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Author(s): Jesus Alfonso D. Datu [sup.1] , Jose Alberto S. Reyes [sup.2] Author Affiliations: (1) 0000000121742757grid.194645.bDivision of Learning, Development, and Diversity, Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Pokfulam, [...], In the Western settings, power positively predicted happiness (e.g., Kifer et al. 2013 (See CR16)). Though, this result may not be generalized across cultures as cultural psychologists recognized that interdependence is more important in collectivist cultures. Consistent with this conjecture, Datu and Reyes (2014 (See CR10)) assessed the relations among power, relations, and happiness in the Philippine setting which revealed that power negatively predicted happiness. However, not much is known on why power could potentially reduce happiness in collectivist cultures. Thus, the current investigation employed qualitative research to offer in-depth explanations on why power may be associated with lower happiness in a collectivist setting. Findings revealed three major themes that characterized reasons on why power may decrease happiness in an interdependent context: a.) Power impairs relationship; b.) Power evokes negative judgments from others; and c.) Power comes with a great responsibility. The theoretical and practical implications of these results are discussed.

Previous studies show there is little or no association between perceived emotional support and well-being in European American culture. The authors hypothesized that this paradoxical absence of any benefit of perceived support is unique to cultural contexts that privilege independence rather than interdependence of the self. Study 1 tested college students and found, as predicted, that among Euro-Americans a positive effect of perceived emotional support on subjective well-being (positive affect) was weak and, moreover, it disappeared entirely once selfesteem was statistically controlled. In contrast, among Asians in Asia (Japanese and Filipinos) perceived emotional support positively predicted subjective well-being even after self-esteem was controlled. Study 2 extended Study 1 by testing both Japanese and American adults in midlife with respect to multiple indicators of well-being and physical health. Overall, the evidence underscores the central significance of culture as a moderator of the effectiveness of perceived emotional support. Keywords: perceived emotional support; self-esteem; wellbeing; culture; independence; interdependence

From the trait perspective, traitedness, or consistency of behavior, is expected in all cultures. However, cultural psychologists argue that behavior may be more determined by traits in individualistic than collectivistic cultures. The authors investigated implicit theories and self-perceptions of traitedness in two individualistic cultures, the United States (n = 342) and Australia (n = 172), and four collectivistic cultures, Mexico (n = 400), Philippines 01 = 363), Malaysia (n = 251), and Japan (n = 192). Although implicit trait beliefs were endorsed in all cultural groups, they were stronger in individualistic than collectivistic cultures. Cultural differences in self-perceptions of one's own traitedness, as operationalized by self-monitoring, were also found, and comparisons involving the United States and most collectivistic cultures were consistent with cultural psychology perspectives. The ability of self-construals to predict implicit beliefs and self-perceptions of traitedness was also investigated. Overall, the results supported efforts to integrate trait and cultural psychology perspectives. Keywords: implicit theories; self-monitoring; self-construals; traits; cultural psychology

Implicit trait and contextual theories encompass lay people's beliefs about the longitudinal stability (vs. instability) of traits; the cross-situational consistency (vs. variability) of behavior; the ability to predict (vs. not predict) individuals' behavior from their traits; the ability to infer traits from few behavioral instances (vs. the difficulty of doing so); and the importance of traits in understanding people (vs. the greater importance of contextual factors such as roles and relationships). Implicit trait and contextual beliefs were investigated in two individualistic cultures, the United States and Australia, and two collectivistic cultures, Mexico and the Philippines. Hypotheses based on an integration of trait and cultural psychology perspectives were supported. The structure of implicit beliefs replicated well, and trait beliefs predicted judgments about cross-situational consistency of behavior in all four cultures. Implicit trait beliefs were stronger, and implicit contextual beliefs weaker, in the United States as compared to Mexico and the Philippines. Keywords: implicit theories; traits; cultural psychology

