Search

The emergence of the political party Sinn Féin as an electoral force, and its gradual displacement of the Irish Republican Army (IRA) as the primary vehicle for Provisional Irish republicanism, was an indispensable precondition for the peace process that brought an end to the long-running Northern Irish 'Troubles'. Unsurprisingly, this process has been a subject of close academic scrutiny, with much attention focusing on the dramatic, early breakthroughs made by Sinn Féin, particularly in the years 1981–1983. By contrast, the mid-to-late 1980s are often represented as something of a fallow period for the party, when its initial, seemingly meteoric rise stalled. Within this narrative, the 1985 local elections are typically passed over relatively quickly. Yet this article makes the case for revisiting those elections, seeing them as marking a somewhat under-appreciated political earthquake in Northern Ireland. It does so on the basis that first, the elections laid bare the ambiguities and tensions arising from the Irish republican movement's 'Armalite and Ballot box' strategy. And second, the consequences of the 1985 elections proved decisive in reshaping both Irish republicanism and the wider political landscape of Northern Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The forthcoming general election will be the most consequential electoral contest for the Republic of Ireland in a century. The polity is situated in truly novel territory with the potential for an historic first: the incoming of a Sinn Féin‐led, left‐wing government. Any such government would portend change in the North of Ireland, symbolising a critical juncture on the path towards the ending of partition. Analysing electoral and ideological shifts across the post‐2008 period, this article examines the immediate prospects for the coming to power of a left‐wing government and an historic first in Irish politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The electoral growth of Sinn Féin on both sides of the Irish border has generated much political and academic attention in recent years. The party could form part of the government in Dublin for the first time at the next Irish general election, though that outcome is far from certain. If it were to gain power, Sinn Féin is likely to pursue policies which address the core socioeconomic issues its new supporters south of the border are concerned with, namely housing and healthcare. It will also be expected to push for an Irish unification referendum in the coming decade. While Sinn Féin entering government would clearly constitute a seismic event in the politics of the Irish state, there would also be knock‐on effects for politics in Northern Ireland, as well as British‐Irish and EU‐Irish relations. This article examines the impact Sinn Féin gaining power in Dublin could have on these various political dynamics, arguing the party exerts a unique influence on Irish, UK and European politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politik is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The stability of Irish democracy since 1922 is often a cause for contentment with lines of succession drawn from 'Grattan's parliament', O'Connell's popular movement, and the achievements of the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) at Westminster through to Dáil Éireann. The IPP certainly disrupted the Commons, yet Irish politics was also shaped by the 'mother of parliaments' – MPs mastered parliamentary procedure and home rule legislation drew on British and colonial parliamentary models. By 1918, the party's machine and parliamentary behaviour were rejected as much as British rule – but as Michael Laffan suggested, Sinn Féin triumphed by beating the home rulers at their own game. However, the 1922 constitution gave generous expression to the sovereignty of the people, and for judicial review. But, within short succession, facility for popular initiative was overridden. Ironically, the Irish Free State would never be amended by popular will or judicial review but by parliamentary majority in 25 amendments as the people only voted to adopt it in 1922 and replace it in 1937. In practice then, it was closer to a vision of Dicey's supremacy of parliament dogma that prevailed, so much so, that Seán Lemass acrimoniously proclaimed in 1934: 'this is a sovereign assembly'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Gerry Adams was the foremost Irish Republican leader in The Troubles (1968–1998). This paper analyses the extent to which he was a transformational leader, shifting Republicanism from armed struggle to politics. The paper analyses three texts by Adams at milestone points in the conflict. The first (1976) at the height of the armed campaign; the second (1986) as political engagement was increasing; and the third (2003), after the conflict had formally concluded. The paper uses four criteria to signify transformational leadership. The paper argues that, while Adams does not meet all four transformational leadership criteria equally, he transformed his organisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys leadership in the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin in The Troubles (1968–1998), using four typologies to frame its analysis: position-based leadership; person-based leadership; results-based leadership; and process-based leadership. The paper considers the question—Are the four typologies a useful way of analysing leadership within the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin in The Troubles? The paper examines milestone points in The Troubles, including the formation and coming to prominence of Provisional IRA; the conflict in the prison system culminating in the hunger strikes of the early 1980s; the growth of the political party Sinn Féin; and the peace talks which brought about the end of The Troubles. The paper argues that, over time, the Provisional IRA and Sinn Féin shifted towards process-based leadership as they moved from an armed struggle to political engagement. Position-based and person-based leadership were also evident as key figures switched towards electoral participation. Political engagement also served results-based leadership, given Sinn Féin's electoral presence and influence in both Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Northern Irish question is the product of conflicting community interests, and as a consequence of diverging constructions of History. Contemporary Irish republicanism is one of those constructions. It was characterised by its numerous splits connected to the “messianic” spirit of its non-negotiable doctrine. The growing participation of the movement to political processes and the acceptance of the Good Friday Agreement presided over a new pragmatic approach based on tolerance and inclusiveness epitomised by the association Coiste na nIarchimi. Sinn Fein and the republican movement have paradoxically become agents of political stability in Northern Ireland. Brexit, with the influence it exerts on loyalists, puts to the test this process started at the end of the previous century, as it brings the Border issue back to the centre of the Irish national question.

