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Physical activity (PA) reduces the risk of several non-communicable diseases (NCDs). Natural environments support recreational PA. Using data including a representative cross-sectional survey of the English population, we estimated the annual value of nature-based PA conducted in England in 2019 in terms of avoided healthcare and societal costs of disease.Population-representative data from the Monitor of Engagement with the Natural Environment (MENE) survey (n = 47,580; representing 44,386,756) were used to estimate the weekly volume of nature-based recreational PA by adults in England in 2019. We used epidemiological dose–response data to calculate incident cases of six NCDs (ischaemic heart disease (IHD), ischaemic stroke (IS), type 2 diabetes (T2D), colon cancer (CC), breast cancer (BC) and major depressive disorder (MDD)) prevented through nature-based PA, and estimated associated savings using published costs of healthcare, informal care and productivity losses. We investigated additional savings resulting from hypothetical increases in: (a) visitor PA and (b) visitor numbers.In 2019, 22 million adults > 16 years of age in England visited natural environments at least weekly. At reported volumes of nature-based PA, we estimated that 550 cases of IHD, 168 cases of IS, 1,410 cases of T2D, 41 cases of CC, 37 cases of BC and 10,552 cases of MDD were prevented, creating annual savings of £108.7million (95 % uncertainty interval: £70.3million; £150.3million).Nature-based recreational PA in England results in reduced burden of disease and considerable annual savings through prevention of priority NCDs. Strategies that increase nature-based PA could lead to further reductions in the societal burden of NCDs.

Abstract Background There is now a relatively well-established evidence base suggesting that greener living environments and time spent in urban green and blue spaces (UGBS) can be beneficial for human health and wellbeing. However, benefits are not universal and there remain widespread social inequalities in access to such resources and experiences, particularly along axes of class, race, ethnicity, age and disability, and in relation to efforts to increase the availability and accessibility of such spaces. These injustices often relate to distributive, procedural and recognition-based processes. There is growing interest in how to ensure that efforts to increase access to or use of UGBS (whether through infrastructural or social programmes) result in equitable outcomes whilst minimising potential for exacerbating existing inequalities and injustices. Community engagement is considered an important step towards more inclusive UGBS decision-making, from planning and design to management and maintenance processes. It is thought to contribute to better and more widely trusted decisions, enhanced democracy, community satisfaction, civic interest and feelings of green space ownership, and greater longevity of UGBS projects. However, uneven representation and barriers to participation can create imbalances and undermine these benefits. Methods An iterative, multi-stage realist-inspired review will be conducted to ask what works, in what context and in what ways relating to the meaningful involvement of communities in UGBS decision-making, focusing on the skills, capacities and capabilities of different stakeholders and the role of contexts and processes. ‘Effectiveness’ (or what works) will be understood as a multifaceted outcome, encompassing both the processes and results of community engagement efforts. Following a scoping stage to identify initial programme theory, inclusion/exclusion criteria and derive search terms, relevant databases and grey literature will be searched to identify interdisciplinary literature in two phases. The first phase will be used to further develop programme theories, which will be articulated as ‘if then’ statements. The second phase searches will be used to identify sources to further explore and evidence the programme and formal theory. We will assess all includable evidence for conceptual richness, prioritising more conceptually rich sources if needed. Discussion The realist synthesis will explore the key context, mechanism and outcome configurations that appear to explain if and how different approaches to community-involved UGBS decision-making are or are not effective. We will consider factors such as different conceptualisations of community, and if and how they have been involved in UGBS decision-making; the types of tools and approaches used; and the socio-cultural and political or governance structures within which decision-making takes place.

Abstract Natural environments can promote well-being through multiple mechanisms. Many studies have investigated relationships between residential green/blue space (GBS) and well-being, fewer explore relationships with actual use of GBS. We used a nationally representative survey, the National Survey for Wales, anonymously linked with spatial GBS data to investigate associations of well-being with both residential GBS and time in nature (N = 7631). Both residential GBS and time spent in nature were associated with subjective well-being. Higher green-ness was associated with lower well-being, counter to hypotheses (predicting the Warwick and Edinburgh Mental Well-Being Scale (WEMWBS): Enhanced vegetation index β = − 1.84, 95% confidence interval (CI) − 3.63, − 0.05) but time spent in nature was associated with higher well-being (four hours a week in nature vs. none β = 3.57, 95% CI 3.02, 4.13). There was no clear association between nearest GBS proximity and well-being. In support of the equigenesis theory, time spent in nature was associated with smaller socioeconomic inequalities in well-being. The difference in WEMWBS (possible range 14–70) between those who did and did not live in material deprivation was 7.7 points for those spending no time in nature, and less at 4.5 points for those spending time in nature up to 1 h per week. Facilitating access and making it easier for people to spend time in nature may be one way to reduce socioeconomic inequalities in well-being.

