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The present research empirically examines the links between political knowledge, national narcissism, and climate change conspiracy beliefs. National narcissism (i.e., an unrealistic belief about in-group's greatness which is maladaptive both from the perspective of intra- and inter-group processes) was previously linked to conspiracy beliefs. In this research, we hypothesized that low theoretical political knowledge would boost national narcissism and further lead to adopting climate change conspiracy theories. Methods: This hypothesis was tested in a two-wave study conducted among Polish participants (N = 558). Results: We found negative effect of political knowledge on climate change conspiracy beliefs. Moreover, national narcissism mediated between theoretical political knowledge and conspiracy beliefs. Conclusion: People having low political knowledge are prone to believe in climate change conspiracy theories. Moreover, those less informed about the way political system works in their country are more narcissistically identified with their nation and, thus, deny the climate change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Pädagogik is the property of Julius Beltz GmbH & Co. KG Beltz Juventa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recently, some epistemic democrats have taken a result from Hong and Page (Proc Natl Acad Sci 101(46):16385–16389, 2004) to help justify the virtues of deliberative democracy. In this paper, I present novel computational models and show that the result fails to be robust in ways that undermine it as evidence for justifying the virtues of deliberative democracy. In particular, the same model lauded by epistemic deliberative democrats can also be used to support certain kinds of epistocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do gender quotas increase political knowledge? While some studies suggest that quotas can positively impact women's political engagement and participation, others find null or negative effects. This paper focuses on Western Europe and argues that the implementation of quotas serves as an attention and consciousness‐raising event, potentially enhancing awareness of the political sphere. To investigate this, I propose a novel research design that capitalizes on the (quasi) exogenous shock resulting from the introduction of gender quotas. By influencing symbolic representation, quotas may enhance women's sense of empowerment, equality and willingness to engage in politics. Furthermore, the impact is expected to be more pronounced among younger women due to the heightened political socialization experienced during adolescence. Thus, the institutional change brought about by quotas is anticipated to particularly boost political knowledge among (younger) women and subsequently narrow the gender gap. To examine this hypothesis, I analyse data from 1992 to 2018 from 12 countries, of which six implemented gender quotas. Using a hierarchical Bayesian model, I assess respondents' answers to knowledge questions. The findings indicate that the introduction of gender quotas in parliamentary systems has a positive effect on reducing the gender gap in political knowledge among younger individuals, while the effects are statistically insignificant for older citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined whether exposure to partisan YouTube channels, a soft-format journalistic content for partisans, can promote learning effects and how news literacy moderates these effects. Using online panel survey data (N = 808), findings revealed that spending more time viewing partisan YouTube channels led to lower knowledge of hard news (i.e. factual information about the electoral system and campaign slogans) but higher knowledge of soft news (i.e. human-interest-based information). However, individuals with higher news literacy showed an increase in hard news knowledge but a decrease in soft news knowledge as their time spent viewing partisan YouTube channels increased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The theory and practice of urban planning have both shown a significant amount of attention in regards to community participation. Numerous studies have added to the growing body of literature highlighting the benefits of community participation in city planning and management. On the other hand, the literature on participation contains just a handful of theorybased empirical studies that investigate the role of community participation in the planning process of special fund programs in the Special Region of Yogyakarta. This research method uses quantitative analysis involving data collection using probability sampling techniques to collect data from 64 respondents. After that, a survey was conducted with the help of a questionnaire that was given out to respondents in order to obtain sample data. After that, the data that was gathered were examined by means of multiple regression analysis, which was carried out with the assistance of the SPSS Statistics 25 program. The results of this study indicate that knowledge, awareness, social media, political culture, and education have a positive and significant effect on community participation. This shows that active community participation in the special fund preparation program in the Special Region of Yogyakarta can be more targeted according to community needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on rights politics in most of the world and on knowledge production 'after rights'. It assembles a few key elements of anti-imperial epistemic justice which it argues is a necessary lens for producing knowledges on