The political crisis in Northern Ireland, which has been continuing since 2022, threatens its stable development. It undermines the Belfast Agreement, which ended the bloody conflict between Catholics and Protestants and allowed devolution in the region. The catalyst for inter-party disagreements was the Northern Ireland Protocol – it introduced a special customs regulation regime that did not suit the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP). The actions of London (the approval of the Windsor Framework and The Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Act), as well as the Sinn Féin’s winning Northern Ireland Assembly and local elections, only intensified the contradictions that had previously arisen. DUP has promised to restore devolved government in Northern Ireland if key provisions of the Windsor Framework are changed. London has no plans to renegotiate the new deal with the EU, but it will be impossible to overcome the political crisis without the cooperation of the unionists. In this article, the author examined the reasons for the ineffectiveness of the consociational democracy in Northern Ireland, the features of different mechanisms of customs regulation in the region, and the key differences between the DUP and Sinn Féin on issues of its further development. According to the author, the new crisis of power-sharing executive in Northern Ireland is associated with the prevalence of narrow interests of unionists over the collective task of the political establishment to achieve inter-party consensus and compliance with the Belfast Agreement, which remains the legal basis for maintaining civil peace in the region.

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political communication is central to the electoral ascension of populist parties across the world. Several studies investigate how communication is used by populists to gain power, but we know very little about how the communication varies when moving between opposition and government office. The few studies on the topic focus exclusively on right-wing populist parties and neglect left-wing populism. This article addresses this gap in the literature and analyses the political communication of left- and right-wing populist parties by comparing their periods in opposition and in government. It focuses on the Northern Ireland case and compares Sinn Féin and the DUP and uses deductive thematic analysis for each election manifesto for the Northern Ireland Assembly between 1998 and 2022. The analysis includes four themes: people-centrism, anti-elite bad manners, crisis talk and volonté générale solutions. Contrary to theoretical expectations, we find that the right-wing populist DUP has changed more substantively its political communication than the left-wing Sinn Féin when moving from opposition to government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arthur Griffith founded Sinn Féin. From 1899 onwards, through detailed articles in his weekly papers and otherwise, he strongly advocated the economic development of Ireland and the adoption of qualified protectionism to achieve it. As minister for foreign affairs in the revolutionary government of Ireland in 1921, he chaired the Irish delegation that negotiated with Lloyd George's government articles of agreement for an Anglo-Irish Treaty. In January 1922 he was elected president of Dáil Éireann, the revolutionary Irish parliament, but died suddenly in August 1922 before the new Irish Free State formally came into existence. This essay underlines the importance that he attached to economic affairs, not least in making fiscal autonomy a central ambition of his negotiations with the British. The author concludes that Griffith was far-sighted, and calls for a discrete and empathetic study of his economic ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2017 an application to de-proscribe The Red Hand Commando (RHC) loyalist paramilitary organisation was submitted by an organisation known as the Loyalist Communities Council (LCC) which has the backing of other proscribed loyalist groups including the Ulster Defence Association (UDA), the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and RHC. The application was understandably considered negatively by some relatives of RHC victims as well as by Sinn Féin. The application was rejected for failing to comply with the necessary process of de-proscription which reinforces the criticism and difficulty for proscribed organisations that are no longer engaged in terrorism to de-proscribe. If the Northern Ireland Assembly and Commissions set up in Northern Ireland (NI) following the Good Friday Agreement (GFA) with support from the Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) are to dismantle paramilitary groups, then they must take bold decisions and decide whether it is time to support the de-proscription of paramilitary groups that have relinquished political violence. This article recommends that agencies should set out a staged process which can be followed by proscribed organisations in NI interested in applying for de-proscription thereby enabling them to self-evaluate whether or not they are ready for de-proscription. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining the writings of more than 150 IRA prisoners, this article explains why a majority of jailed republicans supported the movement's strategic reorientation between the anti-criminalisation protests of the late 1970s and the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. First, it argues, experiences of prison protests, culminating in the hunger strike of 1981, inclined prisoners to endorse electoral interventions to counter their isolation. Sinn Féin's subsequent successes impelled prisoners to back electoralism more constructively, envisioning an all-Ireland 'pan-nationalist' front. By the end of the 1980s, many republican prisoners regarded tactical eclecticism as vital for their campaign's advance. Second, the article contends, throughout the 1980s and 1990s, prisoners pragmatically approved new methods as open-ended experiments. Electoralism, pan-nationalism, and, in the 1990s, peace talks were supposed to aggregate and strengthen the struggle. Tactics were dispensable, and worthwhile only insofar as they enhanced the perceived prospects of victory. By the Good Friday Agreement, prisoners espousing a transitional, constitutional route to Irish unification regarded even the IRA's 'armed struggle' as suspensible. Woven through prisoners' voluminous acclaim for tactical adaptability, traditions of intra-movement discipline and unity cohered the bulk of the IRA's prison population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Treaties & Documents / Razprave in Gradivo is the property of Institut za Narodnostna Vprasanja and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Treaties & Documents / Razprave in Gradivo is the property of Institut za Narodnostna Vprasanja and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The case of Northern Ireland and ex-IRA informers demonstrates the difficulty of dealing with the informer legacy post-conflict. We explain why Sinn Féin and the UK state have dealt with some conflict legacy cases involving informers but not with others. Contemporary political and reputational reasons are an important explanation, but there are also legal considerations and communal pressures at play. Divisions amongst alleged and self-confessed informers further facilitate this unstructured approach to legacy. These difficulties with informers' legacy are not unique to Northern Ireland. Similar challenges in reconciling former state agents with paramilitaries are evident across other conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) vigorously pursued Irish Republican Army (IRA) fugitives in the helping secure a number of high-profile deportations and extraditions, while the State Department enforced a strict policy of visa denial against prominent leaders of Sinn Féin. It mentions initiatives made it increasingly difficult for the IRA to utilize Irish America as a source for arms procurement, financial support, and publicity.

The Irish party system has been exceptional both for the weakness of its left-right conflict and for its long-run stability. How then can party competition on policy, and particularly competition between the main parties, be characterised? This study examines the Irish party system from an issue competition perspective, examining the party system agenda and asking whether Irish party competition is marked by differences in issue focus. New data from Irish party manifestos (1981–2020) coded within the framework of the Comparative Agendas Project show that rather than competing by focusing on different issues, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael's issue focus is very similar and has moved in parallel over time. Nor is a distinct focus on new issues evident in Sinn Féin's offering as they have emerged as a major party. Moreover, it finds that 'new politics' issues have remained marginal and it examines how this has occurred using the 'crucial case' of environmental policy. While differences in issue focus do not help us to distinguish the main parties, the politics of competence continues to have an important role and positional politics may be coming to the fore. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sinn Féin was once staunchly Eurosceptic and has periodically campaigned against the ratification of European Union treaties in Ireland. Since the early 2000s, however, they have rejected the Eurosceptic label and self-described as 'critically engaged' with the European Union. This article explores how Sinn Féin have used their membership of the European Parliament and the European United Left/Nordic Green Left parliamentary group since their first Members of the European Parliament were elected in 2004, with a particular focus on the acrimonious post–Brexit referendum period. The article argues that the European Union forum is seen in terms of its utility by Sinn Féin, as a venue to teach and learn from their colleagues on their particular understanding of Irish history, nationalism and party strategy. It concludes by arguing that, in a process beginning before Brexit, the opportunities the European Union platform affords Sinn Féin have led to the adaptation of a particularly novel engagement strategy with European institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One underexplored aspect of Sinn Féin is its position as an electorally competitive party that operates simultaneously in two separate jurisdictions. Sinn Féin’s operation (i.e. one centralised party, two jurisdictions) allows for a Most Similar Systems Design which can help determine how – and to what extent – its policy preferences differ between North and South. This also provides a test of issue competition and agenda-setting theory, which assumes that policy preferences must adapt to the unique vote and office-seeking incentives operating on political parties within states. This article draws upon new datasets from the Irish Policy Agendas Project and the Public Policy Agendas on a Shared Island project which have coded party