Nature-based solutions including urban forests and wetlands can help communities cope better with climate change and other environmental stressors by enhancing social-ecological resilience. Natural ecosystems, settings, elements and affordances can also help individuals become more personally resilient to a variety of stressors, although the mechanisms underpinning individual-level nature-based resilience, and their relations to social-ecological resilience, are not well articulated. We propose ‘nature-based biopsychosocial resilience theory’ (NBRT) to address these gaps. Our framework begins by suggesting that individual-level resilience can refer to both: a) a person’s set of adaptive resources; and b) the processes by which these resources are deployed. Drawing on existing nature-health perspectives, we argue that nature contact can support individuals build and maintain biological, psychological, and social (i.e. biopsychosocial) resilience-related resources. Together with nature-based social-ecological resilience, these biopsychosocial resilience resources can: i) reduce the risk of various stressors (preventive resilience); ii) enhance adaptive reactions to stressful circumstances (response resilience), and/or iii) facilitate more rapid and/or complete recovery from stress (recovery resilience). Reference to these three resilience processes supports integration across more familiar pathways involving harm reduction, capacity building, and restoration. Evidence in support of the theory, potential interventions to promote nature-based biopsychosocial resilience, and issues that require further consideration are discussed.

Background Cross-sectional evidence suggests that living near green and blue spaces benefits mental health; longitudinal evidence is limited. Objectives To quantify the impact of changes in green and blue spaces on common mental health disorders, well-being and health service use. Design A retrospective, dynamic longitudinal panel study. Setting Wales, UK. Participants An e-cohort comprising 99,682,902 observations of 2,801,483 adults (≥ 16 years) registered with a general practice in Wales (2008–2019). A 5312-strong ‘National Survey for Wales (NSW) subgroup’ was surveyed on well-being and visits to green and blue spaces. Main outcome measures Common mental health disorders, general practice records; subjective well-being, Warwick–Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale. Data sources Common mental health disorder and use of general practice services were extracted quarterly from the Welsh Longitudinal General Practice Dataset. Annual ambient greenness exposure, enhanced vegetation index and access to green and blue spaces (2018) from planning and satellite data. Data were linked within the Secure Anonymised Information Linkage Databank. Methods Multilevel regression models examined associations between exposure to green and blue spaces and common mental health disorders and use of general practice. For the National Survey for Wales subgroup, generalised linear models examined associations between exposure to green and blue spaces and subjective well-being and common mental health disorders. Results and conclusions Our longitudinal analyses found no evidence that changes in green and blue spaces through time impacted on common mental health disorders. However, time-aggregated exposure to green and blue spaces contrasting differences between people were associated with subsequent common mental health disorders. Similarly, our cross-sectional findings add to growing evidence that residential green and blue spaces and visits are associated with well-being benefits: Greater ambient greenness (+ 1 enhanced vegetation index) was associated with lower likelihood of subsequently seeking care for a common mental health disorder [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) 0.80, 95% confidence interval, (CI) 0.80 to 0.81] and with well-being with a U-shaped relationship [Warwick–Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale; enhanced vegetation index beta (adjusted) –10.15, 95% CI –17.13 to −3.17; EVI2 beta (quadratic term; adj.) 12.49, 95% CI 3.02 to 21.97]. Those who used green and blue spaces for leisure reported better well-being, with diminishing extra benefit with increasing time (Warwick–Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale: time outdoors (hours) beta 0.88, 95% CI 0.53 to 1.24, time outdoors2 beta −0.06, 95% CI −0.11 to −0.01) and had 4% lower odds of seeking help for common mental health disorders (AOR 0.96, 95% CI 0.93 to 0.99). Those in urban areas benefited most from greater access to green and blue spaces (AOR 0.89, 95% CI 0.89 to 0.89). Those in material deprivation benefited most from leisure time outdoors (until approximately four hours per week; Warwick–Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale: time outdoors × in material deprivation: 1.41, 95% CI 0.39 to 2.43; time outdoors2 × in material deprivation −0.18, 95% CI −0.33 to −0.04) although well-being remained generally lower. Limitations Longitudinal analyses were restricted by high baseline levels and limited temporal variation in ambient greenness in Wales. Changes in access to green and blue spaces could not be captured annually due to technical issues with