rights politics in most of the world 'after rights'. Its key argument is that knowledge production on rights politics 'after rights' is one that is invested in challenging existing coloniality, structural injustice, exploitation, oppression and methodological nationalism. It is also one that is invested in producing conceptual descriptions of rights politics in most of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mary E. Wilkins Freeman, a New England writer, focused on the experiences of women in her stories, depicting their struggles with poverty and patriarchal barriers. Despite her own unconventional choices, such as delaying marriage and not having children, Freeman opposed women's suffrage. In a recently recovered essay, she expressed her belief that women already had sufficient rights granted by the Constitution and that active participation in the suffrage movement would compromise their womanhood and domestic responsibilities. She also argued that women's involvement in politics and clubs would not be supported by their husbands and families. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article introduces a framework for evaluating methods of combatting information search in online surveys. Three empirical studies based on the framework suggest that search is a serious but manageable problem. Search frequency varies substantially according to question content, ranging from 2% to 30% in batteries of general political knowledge questions. Deterrence works: a pledge not to cheat reduces search by half. Detection also works: web browser paradata identify 70% to 85% of search, while 60% to 85% of search on knowledge questions is undertaken by respondents who correctly answer "catch" questions about obscure Supreme Court cases. Detection and deterrence are complementary: deterrence reduces search ex ante, while detection quantifies success and provides ex post options for dealing with undeterred search. In combination, the three methods tested (pledge, paradata, and catch) deter or detect more than 90% of search, leaving search to affect about 0.5% of the remaining observations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study probes the mechanism of artificial intelligence's (AI's) influence on Chinese college students' willingness to participate in online politics and constructs a theoretical model based on the theory of planned behavior. Through the analysis of questionnaire data acquired from up to 317 Chinese college students in total, it turns out that the use of AI affects Chinese college students' willingness to the participation of online political practice significantly and positively, and such online political participation cognition of Chinese college students plays a mediating role, three aspects of which included as the followings on behavioral attitudes, subjective norms, and perceived behavioral control. Additionly, media literacy level plays a moderating role in online political participation cognition and willingness to participate. All the findings highlight the importance of optimizing the online political participation environment, enhancing college students' cognition of political participation, and improving media literacy in the context of the digital era, which provides practical guidance for promoting healthy and positive online political participation among college students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The sanctioned language around "mathematics teacher knowledge" in the US centers pedagogy, content (mathematical knowledge), and students. Yet, this teacher learning approach often promotes (explicitly or implicitly) teaching and learning of mathematics that operationalizes mathematics as rigid, as a gatekeeper, and only useful for global competition in STEM-related fields. These tacit capitalist goals result in teachers being expected to convey "clear and useful" mathematical information to students, not question why mathematics is being taught, who benefits, and/or how to intervene if the learning environment is harmful for students who are Black, Indigenous, students of Color, multilingual, dis/abled, queer, nonbinary, and/or of immigrant backgrounds. In this article, we build upon a form of relational knowing that intertwines mathematics, pedagogies, students, and politics called Political Conocimiento in Teaching Mathematics. Focusing on political knowledge brings the margins to the center by recognizing political issues cannot be separated from other dimensions or added on, as if politics are not already present in mathematics teaching and learning. As three women of Color, we present empirical results from three teacher education programs in the USA with teacher candidates (n = 55) who range in intersectional identities. Using scenario-based activities that support their development of political knowledge, we apply the lens of "The Mirror Test" to highlight how teacher candidates' intersectional identities influenced the ethical identities they enacted. Some candidates focused more on "accountability" while others focused on "performativity." We offer implications for future research on ethical identities in mathematics education with teachers and teacher candidates of various intersectional identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young children bring rich social, cultural, and political knowledge to school, cultivated in their homes and communities. This knowledge, ranging from household skills to multilingual practices, is often marginalized in schools that value different norms. Drawing from ethnographic studies in Illinois and New York kindergarten classrooms, this article explores how children's home and community