In lexically based studies, we derived Filipino personality dimensions and related them to the Big Five model. In Study 1, Filipino high-school and college students (N = 629) rated themselves on a near-comprehensive list of 861 Filipino (Tagalog) trait adjectives. In Study 2, Filipino high-school and college students (N = 1,531) rated 280 markers of dimensions identified in Study 1. Some students (n = 473) also completed the NEO Five-Factor Inventory. Seven comparable Filipino dimensions were identified in factor analyses in the two studies. We concluded that the dimensions we labeled Concern for Others (vs. Egotism), Conscientiousness, Gregariousness, and Intellect were quite similar to Big Five Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, Extraversion, and Intellect, respectively. The Filipino Self-Assurance dimension was most similar to Big Five Neuroticism. The Filipino Temperamentalness dimension was more complex in Big Five terms, overlapping Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and Neuroticism. A final Filipino factor resembled a Negative Valence or Infrequency dimension. More than five factors had to be extracted to obtain Philippine dimensions resembling all of the Big Five.

The authors tested individualism-collectivism (I-C) theory by comparing self-described traits, values, and moods of students in individualistic (U.S., n = 660) and collectivistic (Philippine, n = 656) cultures and in students within these cultures varying in individualism and collectivism. They also examined the cross-cultural generalizability of factor dimensions derived with Hui's I-C measure. U.S. and Philippine students' self-descriptions of their personality traits, valued traits, general values, and moods generally differed in ways predicted by I-C theory. However, in comparing individualistic and collectivistic students within the two cultures, the U.S. results conformed more consistently to I-C theory than did the Philippine results. The cross-cultural comparability of the I-C factor dimensions was fair at best.

We investigated the structure of affect in the Filipino culture and compared our results to those in Western studies. Four samples of students (ns = 397 to 530) rated their mood for today, the past week, or in general, using near-comprehensive sets of Filipino mood adjectives. Results of exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses supported a hierarchical model of affect and the cross-cultural comparability of self-report mood dimensions (i.e., higher-order Positive and Negative Affect, plus specific affects corresponding to hypothesized universal or basic emotions). The results were more consistent with biological theories of affect than a strong social constmctivist perspective.