manifestos (North and South) based on the Comparative Agendas Project coding scheme. The results support the assumptions made by issue competition and agenda-setting theory. Sinn Féin in the North tends to prioritise the representation of nationalist concerns, while Sinn Féin in the South focuses on more typical social democratic issues. But when nationalist interests are secure in Northern Ireland, Sinn Féin’s policy focus shifts to bread-and-butter issues that resemble its policy preferences in the Republic of Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ottoman Empire and Ireland seem an unlikely pair in every respect. In the secondary literature, the paths of the two countries never converge. Except for Sultan Abdülmecid's famous aid during the Famine, there has been virtually no discussion of the relationship between the two countries. By using the accounts of Ottoman authors and through a careful reading of archival materials from different eras, this article analyses the Ottoman perceptions of Ireland from the early modern era to the twentieth century. These documents and testimonies suggest that there was considerable interest in Ireland among Ottoman intellectuals and statesmen. They saw the country as some sort of anomaly which could be possibly useful in their dealings with Britain. For that reason, they diligently followed the developments taking place in Ireland. The case study developed in this article demonstrates first the importance of Ottoman archival materials for the purposes of comparative history; second the vibrant interest of the Ottoman Empire in the outside world in general and in Ireland in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay looks at how Ruaraidh Erskine of Mar interacted with some contemporaneous aspects of Irish politics and culture, discussing these points of contact and their impact on Erskine’s overall political outlook. I look at some important, if little known and perhaps quirky, interactions: Erskine’s relationship with the Irish poet and revolutionary, Patrick Pearse; Erskine’s critique of the “Anglo-Irish school” in the form of the Abbey Theatre and, finally, his engagement with obscure ideas to restore the High King of Ireland. There is no specific link between the three points of engagement other than Erskine’s political and cultural engagement with Ireland. An important part of my argument is that Erskine’s underpinning principles, that is his overarching belief in the twin causes of the Gaelic League and Arthur Griffith’s early incarnation of Sinn Féin, became an orthodoxy for him: an orthodoxy that fuelled progressive engagement with Irish language and political activists, and that also blinkered him from opportunities to new cultural initiatives in his own country. I seek to shed some light on a neglected Scottish historical figure through his engagement with a neighbouring country that was very close to his heart. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the galaxy of heroes and martyrs of the Irish national movement, the personality of Michael Collins, one of the most prominent figures of the Irish Revolution, stands out not only by constant and unflagging attention from historians, political scientists, but also constantly attracts the attention of writers and the media. In fact, from the moment of his tragic death to the present day, the image of Collins both does not leave the pages of special publications and manifests itself in Internet resources, thus expanding the areola of the reading audience. The online community, in addition, allows readers to instantly express their point of view on the representations of the various facets of his personality and the mul-tifaceted activities of the hero. A rather active transformation of the Collins image over time is observed. New generations of authors and the needs and demands of new generations of readers dictate the need to reveal new aspects of Collins' personality. From the Collins's heroization, traditional for the beginning of the 20th century, a transformation is currently observed in the evaluative characteristics of the personality. More and more attention is paid to the purely human characteristics of the character. Such innovations are dictated not only by the expansion of the "ecumenical" standard image of the hero, by the invasion of those areas, for example, his personal life, which were previously either on the periph- ery of interest or were not touched at all. No less influence on the formation of the multifaceted image of Michael Collins has a change in the mental characteristics of modern society, the formation of a new cultural code. This "omnivorous" readers of the new generation indicates that a new historical and cultural paradigm has been created. The transformation of the image of Michael Collins in research literature, in journalism, in popular publications, on the World Wide Web is not called to somehow fundamentally change the reading public's direction in the direction of negative attitude towards the hero, but once again testifies to new "standards" inherent in Western culture. The attention to the characters of the Irish Revolution was expectedly strengthened in connection with the centennial of this most important event in national history, the commemoration of which continues to this day. The proposed topic is, therefore, relevant in several aspects and goes beyond the analysis of only Collins' personality. In domestic historiography there are no studies devoted to the analysis of Collins' representation in the specialized literature, as well as in public opinion and perception.