knowledge informs their school experiences. I argue against the false dichotomy between school and out-of-school learning, highlighting the importance of listening to children's perspectives to co-create meaningful curricular inquiries and broaden our social imagination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article centers on the life of the late Ottoman and early Turkish Republican bureaucrat Mustafa Reşat to investigate how he turned into a genocide technocrat. It examines his career and decisions at critical junctions and depicts him as an outstanding representative of a category of perpetrators who prepare the propitious infrastructure, ground, and climate for such large-scale violence as the Armenian Genocide. By shifting the perspective to the type, scale, and level of perpetrating violence, this paper sheds light on how Mustafa Reşat used his administrative and political knowledge and experience to serve Talat Pasha, who was already organizing the deportation and extermination of Armenians. Drawing upon hitherto unmined sources such as his memoirs, it demonstrates how an ultranationalist and dedicated Ottoman bureaucrat played a pivotal role in determining the main contours of the Turkish state’s mindset on the “Armenian and Kurdish Questions”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democratic innovations aim to strengthen citizen participation in democratic decision‐making processes. Building on theories of deliberative democracy, participatory democracy and direct democracy, different types of democratic innovations have been developed, ranging from mini‐publics, to participatory processes and referendums and citizens’ initiatives. Over the last four decades, an expanding number of scholars have investigated the effects of these democratic innovations on citizens. However, even though a considerable amount of research has been done, there currently exists no overview of the effects of different types of democratic innovations on citizens’ attitudes, behaviour and capabilities. In addition, it is unclear which effects prove robust across studies, and which effects require more investigation.The aim of this paper is to systematically evaluate what we know and what we do not know yet about the effects of democratic innovations on citizens who participate in them. In order to do so, we conduct a meta‐analysis of 100 quantitative empirical studies published between 1980 and 2020. We find, perhaps unsurprisingly, that mini‐publics are widely researched for their effects on citizens, whereas studies into the effects of participatory processes and referendums and citizens’ initiatives on participating citizens are much less frequent. We also find that participation in mini‐publics changes citizens’ policy attitudes and positively affects citizens’ political attitudes, knowledge, internal efficacy and reasoning skills. For participatory processes, our analyses indicate that they appear to have a positive effect on participants’ political attitudes and knowledge and no effect on participants’ internal efficacy, but there are too few studies to draw robust conclusions. Participation in referendums and citizens’ initiatives appears to have a positive effect on participants’ knowledge and internal efficacy, even though these findings should also be considered preliminary due to the limited number of studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study used the Best-Worst Method (BWM) and the Game Theory Algorithm (GTA) to prioritize and determine critical sub-watersheds based on flood generation potential in the Sehezar and Dohezar Watersheds, Iran. The necessary information was collected through semi-structured interviews conducted with stakeholders. Based on their indigenous, technical, and political knowledge, stakeholders prioritized the sub-watersheds in flood generation potential. Then, BWM and Condorcet Game Theory algorithms were used to prioritize the sub-watersheds based on stakeholders' voting. Finally, the sub-watersheds were classified into high, moderate, and low potential based on flood generation. Based on BWM in the Sehezar Watershed, sub-watershed 9, and in the Dohezar Watershed, sub-watershed 10, respectively, with weights of 0.253 and 0.283, had the highest flood generation potential. The prioritization pattern in the policymakers' group was similar to that of residents, but the difference between the two groups was that policymakers prioritized sub-watershed 12. The difference between the stakeholders' opinions of executive experts and policymakers was 33.3 and 50%, respectively. In the Dohezar Watershed, approximately 33% had a high flood generation potential. Meanwhile, in the Sehezar Watershed, 22% of the area showed a high potential for flood generation. In conclusion, based on field observation and anecdotal evidence, sub-watersheds 9 and 1 needed to be in better condition in terms of vegetation. Also, glacial floods in summer have made these two sub-watersheds based on flood generation to be the priority. Finally, the results of the BWM confirmed that this method provided better prioritization based on the consensus of stakeholders than GTA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Citizens are expected to make informed voting decisions. Theoretical approaches suggest that people are most likely to acquire their political knowledge through media. As more people turn to social media as a source of news, the political knowledge gains from using these technologies are called into question. Previous research has shown that rather than increasing objective political knowledge, the use of social media for news only increases people's metacognitive