national-level planning datasets. Future work Further analyses could investigate mental health impacts in population subgroups potentially most sensitive to local changes in access to specific types of green and blue spaces. Deriving green and blue spaces changes from planning data is needed to overcome temporal uncertainties. Funding This project was funded by the National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) Public Health Research programme (Project number 16/07/07) and will be published in full in Public Health Research; Vol. 11, No. 10. Sarah Rodgers is part-funded by the NIHR Applied Research Collaboration North West Coast. Plain language summary We investigated whether people who live near or visit green (parks, woodlands) and blue (riversides, beaches) spaces have fewer common mental health disorders (anxiety or depression), and better well-being. We considered whether changes in the amount of green and blue space around the home affected people’s mental health. We assessed the availability of local green and blue spaces. Annual exposure and access to local green and blue spaces were extracted from planning and satellite data. We linked these data to anonymised health records of 2,801,483 adults registered with a general practice from 2008 to 2019, and to survey answers about leisure visits to natural environments and well-being. We found: people who lived in greener and bluer areas were less likely to seek help for a common mental health disorder than those in less green or blue areas, with those living in the most deprived areas benefiting the most people who used green and blue spaces for leisure, especially those with the greatest levels of deprivation, had better well-being and were less likely to seek help for common mental health disorders no evidence that changing amounts of green and blue space affected how likely people were to seek help for common mental health disorders; this may be because we found mostly small changes in green and blue space, and we may not have allowed enough time between moving home and recording mental health. We found evidence for relationships between green and blue space and mental health. However, some analyses were restricted due to lack of data on changes in green and blue spaces. An important finding was that people in deprived communities appear to benefit the most. Provision of green and blue spaces could be a strategy to improve the mental health of people living in disadvantaged areas. Scientific summary Background Cross-sectional evidence suggests that living close to and spending time in and around green and blue spaces (GBS, e.g. parks, gardens, ponds, lakes, rivers) is associated with higher levels of well-being and fewer mental health problems. Some of these benefits could result from living near GBS; others (e.g. physical activity) are attributed to using GBS. There are few longitudinal studies examining whether changes in GBS affect subsequent mental health. Existing studies have largely had small cohorts, assessed change over a short time, did not investigate socioeconomic inequalities in effects and neglected to consider that some health benefits depend on using GBS rather than simple exposure. Objectives We examined the research questions: Is a greater residential exposure and access to GBS associated with the likelihood of seeking help for a common mental health disorder (CMD) in general practice? Is the association between exposure, or access to, GBS and seeking help for a CMD modified by socioeconomic disadvantage and moving home? Is a greater residential exposure associated with the likelihood of using general practice services? Is greater residential GBS exposure and access to GBS associated with higher subjective well-being or a lower likelihood of seeking help for CMD, and does intentional use of GBS for leisure mediate these associations? Are associations between residential GBS exposure and access to GBS and use and subjective well-being mediated by walking-specific physical activity and modified by socioeconomic disadvantage? Methods We used a dynamic longitudinal panel study design to retrospectively examine natural and non-random variation in GBS exposure during an 11-year period, with individual linkage to survey responses. Data sources We constructed an electronic cohort of the population of Wales using data from the Welsh Demographic Service Dataset. Household-level ambient greenness was determined from satellite imagery, access to GBS from planning records, CMD and service use from Welsh Longitudinal General Practice Dataset (WLGPD) and for a subgroup, well-being and behaviour responses to the National Survey for Wales (NSW, 2016/17 and 2018/19). Data are held in the Secure Anonymised Information Linkage (SAIL) databank. Inclusion criteria The cohort included everyone aged 16 years and over registered with a general practitioner (GP) providing patient records to the SAIL databank between January 2008 and October 2019 (‘the study period’). Those not registered with an appropriate GP, not having a Welsh residential address between January 2008 and October 2019, and not having sex/week of birth recorded were excluded from the study sample. Exposures Our primary environmental exposure was ambient greenness, measured yearly (2008–19) by