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The orthodox supply-side human capital theory (HCT) paradigm is inadequate for understanding and adjusting to labour market volatility in UK regional economies like Wales. This article explores the role of regional labour market intermediaries (LMIs) in matching supply (skills) and demand (job opportunities) in regional labour markets. Some LMIs emerge because the HCT paradigm is failing. One Welsh LMI, Shaping the Future (StF), is explored empirically using qualitative methods. StF mainly adopted HCT tenets, but with some emergent demand-side focus. Despite helping workers adjust to labour market shocks, LMIs are not equipped to fix the structural demand-side problem of finite quality job opportunities in deindustrialized regions that accentuate skill use. A broader "skill eco-system" paradigm is required, emphasising the foundational economy.

The concept of resilience has been captured by a neoliberal discourse displacing responsibility to individuals and regions. This article specifically examines the regional labour market resilience of workers and other regional stakeholders relating to an ongoing economic restructuring process of deindustrialization and redundancies in Anglesey, North West Wales, in the UK. Using 11 years of longitudinal qualitative research, we provide an empirical narrative that applies a labour market resilience framework (challenge, context, responses and outcomes) from a workers' perspective. It connects the empirical findings from this critical case study to broader generalizability for regional studies and regional policy implications. Regarding generalizability to regional studies theory, the labour market resilience of workers is impacted at different but interlinking levels: the global systemic level of neo-liberal capitalism; the national country level of institutional varieties of capitalism (liberal market economies versus coordinated market economies); and regional variations across countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes protest events by local environmental direct action groups in Manchester, Oxford, and Bangor in North Wales between 1992 and 2001. Evidence suggests most groups worked independently and their protests challenged the basic norms of political and capitalist establishments.

The possibility of re-emergence of the UK eco-action is discussed by examining the theory that re-engagement with 'single issue' environmental protests is a likely direction for the UK direct action movement. There is an evidence of mobilization potential, which is inactive but susceptible, and campaigns that focus on eco-action in the UK.

An analysis is presented on the demonstrations against higher fuel prices in the United Kingdom that occurred in September of 2000. The analysis goes beyond an interpretation of the demonstrations as a backlash against environmentalism, and examines the issue from a nationalist/populist perspective.

The nature of the British direct action movement, interpreting in its protests in terms of the strategic rationales given by its activists is defined, based on ethnographic research funded by the Economic and Social Research Council.

The orthodox supply-side human capital theory (HCT) paradigm is inadequate for understanding and adjusting to labour market volatility in UK regional economies like Wales. This article explores the role of regional labour market intermediaries (LMIs) in matching supply (skills) and demand (job opportunities) in regional labour markets. Some LMIs emerge because the HCT paradigm is failing. One Welsh LMI, Shaping the Future (StF), is explored empirically using qualitative methods. StF mainly adopted HCT tenets, but with some emergent demand-side focus. Despite helping workers adjust to labour market shocks, LMIs are not equipped to fix the structural demand-side problem of finite quality job opportunities in deindustrialized regions that accentuate skill use. A broader ‘skill eco-system’ paradigm is required, emphasising the foundational economy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The third meeting of the European Social Forum (ESF) was held in London during October 2004 with a broad ranging formal agenda and a penumbra of affiliated workshops and cultural activities. We draw on participant observation in all sessions dealing with science and genomics and offer an evaluation of Rothman's (2000) argument that NGOs and protest movements have a vital role to play in consolidating and disseminating the UN Universal Declaration on the Human Genome and Human Rights. The paper positions the ESF as a constituent part of the World Social Forum network, identifies the key ESF networks and actors concerned with science and genomics, and analyses the various action, grievance and mobilisation frames generated within the 2004 ESF. It concludes with a discussion of the potential of this networked movement milieu to realise the goals identified in Rothman's work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ecological sabotage (ecotage) has been a feature of the more radical parts of the environmental movement in the Western world for several decades. While it may be perceived as being the preserve of underground cells of 'eco-terrorists', in the UK those who carry out small-scale acts of sabotage are also often engaged in relatively conventional political activity; view sabotage as a complement to other action, not as an end in itself; and are committed to avoiding physical harm to people. Drawing on ethnographic data from research with British activists, this article seeks to define ecotage and to explain its place in the repertoires of the environmental direct action movement in the UK. It is argued that the self-limiting form of ecotage in the UK has its roots in cross-movement debates that have developed over several decades and that national traditions remain important in understanding the development of social movement repertoires. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract We describe and analyse the fuel protests in the UK in September and November 2000. We draw on theories of social movements to explain the success of the first of these protests and the failure of the second. We show how the loose, network forms of organisation contributed to the success in September, and the attempts to impose more formal organisations helped to cause the failure in November. We also show how the success of the protests depended on the articulation of the aims of the protesters with dominant social forces in British politics, in particular the oil companies, the police, and the mass media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]