sense of being knowledgeable (subjective knowledge), which in turn increases their political participation. However, it remains to be understood which particular forms of social media use, e.g., incidental or intentional news exposure, are related to which dimension of political knowledge. The present work examines (a) the extent to which different motivational forms of social media news consumption foster subjective knowledge, and (b) whether this metacognition is related not only to political participation as a broad concept, but also to specific democratic outcomes such as voting intentions. Methods and results: Results from a pre-registered, pre-election survey (N = 1,223) of social media users show that intentional news seeking, but not incidental news exposure on social media, is directly related to increased subjective knowledge. Subjective knowledge appears to explain the relationship between social media news use and voting. Discussion: By showing that incidental and intentional social media news use affect subjective knowledge differently, this study provides preliminary and nuanced insights into the ultimate role that social media technologies can play in democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The knowledge political communication scholars can provide is in high demand, helping regulators, politicians, and citizens to make sense of a seemingly crazy, unhinged world unfolding around them. However, there is a lot we still need to learn. To many of the burning questions concerning digital societies, scholars have to respond with: We have no clue! This Welcome Note by the incoming editor of The Forum outlines some of the "known unkowns" and "unknown unkowns" of current political communication research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Scholarship has now recognized the potentially detrimental effects of social media on political knowledge, but the question as to whether political knowledge and susceptibility to misinformation are related remains open. Furthermore, there are not many cross‐national comparison studies. This study compares the general and differential factors of the mechanisms of misinformation formation in social media between China and the United States from the perspectives of media factors and psychological factors. Methods: Using the 2020 Netizen Social Awareness Survey, we analyze the relationships between social media, personality traits, cognitive closure, and misinformation in China and the United States. Results: The study shows that social media such as Microblog and Twitter do not mislead news consumers. Personality traits and motivational factors have a significant impact on people's misinformation. Authoritarian personality is a general psychological factor affecting public misinformation. Moreover, under different media systems in China and the United States, the impact of social media on misinformation varies with the degree of cognitive closure. Conclusion: It is evident that in the era of social media, cultivating rational and knowledgeable democratic citizens cannot focus solely on the role of the media. It must also consider the cultural and psychological characteristics of the national population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

David Chalmers has recently developed a novel strategy of refuting external world skepticism, one he dubs the structuralist solution. In this paper, I make three primary claims: First, structuralism does not vindicate knowledge of other minds, even if it is combined with a functionalist approach to the metaphysics of minds. Second, because structuralism does not vindicate knowledge of other minds, the structuralist solution vindicates far less worldly knowledge than we would hope for from a solution to skepticism. For, solipsism threatens surprisingly vast swathes of worldly knowledge across multiple domains, including at least some knowledge about: political affairs, religious practices, artistic movements, historical events, and cultural trends. Third, the significance of these results exceeds their implications for the structuralist solution; these results suggest that no solution to external world skepticism which does not also solve the problem of other minds will ultimately yield the kind of solution we might have hoped for. Relatedly, these results suggest that the problem of external world skepticism should perhaps be construed as two different problems, since the problem might turn out to require two substantively different solutions, one for knowledge of the kind that is not dependent on other minds and one for knowledge that is. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines, from an epistemic perspective, the ideal of democratic meritocracy that has been advocated by a group of scholars known as 'Confucian meritocrats' in East Asia for nearly two decades, but which has thus far only been treated by Western political theorists as a kind of wholesale epistocracy designed specifically for a non-Western cultural context. In particular, I focus on two aspects that help to institutionally distinguish democratic meritocracy from the kind of wholesale epistocracy most enthusiastically supported by epistocrats: the meritocratic selection process consisting of a set of non-electoral mechanisms and the combination of meritocratic institutions with democratic ones. I argue that each of them could be understood as having its distinct epistemic value which, taken together, may render some versions of democratic meritocracy epistemically superior to both epistocracy and democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the effects of three different television genres