mean enhanced vegetation index (EVI) averaged over a 300 m circular buffer centred on each residence. Our secondary environmental exposure was the potential for an individual to access GBS along paths/roads within 1600 m of each home, modelled for 2018. We captured changes only when individuals moved home. For research questions 1–3, GBS access was quantified by the number of potentially accessible GBS. For research questions 4–5, access was quantified as the proximity to the nearest GBS. Outcome measures For research questions 1–3, our primary outcome was seeking help for CMD in general practice, identified from practice records using a validated algorithm. Our secondary outcome was the quarterly count of general practice events. For research questions 4 and 5, our primary outcome was subjective well-being, measured by the Warwick–Edinburgh Mental Well-being Scale (WEMWBS) in the NSW. Secondary outcomes were life satisfaction (NSW) and seeking help for CMD in general practice. Self-reported time outdoors on recreational visits to GBS in Wales and walking-specific physical activity were identified (NSW). Statistical analysis Research questions 1–3 were addressed using complementary approaches: We first evaluated associations between cumulative EVI exposure and seeking help for CMD in general practice using multivariate logistic regression. Follow-up stopped when help was first sought for CMD or at the end of the study period. This time aggregated design allowed us to consider environmental exposure prior to seeking help for CMD in general practice and included differences between people. We conducted stratified analyses according to area-level deprivation (Welsh Index of Multiple Deprivation, WIMD) quintiles, home moves (none/one/more than one), history of seeking care for CMD in general practice (before January 2008) and urban-rural home location. Next, we assessed associations between longitudinal change in GBS exposures for the same individuals, and their subsequent likelihood of seeking help for CMD (primary outcome) using multivariate logistic regression. For the association with general practice services use (secondary outcome) we used Poisson regression. We used a panel design with a multilevel model structure (quarterly observations nested within individuals). We accounted for clustering of observations over time (using random effects), and unbalanced data (number of observations varying for individuals). Change in GBS exposure was modelled as a continuous variable relative to previous time periods. For people who did not move home, we modelled EVI change categories to examine in situ exposure changes. Stratified analyses were conducted for quintiles of WIMD and number of home moves. For research questions 4–5 we assessed whether GBS exposures were related to WEMWBS, life satisfaction and seeking help for CMD, and whether there was moderation by socioeconomic disadvantage. We examined whether the association between GBS exposures and WEMWBS, life satisfaction and seeking help for CMD, were mediated by time spent outdoors. Generalised additive models were used to identify any non-linear associations and inform subsequent generalised linear regression. When predicting WEMWBS, linear and quadratic terms for EVI were included and proximity to nearest GBS was categorised. For seeking help for CMD, EVI was categorised, and proximity was continuous. To assess moderation by socioeconomic disadvantage, we included interactions between material deprivation and the GBS exposures. Results The cohort included 2,801,483 individuals (99,682,902 observations). A total of 816,242 individuals (29.1%) sought help for CMD from their general practice at least once in the study period. Research question 1: Is a greater residential exposure and access to GBS associated with the likelihood of seeking health for CMDs in general practice? People who lived in homes surrounded by more ambient greenness (+ 0.1 EVI) were associated with 20% lower odds of seeking help for CMD in general practice [adjusted odds ratio (AOR) 0.80, 95% confidence interval (CI) 0.80 to 0.81]. More potentially accessible GBS (equivalent to 236 more GBS) were associated with 7% lower odds of seeking help for CMD (AOR 0.93, 95% CI 0.93 to 0.93). Every additional 360 m (0.1 unit) to the nearest GBS was associated with 5% higher odds of seeking help for CMD (AOR 1.05, 95% CI 1.04 to 1.05). People experiencing an increase of 0.1 mean EVI was not associated with seeking help for CMD in general practice (exposure change relative to: previous quarter/year/baseline AOR 1.00, 95% CI 1.00 to 1.00). Among the 1,611,581 people who did not move home (57.5% of the cohort), increases or decreases of ≥ 0.15 EVI relative to baseline were not associated with seeking help for CMD (AOR for ≥ +0.15 EVI 1.00, 95% CI 0.99 to 1.00; AOR for ≥ −0.15 EVI 1.00, 95% CI 1.00 to 1.01). Among those who moved home at least once, an increase in the number of potentially accessible GBS was not associated with seeking help for CMD in general practice (GBS increase relative to previous quarter/year/baseline: AOR 1.00, 95% CI 1.00 to 1.00). Research question 2: Is the association between exposure, or access to, GBS and seeking help for a CMD modified by socioeconomic disadvantage and moving home? Living