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Most extant research on natives' attitudes toward immigration and immigrants (ATII) pays scant attention to the explanandum: predictors are widely assumed to apply across attitudinal facets regardless of how the dependent was defined and operationalized. This paper employs a sequence of factor and regression analyses to explore the dimensional structure of ATII in Spain, based on survey data collected in 2020 (N = 2,344). The most parsimonious factor solution for our dataset's broad basket of attitude gauges distinguishes impact assessments and migration policy preferences ('attitudes toward immigration') neatly from sentiment toward various immigrant groups ('attitudes toward immigrants'); the ensuing latent variables correlate with differentiated sets of predictors. Predictors based on extant theorizing prove highly pertinent for immigration attitudes, but contribute less to explaining anti-immigrant sentiment. In a more fine-grained factor solution, conceptually coherent ramifications emerge within both of these main dimensions; again, the more nuanced attitude components are associated with differentiated predictor profiles. These findings caution against the widely held notion that any sentiment or appraisal regarding international migration and migrants expresses a general attitude in this realm, instead encouraging researchers to acknowledge the complexity of ATII and pursue facet-specific explanations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Research Note reports on a list experiment regarding anti-immigrant sentiment (n=1,965) that was fielded in Spain in 2020. Among participants with left-of-center ideology, the experiment originated a negative difference-in-means between treatment and control. Drawing on Zigerell's (2011) deflation hypothesis, we assess the possibility that leftist treatment group respondents may have altered their scores by more than one to distance themselves unmistakably from the sensitive item. We consider this possibility plausible in a context of intense polarization where immigration attitudes are closely associated with political ideology. This study's data speak to the results of recent metaanalyses that have revealed list-experiments to fail when applied to prejudiced attitudes and other highly sensitive issues - i.e., precisely the kind of issues with regard to which the technique ought to work best. We conclude that the possibility of strategic response error in specific respondent categories needs to be considered when staging and interpreting list experiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Seit dem Jahr 2000 steht Spaniens Migrationspolitik im Zeichen des Universalismus, eines der markantesten Grundprinzipien der post-franquistischen politischen Kultur. Eliten und Bevölkerung verstanden die starke Immigration als Teil des im Jahr 2008 jäh endenden Wirtschaftsbooms. Derzeit überschattet die Covid-19-Pandemie Spanien, und die rechtspopulistische Partei Vox hat den migrationspolitischen Konsens gekündigt. Damit entsteht die Frage, ob die Integrationserfolge vergangener Jahre Bestand haben werden. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The widely renowned theory of group-threat predicts antiimmigrant backlash when immigration societies experience economic downturns. However, despite skyrocketing unemployment and widespread misgivings about immigration's impact, no discernible wave of anti-immigrant sentiment has emerged in Spain; the ensuing puzzle accentuates in the southernmost region of Andalusia, where jobless rates surged beyond 35%. This study examines why anti-immigrant animosity remained stable at low levels, even receded, amidst such inauspicious conditions. Our explanatory model expects increasingly adverse pressures of perceived group-threat on natives' sentiment toward immigrants to be compensated by increasingly benign impact of various benevolent predispositions and situational perceptions. To test these assumptions, we compute a repeated logistic regression model, discern coefficient from sample effects and examine time-trends among vulnerable populations; data were collected at the crisis'onset (2008) and nadir (2013). Defying expectations, neither perceived group-threat nor principled pro-immigration credos (Universalism; pro-diversity) were found to affect the evolution of anti-immigrant sentiment appreciably throughout the economic downturn; however, ideological polarisation and elite-bashing yielded increasingly benign impact. These findings suggest that intergroup tensions were kept latent by a dynamics of political competition that has side-lined immigration as salient social issue: the prevalence of anti-austerity, anti-corruption political rhetoric contributed to preempting anti-immigrant sentiment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides three interrelated reasons not to confound perceptions of economic group-threat with hostility toward people of foreign origin. Firstly, I argue that expansive notions of prejudice impede analyzing attitudes toward immigration and immigrants with sufficient precision. Secondly, the recent evolution in the Southern Spanish region of Andalusia illustrates divergent trajectories: anti-immigrant sentiment remained subdued despite surging unemployment and perceived conflict-of-interest. Thirdly, various factors are found to contain antiimmigrant sentiment amidst inauspicious economic circumstances and regardless of perceived group-competition. The study shows that attitudes towards immigrants hinge on a complex array of predispositions and perceptions, rather than economic facts and interests per se. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Papers: Revista de Sociologia is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Migraciones is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas, Instituto Universitario de Estudios sobre Migraciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Sociología is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Spain is the European country with the highest cumulative AIDS caseload and presently has an estimated population of at least 120,000 persons living with HIV. Most Spanish HIV and AIDS cases are due to needle sharing in the context of intravenous drug use. This article traces the development of targeted HIV prevention policy in the field of drug use, exploring the reasons for the time-lag in making harm reduction among drug users a policy priority. Reports about dramatically high HIV prevalence rates among Spanish drug users had already emerged by 1986-1987. However, the Spanish government began to devise large-scale harm reduction programmes for drug users only in the years 1992-1994. This new development has led to the establishment of Europe's largest methadone maintenance programme. In the meantime, though, the central government (as opposed to health authorities in some of Spain's regions) continued to treat public health concerns as secondary to a drug policy focused on the goal of abstinence. The article argues that both (a) the rapid diffusion of HIV among drug users in the late 1970s and early 1980s and (b) the time-lag in elaborating an adequate policy reaction to the emerging AIDS crisis were related to the country's transition from an authoritarian regime to democratic government. Rather than in terms of direct continuity, it is argued, authoritarianism left its mark on HIV epidemiology and policy in terms of the fast social change triggered by its demise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Soziale Systeme is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)