To examine cultural, parental, and personal sources of young adults' long-term romantic partner preferences, we had undergraduates (n = 2,071) and their parents (n = 1,851) in eight countries (Canada, India, Italy, Japan, Mexico, Malaysia, Philippines, the United States) rate or rank qualities they would want in the student's partner. We introduce and use a method for separating preference patterns into normative patterns (shared across families and generations) and distinctive patterns (that characterized particular families or individuals). We found that youth everywhere wanted partners who aligned with both their own dispositions and their parents' preferences, and these alignments reflected both culturally normative preferences and preferences distinctive to specific individuals or families. Students also predicted their parents' responses: Their predictions were reasonably accurate reflections of what a typical parent prefers, but also reflected distinctive assumed agreement (i.e., they overestimated the degree to which their particular parents shared their particular preferences for qualities that diverged from culturally normative ideals). Culturally normative patterns exerted a stronger influence on actual or assumed parent–child agreement and accuracy in relatively collectivistic Southeast Asia (Philippines and Malaysia) than in relatively individualistic English-speaking North America (the United States and Canada). Conversely, preferences for partners who shared one's distinctive personal dispositions were stronger in Western than Asian countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To examine cultural, gender, and parent–child differences in partner preferences, in eight countries undergraduates (n = 2,071) and their parents (n = 1,851) ranked the desirability of qualities in someone the student might marry. Despite sizable cultural differences—especially between Southeast Asian and Western countries—participants generally ranked kind/understanding (reflecting interpersonal communion) highest, and intelligent and healthy (reflecting mental/physical agency) among the top four. Students valued exciting, attractive partners more and healthy, religious partners less than parents did; comparisons with rankings by youth in 1984 (i.e., from the parents' generation) suggested cohort effects cannot explain most parent–child disagreements. As evolutionary psychology predicts, participants prioritized wives' attractiveness and homemaker skills and husbands' education and breadwinner skills; but as sociocultural theory predicts, variations across countries/decades in gendered spousal/in‐law preferences mirrored socioeconomic gender differences. Collectively, the results suggest individuals consider their social roles/circumstances when envisioning their ideal spouse/in‐law, which has implications for how humans' partner‐appraisal capabilities evolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assessed self-consistency (expressing similar traits in different situations) by having undergraduates in the United States ( n = 230), Australia ( n = 220), Canada ( n = 240), Ecuador ( n = 101), Mexico ( n = 209), Venezuela ( n = 209), Japan ( n = 178), Malaysia ( n = 254), and the Philippines ( n = 241) report the traits they expressed in four different social situations. Self-consistency was positively associated with age, well-being, living in Latin America, and not living in Japan; however, each of these variables showed a unique pattern of associations with various psychologically distinct sources of raw self-consistency, including cross-situationally consistent social norms and injunctions. For example, low consistency between injunctive norms and trait expressions fully explained the low self-consistency in Japan. In accord with trait theory, after removing normative and injunctive sources of consistency, there remained robust distinctive noninjunctive self-consistency (reflecting individuating personality dispositions) in every country, including Japan. The results highlight how clarifying the determinants and implications of self-consistency requires differentiating its distinctive, injunctive, and noninjunctive components. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to explore the experience of career foreclosure (Germeijs, Luyckx, Notelaers, Goossens, & Verschueren, 2012) among Filipino individuals, in order to gain insight on how an interdependent self-construal (Markus & Kitayama, 1991) is revealed in the career decision-making of Filipinos. Interviews of nine Filipino participants aged 16 to 52 revealed seven factors that influence Filipinos to follow in a parent's career footsteps: (a) perceived family legacy; (b) beliefs about genetic pre-dispositions; (c) honoring and paying tribute; (d) creating pooled resources; (e) shared reputation and sense of success; and (f) everyday love language. This study raises implications for career counseling of Filipino adolescents, and poses questions about the application of long-standing Western-derived theories in career research in the Philippine setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sought to establish the validity and reliability of a recent measure of interdependent happiness, the Interdependent Happiness Scale (IHS; Hitokoto & Uchida, 2015) with a sample of Filipino undergraduates. Interdependent happiness refers to the state of being relationally oriented, preserving quiescence, and remaining ordinary among others. The IHS was administered to 221 college students from three private, sectarian universities in Metro Manila. The IHS was found to have high internal consistency reliability (Cronbach's alpha = .852). The one-dimensional structure of the IHS was also confirmed, with acceptable goodness of- fit indices: χ2 = 51.88, df = 24, p-value = .001; χ2 /df = 2.16; RMSEA = .07; SRMR = .05; CFI = 0.96; TLI = 0.94. The IHS was significantly correlated with measures of Positive and Negative