in a home with greater EVI (+ 0.1) and more accessible GBS (+ 236) was associated with lower odds of seeking help for CMD in general practice in all deprivation quintiles and whether people moved. The odds of seeking help were lower for those who did not move (AOR non-movers 0.77, 95% CI 0.77 to 0.78; AOR moved > once 0.92, 95% CI 0.91 to 0.93). There was no evidence that EVI or GBS changes were associated with seeking help for a CMD for people living in either the most or least deprived urban areas. An increase of 0.1 mean EVI (relative to baseline) was associated with slightly lower odds of seeking help for CMD for people who moved home more than once (AOR 0.99, 95% CI 0.99 to 0.99) but not for those who moved once or had not moved. Association between different GBS exposures and seeking help for CMD in general practice were modified by urban–rural home location and a history of seeking help for CMD. Greater EVI was associated with lower odds of seeking help for a CMD for those living in rural areas (AOR 0.59, 95% CI 0.58 to 0.59) compared with urban areas (AOR 0.85, 95% CI 0.84 to 0.85). More potentially accessible GBS were only associated with lower odds of seeking help for CMD for those living in urban areas (AOR 0.89, 95% CI 0.89 to 0.89). In rural areas more GBS access was associated with higher odds of seeking help for CMD (AOR 1.10, 95% CI 1.08 to 1.12). More ambient greenness (+ 0.1 EVI) was associated with lower odds of seeking help for a CMD for those who had historically sought help for CMD (before January 2008) than people who had not (AOR 0.68 vs. 0.84). Research question 3: Is a greater residential exposure associated with the likelihood of using GP services? There was no evidence that an increase in mean EVI was associated with the number of general practice event days/quarter (adjusted incidence rate ratio relative to baseline: 1.00, 95% CI 1.00 to 1.00). Research question 4: Is greater residential GBS exposure and access to GBS associated with higher subjective well-being, or a lower likelihood of seeking help for CMD in general practice, and are these associations mediated by intentional use of GBS for leisure? Among NSW respondents with outcome measures (n = 5971) EVI was significantly related to well-being as measured by WEMWBS with a U-shaped relationship (linear regression; EVI −10.15, 95% CI −17.13 to −3.17; EVI2 12.49, 95% CI 3.02 to 21.97) and weekly time outdoors (linear relationship; EVI 43.41, 95% CI 6.85 to 79.97). Time outdoors was significantly positively related to WEMWBS [time outdoors (hours) 0.88, 95% CI 0.53 to 1.24, time outdoors (hours)2 −0.06, 95% CI −0.11 to −0.01] and life satisfaction [linear relationship; time outdoors (hours) 0.06, 95% CI 0.04 to 0.07]. There was no evidence that time outdoors mediated the relationship between EVI and WEMWBS/life satisfaction. EVI was not associated with CMD (EVI 0.4 to 0.8 vs.

Summary: Background: Living in greener areas, or close to green and blue spaces (GBS; eg, parks, lakes, or beaches), is associated with better mental health, but longitudinal evidence when GBS exposures precede outcomes is less available. We aimed to analyse the effect of living in or moving to areas with more green space or better access to GBS on subsequent adult mental health over time, while explicitly considering health inequalities. Methods: A cohort of the people in Wales, UK (≥16 years; n=2 341 591) was constructed from electronic health record data sources from Jan 1, 2008 to Oct 31, 2019, comprising 19 141 896 person-years of follow-up. Household ambient greenness (Enhanced Vegetation Index [EVI]), access to GBS (counts, distance to nearest), and common mental health disorders (CMD, based on a validated algorithm combining current diagnoses or symptoms of anxiety or depression [treated or untreated in the preceding 1-year period], or treatment of historical diagnoses from before the current cohort [up to 8 years previously, to 2000], where diagnosis preceded treatment) were record-linked. Cumulative exposure values were created for each adult, censoring for CMD, migration out of Wales, death, or end of cohort. Exposure and CMD associations were evaluated using multivariate logistic regression, stratified by area-level deprivation. Findings: After adjustment, exposure to greater ambient greenness over time (+0·1 increased EVI on a 0–1 scale) was associated with lower odds of subsequent CMD (adjusted odds ratio 0·80, 95% CI 0·80–0·81), where CMD was based on a combination of current diagnoses or symptoms (treated or untreated in the preceding 1-year period), or treatments. Ten percentile points more access to GBS was associated with lower odds of a later CMD (0·93, 0·93–0·93). Every additional 360 m to the nearest GBS was associated with higher odds of CMD (1·05, 1·04–1·05). We found that positive effects of GBS on mental health appeared to be greater in more deprived quintiles. Interpretation: Ambient exposure is associated with the greatest reduced risk of CMD, particularly for those who live in deprived communities. These findings support authorities responsible for GBS, who are attempting to engage planners and policy makers, to ensure GBS meets residents' needs. Funding: National Institute for Health and Care Research Public Health Research programme.