The system of devolution set up in Northern Ireland in 1999 has proved volatile and unstable. In 2017, the Northern Ireland Executive collapsed, following the resignation of the Sinn Féin, deputy First Minister. For a three-year period, Executive and legislative devolution ceased to operate. The UK Government opted not to impose Direct Rule from Westminster, as happened previously. This article examines the consequences of the absence of a devolved government in the context of the existing system of multi-level governance (MLG). It is contended that mitigating action taken or considered to address the gap in governance can be best understood using an analytical framework drawn from the lens of MLG. A range of interventions, adjustments and interactions occurred involving the remaining levels of MLG. Despite the fall of the Executive and Assembly an amended form of governance continued to function in Northern Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1998 Agreement in Northern Ireland has often been portrayed as a textbook example of agonistic peace allowing parties to continue conflict in a political, adversarial manner post accord. Here, I investigate the institutional and dialogical reality of this claim by scrutinising agonistic aspects of interaction occurring in the Northern Ireland Assembly. Specifically, I analyse a video recording of the first sitting after the Assembly did not sit between 2017 and 2020. The debate provides a snapshot of the situation in Northern Ireland and gives insights into what agonistic interaction looks like in practice. The meeting reveals mutual acceptance of radically different identities and perceptions of the past as well as a jovial mode of interaction with elements of self-irony displaying an ability to hold identities and positions lightly. However, the room for counter-hegemonic discourses and passionate, intense contestation about difficult issues is very limited at the meeting. Rather, the Assembly shapes up as a theatre of opposition where Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party perform opposition while forming a new hegemony. Taking the opening debate as a point of departure, I discuss questions regarding inclusion, passionate debate and hegemony that the Northern Irish case poses for agonistic peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we critically examine how Sinn Féin responded to Brexit, why, and with what consequences. By destabilising the UK's territorial constitution and intensifying debate about Ireland's constitutional future, Brexit has represented a moment of unprecedented opportunity for Irish republicanism. However, this has been offset by the very real political and economic risks it has posed for the island of Ireland. We argue that Sinn Féin's pursuit of 'Special Status' for Northern Ireland represented an attempt to mitigate Brexit's risks, rather than to leverage its opportunities. This approach came with political costs for the party, whose recent electoral surge has arguably been in spite of rather than because of it. We demonstrate how Brexit has served to reshape Sinn Féin's politics, and how it has functioned to further moderate its 'Eurocriticism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The office of political party leader remains one that women rarely occupy. In the largest comparative study of party leadership to date, only 10.8% were women. One region which has made significant advances in this area is Northern Ireland. Since 2015, the two largest parties, Sinn Féin and the Democratic Unionist Party, have experienced a rapid feminisation of their leadership. Such a development is particularly remarkable given Northern Ireland's historically poor record on gender equality. This article explores the puzzle of gendered leadership change in Northern Ireland to reveal that the transition was primarily facilitated through the parties' informal practices rather than embedded structural change. In doing so, it demonstrates the relative importance of party- and system-level factors on women's political presence. As a power-sharing democracy, this case also provides comparative insights for those interested in addressing persistently low levels of female representation in post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on secret witness reports from Intelligence Officers of the Royal Irish Constabulary, and diplomatic correspondence from France's representatives to Dublin and London, this article seeks to complement recent historiography and qualify our understanding of the period 1914–18 by engaging fully with the issue of compulsory military service from the outbreak of the conflict. It contemplates how fears of conscription contributed to the radicalisation of rural communities and demonstrates that opposition to conscription formed a solid political foundation for Sinn Féin. Britain's determination to implement conscription to Ireland frightened civilian populations, gave rise to nationwide discontent, and attracted towards Sinn Féin populations likely to be drafted into the British Army. That study seeks to be a re-examination of the dynamics between the Irish revolution and the conscription scares and maintains that fears of compulsory service in Ireland significantly contributed to the victory of Sinn Féin candidates during the four electoral contests in 1917. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Both Sinn Féin and the DUP have successfully mobilised ethnic tribune strategies in order to secure dominance in the electoral politics of Northern Ireland. Alongside this development, Northern Irish society has become markedly more diverse as a result of increasing inward migration. While immigration has enriched the array of cultural variety in the territory, it has been accompanied by increasing evidence of high profile racism. This raises questions as to how political parties that have profited from ethnic tribune strategies might adapt to the realities of a more diverse society. This paper illustrates the manner in which Sinn Féin and the DUP have approached the issue of racism against ethnic minorities, using an in-depth, qualitative analysis of party language. The data are drawn from a series of interviews with elected representatives, party literature, and from debates in the Northern Ireland Assembly. Two key findings are discussed. Firstly, the paper notes a lack of clarity in the manner in which both parties approach the subjects of racism and sectarianism. Secondly, the paper highlights the process by which varieties of racism experienced by ethnic minorities, have become absorbed by debates traditionally associated with bi-national division in the territory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses that Sinn Fein, the Irish Republican political party, has taken the help of the European Lawyers for Democracy and Human Rights (ELDH) to establish contacts to penetrate political, diplomatic, and civic society to get support for the Irish Unity referendum as set out in the Good Friday Agreement. The Haldane Society of Socialist Lawyers will liaise with human rights groups in Ireland to facilitate an international legal fact-finding on behalf of ELDH.

The article investigates the coverage of the War of Independence in the visual and textual materials of Corriere della Sera and La Domenica del Corriere to show why these publications kept a mildly pro-British stance on the conflict while voicing their concerns. These leading publications gave extensive coverage to the Irish struggle for national self-determination, in which members of the Sinn Féin party were depicted as a dangerous minority and Ireland was called "troubled" or "the island without peace". My contention is that such representations were influenced by the editorial staff's fears about the contemporary Italian socio-political situation, nationally and internationally. Therefore, the articles and illustrations on the conflict should be read not only within the framework of the periodicals' usual concern for international politics, but also by considering the anxieties haunting the Italian intellectual elite at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Irish party system has been an outlier in comparative politics. Ireland never had a left-right divide in parliament, and for decades, the dominant centrist political parties competed around a centre-right policy agenda. The absence of an explicit left-right divide in party competition suggested that Irish voters, on average, occupy centre-right policy preferences. Combining survey data since 1973 and all Irish election studies between 2002 and 2020, we show that the average Irish voter now leans to the centre-left. We also show that income has recently emerged as a predictor of left-right self-placement, and that left-right positions increasingly structure vote choice. These patterns hold when using policy preferences on taxes, spending, and government interventions to reduce inequality as alternative indicators. We outline potential explanations for this leftward shift, and conclude that these developments might be anchored in economic inequalities and the left populist strategies of Sinn Féin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, political parties engage with journalists to promote their agendas and claim issue ownership through publishing manifestos, holding public events and issuing statements, but the coverage that this interaction produces is determined by the editorial focus and decision making of each outlet. In a hybrid media age, political parties can engage in disintermediation by directly shaping their own agenda and communicating with the public using social media, which also facilitate populist messaging. In this article, we use a combination of traditional media and social media data to explore how key issues and parties were mediated during the battle to own 'change' and claim issue ownership in the 2020 election campaign in Ireland. The analysis draws upon coded articles from three mainstream outlets and Facebook posts from the three main parties, along with user engagement data from those Facebook posts. We find that newspaper coverage reflected the framing of a change election. While Fine Gael received the most coverage, both Fianna Fáil and Sinn Féin show clear attempts to own change through social media, with Sinn Féin in particular 'owning' the most salient election issue of housing while also deploying substantial populist messaging which resulted in the most engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ROUGH BEAST My story and the reality of Sinn Fein MAIRIA CAHILL 464pp. Apollo. Paperback, 16.99 [pounds sterling]. MAIRIA CAHILL HAS A STORY to tell--the same story she has told [...]

