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This paper studies undergraduate students' perceptions about using Google Docs® for guided writing of the final assessment in an Academic Writing course at a Higher Education level. Qualitative data have been collected through a Moodle survey and analysed employing Thematic Analysis. The aim is to see if students' perceptions matched with their teacher's aims, which were to reduce assessment anxiety toward a new and complex writing assignment such as a Literature Review; help working more effectively and reduce procrastination; and possibly enhance success rate. Results show that overall, students liked the technical features (autosaving, accessibility), the guidelines and examples contained in the template shared, and the role of the teacher as controller and provider of feedback and feedforward. Yet some few divergences between the teacher's aim and students' perceptions emerged: some students did not like working on-line, expressed preference for Microsoft Word®, found the procedure time-consuming or constraining, or even too easy. Most importantly, some students felt stressed about being watched. Therefore, if teachers want to adopt the same procedure, they should make sure they explain as clearly as possible the aims of the use of technology to maximize effectiveness and minimize students' resistance.

Based on a critical discursive perspective, this work analyses the ideology around the languages spoken in Italy, namely Italian and contested languages such as Lombard, Neapolitan or Sicilian, which are commonly referred to as ‘dialects’. The aim is to study how journalists construct, spread and justify a monolingual ideology that favours central nationalism (or macronationalism). Seventy-one articles have been examined, which were published online by the major Italian newspaper la Repubblica (www.repubblica.it) in 2011, the year of the 150th anniversary of the unification of Italy. The analysis shows that journalists contribute to Italian macronationalism mainly through three discursive strategies: references to plurality, language hierarchisation, and suffering erasure. In the first strategy, contested languages are negatively framed as many, unintelligible and divisive. In the second, a categorisation such as ‘language/dialect’ is used which legitimises Italian and delegitimises contested languages by negating their very languageness. In the third strategy, narratives on the unification process are used that erase the suffering brought about by the eradication of contested languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From a critical discursive perspective, this paper analyses the documentary Tourist go home! which produces a populist anti-tourism discourse, in which tourism is framed in terms of cultural and economic anxiety. Cultural anxiety is based on the construction of danger for people and places threatened by the arrival of many mobile Others and echoes anti-immigration discourse, typical of Right-wing populism; similarities can be seen also in terms of discursive strategies such as instilling fear, praising the past, opposing we-locals vs them, personalizing the Other and devices such as metaphors of danger, quantification, and exclusive deixis. Economic anxiety is based on the construction of winners and losers and resonates with a Left-wing populist discourse reclaiming wealth redistribution and popular sovereignty; similarities concern discursive strategies such as opposing we/loser/People vs them/winners/Elite; praising the People and despising the Elite; depersonalizing the Other; and devices such as metaphors, qualification, and inclusive deixis. The analysis also revealed the ideological dilemmas of this anti-tourism discourse, including the conflicting relationship with cosmopolitanism, asymmetry in the right to the city, an economic conception of tourists as resources, the horizontal (elsewhere) and vertical (above) displacement of the outgroup (Elite) to preserve the ingroup (People) homogeneity and inclusiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses societal power relations and the way they are reflected in the public space of Galicia (Spain). It reflects on the struggles concerning the presence, contestation, and erasure of language(s) within the city of A Coruña, one of the main Galician cities. The three different spellings for the city name symbolize the struggle between social agents with different backgrounds, ideologies, and aims: linguistic conflict is thus homologous with the social conflict. Each spelling indexes different glottopolitical stances and traces different boundaries for different imagined spaces and communities. I focus on the 'war of spelling' and its impact on the linguistic landscape, highlighting the importance of diacritics in indexing identities. In the light of these two points, I address the tensions that can be detected in the production of the new city logo, which constitutes an attempt to erase the linguistic and social conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the MoVimento 5 Stelle (M5S) in Italy and Podemos in Spain thematise the role of the State. We draw from a qualitative analysis of speeches of party leaders and party manifestoes in recent national elections. We argue that Podemos and the M5S coincide in reasserting the principle of popular sovereignty to overcome the present “post-democratic” condition and the distance between citizens and the State. However, they differ in their understanding of the State’s intervention on the economy and society. Podemos proposes a new interventionist state reminiscent of post-war social democracy. M5S has a more liberal view, conceiving of the State as a neutral arbiter of the free market. Furthermore, the two parties have different conceptions of the relationship between the State and the Nation. While adopting a patriotic discourse, Podemos has catered for demands of local autonomy, framing Spain as a “nation of nations” and has been adamant in defending migrants and refugees. The M5S has instead proposed a more nationalist discourse, as seen in tirades by party leaders against migrants and refugees. These divergences reflect the different positioning of these formations along the Left/Right axis and how this results in a more inclusive/exclusive view of the State. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper I critically analyze the work of Shepard Fairey, the street artist better known as OBEY, as a multimodal discourse. After introducing the notion of street art, I analyze Fairey’s aesthetics, inspired in Pop Art and Soviet Constructivism, as well as his accounts on his own art, in order to unveil his ideology. I then discuss a particular case, concerning the pastiche of the Che Guevara’s image. I will show that the seemingly subversive nature of OBEY’s work, is nothing more than marketing. Consequently, by industrially (re)producing and commodifiying dissent, OBEY banalizes and deactivates it. According to the dichotomy between oppositional and emergent discourses, I conclude that OBEY enacts only an oppositional behavior. Moreover, by ‘manufacturing propaganda dissent’, OBEY performs protest, but in doing so he contributes to perpetuating the system he says he fights against. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This research note deals with the so-called “political ,” i.e. the use of instead of the or prescribed by standard orthography in the Spanish linguistic landscape. This feature can be linked to the “politics of protest,” indexing writers' anarchist stance or membership in radical, left-wing groups. In 2011, the Spanish bank Bankia used in the tagline of one of its advertisements:hazte bankero(“become a banker”). This re-semiotization of by Bankia has turned urban public spaces into a site of conflict and contestation. On the one hand, the bank trivialized a small but powerful symbol of political, grassroots dissent. On the other hand, it triggered resistance from groups traditionally associated with the use of , namely the 15M Movement (Movimiento 15MorM15M), who renounced to use it in its protests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This project consists of the multidisciplinary analysis of the persuasive strategies used in a regional TV commercial to promote GADIS, a Galician (Spain) supermarket chain. The video, which provoked an overwhelmingly positive reaction within Galician society, strategically appeals nationalistic feelings in order to achieve specific commercial objectives. In this commercial GADIS presents itself as a company that defends local attributes (Galician, Galicians, and 'Galicianness') against foreign ones. The speaker, by playing off positive stereotypical features of Galicia and inverting negative ones, builds and conveys a positive image of Galicia which is intended to make Galicians proud of their Galicianness. In order to make the advertisements more acceptable, GADIS praises the Galicians through the use of humor and irony, which serves to mitigate the nationalism presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I will analyze, as an example of political discourse, the songs used by Spain's two main political parties in the 2008 general elections. Just like other texts used in political electoral discourse (such as speeches, interviews, meetings, posters, advertisements or videos), these songs form a part of a public and ideological discourse aimed at the election of a candidate. The whole of the candidate's discourse is aimed at convincing the electorate that she/he and his/her party are the best choice (legitimation), while the opposing candidate is the worst (delegitimation). In this paper, I will analyze how this strategy, quite typical in political ideological electoral discourse, is put into practice in the two songs. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this paper we analyze, as an example of oral political discourse, the songs of two main Spanish politics parties, during the general 2008 elections. As other texts of political discourse (such as speech, interviews, meetings, posters, advertisings, etc.), these songs that accompanied the electoral propaganda are part of a public and ideological discourse aimed at the election of a candidate (perlocutive object). The elector voting for the candidate must believe that he is the best option available. Thus, the candidate's discourse is directed so the elector knows that the candidate and his party are the best options (legitimation), while it presents the opposing candidate as the worst one (delegitimation). The results of the analysis show that these strategies, quite typical in political discourse, have some new elements such as their resemblance to commercial advertising, i.e. the testimonials by famous people. Even if the political songs are a traditional genre with conventional communicative aims (propaganda and persuasion), they display some typical features in contemporary and postmodern communication: colloquiality, informality, "carnivalization", syncretism and hibridation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]