assessing its nature and identifying its main functions. It concludes that although appreciated and needed, the EU's health interregionalism should better reflect the EU's experience in regional health governance in order to represent a unique instrument of development aid and an added value for regional organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union (EU) is currently enduring the most significant migratory crisis in its history. Thousands of people and refugees, who escaped the war and poverty in their countries of origin are crossing the EU’s borders. This unpredictable crisis has been the source of a multitude of concerns for the EU and member countries. Faced with this situation, the EU has convened several summits and many ministerial meetings in order to find an agreement to manage the crisis, but national interests have prevailed over European cohesion. This crisis has shown how fragile the solidarity between European countries is under the pressure of their national public opinion and how this situation influences the functioning of European institutions and EU’s relations with its neighbours.

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Copyright of Comparative & International Education is the property of Canadian & International Education and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union (EU) is currently enduring the most significant migratory crisis in its history. Thousands of people and refugees, who escaped the war and poverty in their countries of origin are crossing the EU’s borders. This unpredictable crisis has been the source of a multitude of concerns for the EU and member countries. Faced with this situation, the EU has convened several summits and many ministerial meetings in order to find an agreement to manage the crisis, but national interests have prevailed over European cohesion. This crisis has shown how fragile the solidarity between European countries is under the pressure of their national public opinion and how this situation influences the functioning of European institutions and EU’s relations with its neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Observatorio Medioambiental is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Fomento Social is the property of ETEA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Si la Federation des Caraibes fut un echec, elle ne marqua toutefois pas l'arret de la cooperation et de l'integration regionales. Les pays caribeens membres du Commonwealth sont au cœur d'un complexe reseau d'echanges et de partenariats, qui depasse leur propre groupe et s'etend aux pays non anglophones de la zone et aux dependances europeennes. L'auteur analyse l'evolution des processus d'integration, a travers le Caricom, l'Organisation des Etats de la Caraibe orientale et l'Association des Etats de la Caraibe, et evalue la place des pays membres du Commonwealth dans une region aux heritages multiples. La comparaison avec l'Union europeenne et l'analyse de l'approche britannique de l'integration soulignent les specificites des facteurs geopolitiques et identitaires, des methodes et des avancees des pays du Commonwealth caribeen, dans le contexte de la mondialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Building Research & Information is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

First we shall give a chronological account of the history of the Berlin Wall and define the reasons for its fall. A bipolar world was succeeded by a world dominated by the United States. The former members of the Warsaw Agreement entered NATO and the EU. A series of agreements progressively fixed the relations between the UE and the former republics of the USSR, the UE and Russia. With the enlargement of the UE, the question of the identity of Europe is on the agenda. The dissensions and the conflicts in countries which Russia considers as belonging to its area of influence, the competition between Russians and Westerners in strategic areas such as the Caucasus, create a climate which reminds onlookers of the climate of the Cold War and the terms « wall » « iron curtain » are frequently used by statesmen and commentators. However, in spite of wide differences, an important rapprochement process is taking place. In conclusion we shall raise the question of the Eurasian nature of Russia.