Urban Green Infrastructure (GI) provides multiple benefits to city inhabitants and can be an important component in nature-based solutions (NBS), but the ecosystem services that underpin those benefits are inconsistently quantified in the literature. There remain substantial knowledge gaps about the level of service supported by less studied GI types, e.g. cemeteries, or less-studied ecosystem services, e.g. noise mitigation. Decision-makers and planners in cities often face conflicting or incomplete information on the effectiveness of GI, particularly on their ability to provide a suite of co-benefits. Here, we describe a feature-based typology of GI which combines elements of land cover, land use and both ecological and social function. It is consistent with user requirements on mapping, and with the needs of models which can conduct more detailed ecosystem service assessments which can guide NBS design. We provide an evidence synthesis based on published literature, which scores the ability of each GI type to deliver a suite of ecosystem services. In the multivariate analysis of the typology scores, the main axis of variation differentiates between constructed (or hybrid) GI types designed primarily for water flow management (delivering relatively few services) and more natural green GI with trees, or blue GI such as lakes and the sea, which deliver a more multi-functional set of regulating services. The most multi-functional GI on this axis also score highest for biodiversity. The second element of variation separates those GI which support very few cultural services and those which score highly in enabling physical wellbeing and social interaction and, to a lesser extent, restoring capacities. Together the typology and multi-functionality matrix provide a much needed assessment for less studied GI types, and allow planners and decision-makers to make a-priori assessments of the relative ability of different GI as part of NBS to address urban challenges.

Natural environments, such as parks, woodlands and lakes, have positive impacts on health and wellbeing. Urban Green and Blue Spaces (UGBS), and the activities that take place in them, can significantly influence the health outcomes of all communities, and reduce health inequalities. Improving access and quality of UGBS needs understanding of the range of systems (e.g. planning, transport, environment, community) in which UGBS are located. UGBS offers an ideal exemplar for testing systems innovations as it reflects place-based and whole society processes, with potential to reduce non-communicable disease (NCD) risk and associated social inequalities in health. UGBS can impact multiple behavioural and environmental aetiological pathways. However, the systems which desire, design, develop, and deliver UGBS are fragmented and siloed, with ineffective mechanisms for data generation, knowledge exchange and mobilisation. Further, UGBS need to be co-designed with and by those whose health could benefit most from them, so they are appropriate, accessible, valued and used well. This paper describes a major new prevention research programme and partnership, GroundsWell, which aims to transform UGBS-related systems by improving how we plan, design, evaluate and manage UGBS so that it benefits all communities, especially those who are in poorest health. We use a broad definition of health to include physical, mental, social wellbeing and quality of life. Our objectives are to transform systems so that UGBS are planned, developed, implemented, maintained and evaluated with our communities and data systems to enhance health and reduce inequalities. GroundsWell will use interdisciplinary, problem-solving approaches to accelerate and optimise community collaborations among citizens, users, implementers, policymakers and researchers to impact research, policy, practice and active citizenship. GroundsWell will be shaped and developed in three pioneer cities (Belfast, Edinburgh, Liverpool) and their regional contexts, with embedded translational mechanisms to ensure that outputs and impact have UK-wide and international application.

We considered the relationship between street trees and mental health with the aim of developing systems thinking-informed hypotheses to improve the implementation and evaluation of this popular nature-based solution (NBS). We integrated qualitative and quantitative evidence using causal loop diagraming (CLD), and then further analyzed and extended these diagrams with the aid of systems archetypes to identify key system structures. From these CLDs, we identified three systems thinking-informed hypotheses: 1) although there are many ways in which street trees may improve mental health, tree health is critical in realizing many of these benefits and minimizing dis-benefits; 2) communities which have benefited from street trees in the past are more likely to be able to advocate for additional trees, further entrenching historical inequities in street tree distribution; and 3) efforts to address these inequities through new tree planting initiatives may ultimately fail or even exacerbate existing challenges if they do not include sustained resources for tree maintenance, with direct and indirect impacts on inequities in mental health. Using a systems thinking lens was a useful way to deeply consider a purported but under-theorized co-benefit of a popular nature-based solution and identify policy-relevant hypotheses to guide future research.