Affect and with Subjective Well-Being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study aimed to examine the effect of context on the self-evaluation of personality traits. Participants of the study were 78 Filipino counselors (Female=63, Male=14, Not Indicated=1), with age ranging from 22 to 60 years (M =37.62, SD =8.57). The study employed the within-subjects experimental design to determine whether context (more specifically, Overall View of Self, With Clients, With Colleagues, and With Significant Others) significantly impacts the self-evaluations of participants of ten personality traits. The Friedman test was used to analyze variations in the participants' trait ratings, and results showed significant differences in ratings across the four contexts. There were eight out of the ten traits which were given significantly different ratings across the four contexts: Patient, (X²(3)=46.98, p<.05); Understanding, (X²(3)=32.81, p<.05); Honest, (X²(3)=15.28, p<.05); Intelligent, (X²(3)=23.03, p<.05); Brave, (X²(3)=10.03, p<.05); Modest, (X²(3)=16.83, p<.05); Warm, (X²(3)=10.09, p<.05); Punctual, (X²(3)=23.14, p<.05). The findings show that self-evaluations of traits can significantly vary depending on the context in which the rating is being given. Implications on the assumptions usually accompanying use of self-reports in the assessment of personality are discussed. Recommendations for counselors and users of tests are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lexical studies have focused on traits. In the Filipino language, we investigated whether additional dimensions can be identified when personality-relevant terms for social roles, statuses and effects, plus physical attributes, are included. Filipino students (N = 496) rated themselves on 268 such terms, plus 253 markers of trait and evaluative dimensions. We identified 10 dimensions of social and physical attributes—Prominence, Uselessness, Attractiveness, Respectability, Uniqueness, Destructiveness, Presentableness, Strength, Dangerousness and Charisma. Most of these dimensions did not correspond in a one-to-one manner to Filipino or alternative trait models (Big Five, HEXACO, ML7). However, considerable redundancy was observed between the social and physical attribute dimensions and trait and evaluative dimensions. Thus, social and physical attributes communicate information about personality traits, and vice versa. Copyright © 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Filipino college students (N =740) rated their personalities using 502 reasonably familiar terms from a comprehensive taxonomy of Filipino trait adjectives. Using factor analysis, we replicated the seven Filipino personality dimensions identified in a previous study (Church, Reyes, Katigbak and Grimm, 1997). At least seven factors are needed to identify dimensions resembling all of the Big Five. When positive- and negative-evaluation terms are included a Negative-Valence dimension is found, but positive-evaluation terms blend with Intellect terms rather than identifying a distinct dimension. Thus, the cross-cultural generalizability of the Big-Seven model (Tellegen and Waller, 1997) is not completely supported. Correlational analyses consistently show good one-to-one correspondence between the Filipino Gregariousness, Concern for Others versus Egotism, Conscientiousness, and Intellect dimensions and Big-Five Extraversion, Agreeableness, Conscientiousness, and Intellect, respectively. The Filipino Temperamentalness and Self-assurance dimensions, although moderately correlated with Neuroticism, are multidimensional in terms of the Big Five. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We have developed a comprehensive list of Filipino person descriptive adjectives, organized them into Angleitner, Ostendorf and John’s (1990) person descriptive categories, obtained college students’ (N= 1048) trait prototypicality judgments, and compared the Filipino trait lexicon to an English trait (Goldberg, 1990) taxonomy based on the Big Five personality domains. Differences in the relative size of different person descriptive categories were noted between the Filipino and German languages. The Filipino person descriptive lexicon appears to be roughly comparable in size to the person descriptive or personality relevant lexicons in the German, Dutch, Italian, Spanish and Hungarian languages, but substantially smaller than the English person descriptive lexicon. Nonetheless, the Filipino trait lexicon makes distinctions comparable to those encompassed by the English taxonomic categories. As in the English language, the Big Five Agreeableness domain is the most lexically elaborated in Filipino, followed by Surgency and Conscientiousness, Intellect, and Emotional Stability. That is, the largest trait domains may be those with the most direct interpersonal reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examined the cross-cultural comparability of emotion lexicons and their conceptual organisation. In Study 1 we derived a comprehensive list of Filipino emotion adjectives using the judgements of native speakers. In Study 2 we had Filipino-English bilinguals classify the Filipino terms into an English emotion taxonomy and concluded that the nature and range of emotion language, and hence experience, of Filipino and English speakers is similar. In Study 3 we compared Filipino emotion clusters derived from a cluster analysis of semantic similarity judgements to clusters found in other languages and to hypothesised universal or basic emotions. We identified Filipino terms and clusters corresponding to most, if not all, hypothesised basic emotions. The universality of broad Pleasantness and Arousal dimensions of affect was also supported. The results provided better support for the cross-cultural comparability of emotion concepts and experience than for a strong social constructivist view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]