The article considers the activities of the conservative governments of T. May and B. Johnson to solve the Northern Irish border issue against the background of Brexit. After the United Kingdom European Union membership referendum in 2016, it remained unclear how to agree on the modalities for the Belfast Agreement 1998, according to which the border in Northern Ireland should remain open, and the EU customs regulations. Any, even formal, border control will significantly reduce the flow of people, goods and capital, and also negatively affect the everyday life of people in the region. In this case, the socio-economic instability in Northern Ireland will increase and lead to a revival of the religious and political conflict between the Catholic and Protestant communities, as it had already been there in the 20th century. During the lengthy negotiations between London and Brussels, several ways were developed to solve this problem, which, however, could not fully satisfy the House of Commons or the leading regional parties of Northern Ireland. The victory of the Conservatives in the UK general election 2019 could change the balance of power in parliament and lead to a revision of the status of Northern Ireland.

Due to the majority electoral system the Conservative party has won the UK snap elections on December 12, 2019 with a landslide victory since the Bremainers’ vote was divided. The opposition in parliament is incapable to resist the undertakings of PM B. Johnson’s government. Among its top priorities are passing the EU (Withdrawal Agreement) Bill, Brexit on January 31, 2020 with no extension of the implementation period, amending the Fixed Term Parliament Act and scrutinizing the checks and balances system. The Tory government brings «austerity» to an end in a bid to keep its new voters. The UK territorial integrity issue will not disappear with Scotland pressing for Indyref2 and Northern Ireland happy to stay closer to the EU since parties of Irish republicans overtook the DUP. It is yet to be seen whether PM Johnson will be able to negotiate a favourable deal with the EU not to disappoint the electorate.

Authors have argued that counterterrorism must be consistent with 'the rule of law.' Often associated with this approach is the assumption that plural political structures limit the state's response to terrorism and that state agents will be held accountable if their response is excessive. Scholars who focus on social movements reject this assumption. We examine the state's response to anti-state violence in Northern Ireland between 1969 and 1994. In 1982, Sinn Féin did much better than expected in an election to the Northern Ireland Assembly. Following the election, it is alleged that state agents followed a 'shoot-to-kill' policy and shot dead Irish republican paramilitaries instead of arresting them. We find evidence suggesting such a policy and consider the implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the general election of February 2020, Sinn Féin won a plurality of the vote in the Republic of Ireland for the first time. The party system remained highly fragmented and, with Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael refusing to enter government with Sinn Féin, government formation took a record 20 weeks. Those 20 weeks coincided with the emergence of the Covid-19 public health emergency in Europe. A minority caretaker government introduced significant policy measures to address the associated public health and economic crises. At the end of June, Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael entered government together for the first time, and the Green Party joined them in a three-party majority coalition. The government faces significant challenges resulting from Covid-19 and from the UK's exit from the EU, and other policy problems including housing and healthcare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until the referendum of 23 June 2016, Northern Ireland, as seen from London, could appear to be a settled matter. Since 2007, it had been jointly managed by the two historic enemies, the DUP and Sinn Féin, and the institutions provided for in the 1998 power-sharing agreement were functioning smoothly. But the predominantly English vote in favour of Brexit upset a balance that had remained relatively fragile. The result brought to the forefront the issue of the partition of Ireland, as reflected in the border dividing it into two jurisdictions and dividing the population in the North over its legitimacy. Coincidentally, the snap general election called by Theresa May in 2017 had given the DUP, the party founded by Ian Paisley, a decisive role. Indeed, it was the opposition of the 10 Unionist Democratic MPs to any differential treatment for Northern Ireland that had blocked the implementation of Brexit and provoked another snap election in 2019. The political impasse also coincided with the centenary of the Irish War of Independence and the 50th anniversary of the civil rights movement and the outbreak of the Troubles. It is therefore important to analyse the election of 12 December 2019 in Northern Ireland in relation to the political upheavals in Westminster, with the issue of the physical border and the Backstop involving the European Union and the Republic of Ireland. While these ongoing controversies have rekindled age-old divisions, it will also be seen that a growing proportion of the Northern Irish population is seeking to escape the traditional dichotomy between orange and green.