The paper problematises the reliability and ethics of using social media data, such as sourced from Twitter or Instagram, to carry out health-related research. As in many other domains, the opportunity to mine social media for information has been hailed as transformative for research on well-being and disease. Considerations around the fairness, responsibilities and accountabilities relating to using such data have often been set aside, on the understanding that as long as data were anonymised, no real ethical or scientific issue would arise. We first counter this perception by emphasising that the use of social media data in health research can yield problematic and unethical results. We then provide a conceptualisation of methodological data fairness that can complement data management principles such as FAIR by enhancing the actionability of social media data for future research. We highlight the forms that methodological data fairness can take at different stages of the research process and identify practical steps through which researchers can ensure that their practices and outcomes are scientifically sound as well as fair to society at large. We conclude that making research data fair as well as FAIR is inextricably linked to concerns around the adequacy of data practices. The failure to act on those concerns raises serious ethical, methodological and epistemic issues with the knowledge and evidence that are being produced.

Introduction Green and blue spaces (GBS), such as parks, woodlands, rivers, and beaches, are thought to be important for mental health and wellbeing. Our longitudinal cohort contains objective household-level environment data linked at the invidual level to routinely recorded mental health data, augmented with cross sectional self-reported health behaviours, including leisure visits to the outdoors. Objectives and Approach Our overall approach will evaluate if residential proximity to GBS is associated with mental health and wellbeing, and if any associations are modified by visits to outdoors spaces following individual-level data linkage. Here, we examined cross-sectional survey data on time spent visiting nature outdoors. Wellbeing outcomes were assessed using self-reported scores. Data were analysed using generalised additive models in the SAIL Databank. Results Using a sample of National Survey for Wales respondents (2016/17, n=3,481), over 40% of adults in Wales reported spending less than 30 minutes outdoors each week. Weekly time outdoors was positively associated with wellbeing (p=0.007) and life satisfaction (p=0.03) having adjusted for potential confounders including, age, rurality, loneliness, employment status. Confidence intervals varied along the fitted GAM model. Models using a second wave of survey data (n≈7,000), anonymously record-linked to residential environment and health data will explore these associations further. Conclusion A previous study based in England (White et al. 2019) found an upper wellbeing benefit threshold of 2 hours per week for time spent in nature. This was not apparent in our preliminary models, but may be revealed in further analyses. We will next incorporate longitudinal mental health and environmental data for 2 million adults living in Wales, UK. Linking to ambient and accessible residential GBS, while taking into account changes due to migration and actual visits, will allow us to provide valuable guidance to local government, who are often responsible for provisioning and maintaining outdoor facilities.

Introduction A growing evidence base indicates health benefits are associated with access to green-blue spaces (GBS), such as beaches and parks. However, few studies have examined associations with changes in access to GBS over time. Objectives and Approach We have linked cross-sector data collected within Wales, United Kingdom, quarterly from 2008 to 2019, to examine the impact of GBS access on individual-level well-being and common mental health disorders (CMD). We created a longitudinal dataset of GBS access metrics, derived from satellite and administrative data sources, for 1.4 million homes in Wales. These household-level metrics were linked to individuals using the Welsh Demographic Service Dataset within the Secure Anonymised Information Linkage (SAIL) Databank. Linkage to Welsh Longitudinal General Practice data within SAIL enabled us to identify individual-level CMD over time. We also linked individual-level self-reported GBS use and well-being data from the National Survey for Wales (NSW) to routine data for cross-sectional survey participants. Results We created a longitudinal cohort panel capturing all 2.84 million adults aged 16+ living in Wales between 2008 and 2019 and with a general practitioner (GP) registration. Individual-level health data and household-level environmental metrics were linked for each quarter an individual is in the study. Household addresses were linked to 97% of the cohort, creating 110+ million rows of anonymously linked cross-sector data. The cohort provides an average follow-up period of 8 years, during which 565,168 (20%) adults received at least one CMD diagnosis or symptom. Conclusion / Implications This example of multi-sectoral data linkage across multiple environmental and administrative data sources has created a rich data source, which we will use to quantify the impact of changes in GBS access on individual–level CMD and well-being. This evidence will inform policy in the areas of health, planning and the environment.