Copyright of French Journal of British Studies / Revue Française de Civilisation Britannique is the property of Centre de Recherches et d'Etudes en Civilisation Britannique and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Does increasing immigration change the nature of language politics in a party system underpinned by ethnic valence strategies? This paper utilizes qualitative data to illustrate the manner in which debates on linguistic pluralism have become enmeshed in the politics of ethnic defense in Northern Ireland. It will be shown that language politics in this context is driven by the powerful pull of bi-national considerations. This is despite the fact that migrant languages have become increasingly common in the territory. The research provides insight into the manner in which ethnically defined parties have engaged with multicultural diversity, in the context of increasing immigration. It is shown that Sinn Féin representatives largely ignore discussions about wider language diversity, preferring to focus on narratives related to Gaelic. The Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) tends to utilize the broadened range of minority languages as a shield to repel nationalist demands for greater state support for Gaelic programs. The analysis of this evidence suggests that ethnically defined parties are ill-suited to the demands of a multicultural society and immigration-generated diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2020 Irish general election result was widely characterised as both a 'shock' and as a victory for the left. These claims are only partially true. The recent turn to the left was not a sudden development, but rather an expression of how the Irish political landscape has changed since the global financial crash. And while the electorate certainly appear more open to left-wing politics, the principal beneficiaries in terms of the popular vote (Sinn Féin) and access to power (the Greens) were parties with only questionable left-wing credentials. Before a new government could even be formed, the advent of the global health pandemic transformed the political terrain once more, with the two traditionally dominant centre-right parties (Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil) agreeing to share power for the first time. While the restoration of the political status quo has exposed the weakness of the republican left, we suggest that the neoliberal policies that lie ahead may in time revive the fortunes of the socialist left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent paper by Madden used concentration indices to examine the bases of party support in Ireland in the 2011 election. This note updates this work to incorporate the 2016 election using the latest wave of ESS data. The results show that in terms of the bases of party supports many of the features of the 'earthquake election' of 2011 remain, in particular the widely differing support bases for Fine Gael and Sinn Féin. Concentration indices with respect to income show little change from the 2011 election. However, there is some evidence that the support base for Fianna Fáil in 2016 was older and less well-educated than in 2011, with the change in support base for Fine Gael over the same period a mirror image. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section offers news briefs on politics in Great Britain as of March 2020. Tt announces the re-election of a Conservative Party Government under Boris Johnson in the December 2019 general election in Great Britain, as well as the loss of Northern Ireland Assembly parties Democratic Unionist Party and Sinn Féin. It also outlines the education policy referenced in the Conservative Party Manifesto for the general election.

Land purchase in Ireland is often regarded by historians as resulting in the pacification and de-politicisation of formerly unsettled local communities. This conclusion may be premature given that we do not yet know the details of how land purchase was actually implemented at the local level, and why, and with what consequences. By exploring the way in which land purchase was conducted in a single community, this article suggests that the United Irish League, a major influence on the actual operation of land purchase, often contradicted its own constitution by allocating additional grazing land to large farmers and shopkeepers rather than to poor small farmers or the landless. As a result, alternative tenant movements were established to defend small farmer' rights – like the Galway Secret Society – and these sometimes became the basis for subsequent Republican organisations including Sinn Fein. Far from bringing peace, land reform – as overseen by the United Irish League – actually generated greater conflict within local communities and may have provided the impetus for violent Republicanism in some communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

L’année 1917 semble a priori faire figure d’exception dans la chronologie événementielle de la révolution irlandaise, laquelle embrasse la rébellion de Pâques 1916, la crise de la conscription et la victoire électorale du Sinn Féin en 1918, la guerre d’indépendance de 1919-21, le traité anglo-irlandais de 1921 et la guerre civile de 1922-23. Cependant, si rien d’aussi spectaculaire ne s’est effectivement produit en 1917, l’année n’en demeure pas moins déterminante quant au destin du pays. Cet article se propose donc d’établir dans quelle mesure 1917 constitue justement une période charnière dans la révolution irlandaise.