Abstract Background School gardening programmes are increasingly popular, with suggested benefits including healthier eating and increased physical activity. Our objectives were to understand the health and well-being impacts of school gardens and the factors that help or hinder their success. Methods We conducted a systematic review of quantitative and qualitative evidence (PROSPERO CRD42014007181). We searched multiple databases and used a range of supplementary approaches. Studies about school gardens were included if they reported on physical or mental health or well-being. Quantitative studies had to include a comparison group. Studies were quality appraised using appropriate tools. Findings were narratively synthesised and the qualitative evidence used to produce a conceptual framework to illustrate how benefits might be accrued. Results Evidence from 40 articles (21 quantitative studies; 16 qualitative studies; 3 mixed methods studies) was included. Generally the quantitative research was poor. Evidence for changes in fruit and vegetable intake was limited and based on self-report. The qualitative research was better quality and ascribed a range of health and well-being impacts to school gardens, with some idealistic expectations for their impact in the long term. Groups of pupils who do not excel in classroom activities were thought to particularly benefit. Lack of funding and over reliance on volunteers were thought to threaten success, while involvement with local communities and integration of gardening activities into the school curriculum were thought to support success. Conclusion More robust quantitative research is needed to convincingly support the qualitative evidence suggesting wide ranging benefits from school gardens.

Introduction Green-blue spaces (GBS), such as parks, woodlands, and beaches, may be beneficial for population mental health and wellbeing. However, there are few longitudinal studies on the association between GBS and mental health and wellbeing, and few that incorporate network analysis as opposed to simple Euclidian proximity. Objectives and Approach We are examining the association between the availability of GBS with wellbeing and common mental health disorders. We will use geographic information systems (GIS) to create quarterly household level GBS availability data using digital map and satellite data (2008-2018) for over 1 million homes in Wales, United Kingdom. We will link GBS availability to individual level mental health (1.7 million people with General Practitioner (GP) data) and data from the National Survey for Wales (n = 24,000) on wellbeing (Warwick Edinburgh Mental Wellbeing Scale (WEMWBS)) using the Secure Anonymised Information Linkage (SAIL) databank. Results We created an historic dataset of GBS availability using road network and path data to create quarterly household level GBS exposures (2008-2018). We tested Residential Anonymised Linking Fields (RALFs) and accurately linked 97\% of individuals and their health data to their home and GBS exposure. The 1.65 million exposure-health data pairs, updated quarterly, will enable a longitudinal panel study to be built. Using GP recorded data on treatments, diagnoses, symptoms and prescriptions for mental health problems we identified 35,000 people had a common mental health disorder in 2016, and 24,000 people answered the National Survey for Wales questions about their wellbeing and use of GBS. We will explore how house moves, and visits to GBS change the association between GBS availability and outcomes. Conclusion/Implications This study fills the gap in the evidence base around environmental planning policy to shape living environments to benefit health. It will inform the planning and management of GBS in urban and rural environments and contribute to international work on impacts of the built environment on mental health and wellbeing.

Engagement with nature is an important part of many people’s lives, and the health and wellbeing benefits of nature−based activities are becoming increasingly recognised across disciplines from city planning to medicine. Despite this, urbanisation, challenges of modern life and environmental degradation are leading to a reduction in both the quantity and the quality of nature experiences. Nature−based health interventions (NBIs) can facilitate behavioural change through a somewhat structured promotion of nature−based experiences and, in doing so, promote improved physical, mental and social health and wellbeing. We conducted a Delphi expert elicitation process with 19 experts from seven countries (all named authors on this paper) to identify the different forms that such interventions take, the potential health outcomes and the target beneficiaries. In total, 27 NBIs were identified, aiming to prevent illness, promote wellbeing and treat specific physical, mental or social health and wellbeing conditions. These interventions were broadly categorized into those that change the environment in which people live, work, learn, recreate or heal (for example, the provision of gardens in hospitals or parks in cities) and those that change behaviour (for example, engaging people through organized programmes or other activities). We also noted the range of factors (such as socioeconomic variation) that will inevitably influence the extent to which these interventions succeed. We conclude with a call for research to identify the drivers influencing the effectiveness of NBIs in enhancing health and wellbeing.