on perceptions of a political candidate during an election period. Students at a large Southeastern university (n = 172) were assigned to one of three conditions: late-night comedy, traditional news, or sketch comedy to assess differential impacts on perceived trust, evaluations, and electability of Elizabeth Warren during the 2020 Democratic presidential primary period. Results showed that participants in the late-night condition rated Warren as more trustworthy than those in the traditional news condition. However, there were no differences across the conditions in terms of perceptions of electability or candidate trait evaluations. Finally, this study found that political knowledge moderated the relationship between condition and trust. More specifically, results showed that as knowledge increased, participants in the sketch comedy condition reported higher levels of trust in Warren whereas the opposite occurred for those in the traditional news condition. Perceptions of trust remained fairly high and stable in the late-night condition, regardless of political knowledge. Results demonstrate the importance of understanding how politicians (or their likeness) are perceived in different television settings and how certain media appearances could affect viewer perceptions of those politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, researchers’ interest in the role of emotions in individual political learning has grown. However, it is still unclear whether and how discrete emotions are associated with political learning. Through a cross-disciplinary systematic review and multilevel meta-analysis, we reviewed which discrete emotions have been analyzed in the context of political learning so far and meta-analytically synthesized how these emotions relate to political learning. We addressed this question by synthesizing associations between discrete emotions and various aspects of learning about political matters, such as political attention, information seeking, discussions, knowledge, and knowledge gain. The final dataset included 66 publications with 486 effect sizes, involving more than 100,000 participants. Most of the effect sizes were based on negative-activating emotions (65%; mainly anxiety, 32%, and anger, 19%) and positive-activating emotions (32%; mainly enthusiasm, 15%), while studies on positive-deactivating emotions (e.g., contentment) and negative-deactivating emotions (e.g., sadness) are largely lacking. We uncovered small positive associations (r =.05 to.13) for activating emotions, of both negative (especially anger) and positive valence (e.g., enthusiasm, only in cross-sectional designs), but no associations for negative-deactivating emotions. We discuss theoretical implications and recommend future research to include previously unconsidered emotions in order to extend existing findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Voting requires lots of information. In most democracies, elections leave voters with dozens, if not thousands, of voting possibilities. Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) have primarily been recognized as a guide for voters through their electoral decision-making. However, the use of such digital tools is still limited. In this article, we analyze how voters' characteristics affect the use of VAAs and what makes individuals not use the application. We present the results of a panel survey where we randomly invited part of the survey respondents to use a VAA during an electoral campaign in the canton of Bern, Switzerland. Our results show that while significant differences exist between respondents in and out of the experimental setting, political knowledge, and interest are consistent drivers of VAA use. Additionally, we show that more than half of non-VAA users indicate that they do not need assistance from a VAA as a reason for not using the tool and that factors influencing this reason are similar to factors that affect the use of VAAs. In doing so, we add to the literature on the use and biases of VAAs and the general understanding of why people use or do not use digital tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article develops an account of political legitimacy based on the articulation of a social choice theoretic framework with the idea of public reason. I pursue two related goals. First, I characterize in detail what I call the Ideal Two-Tier Social Choice Model of Politics in conjunction with the idea of public reason. Second, I explore the implications of this model, when it is assumed that decision rules are among the constitutive features of the social alternatives on which individuals have preferences. The choice of the decision rule cannot be made independently of considerations regarding the likelihood that individuals will vote based on political judgments that are not publicly justified. The result is an account of political legitimacy according to which only "elitist" decision rules are amenable to public justification. Some of them are plainly compatible with liberal democracies as they currently exist. Others are however more naturally associated with the concept of epistocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Collective Discussion aims to open up space for an international political sociology of the production of historical knowledge that interrogates the politics around benchmark dates and what becomes knowable and unknowable through them. Specifically, it examines 1492 as a historiographical device through which to unpack how the discipline of IR knows history. 1492 presents a relevant case for this interrogation, for it is central for the historical narratives of a variety of approaches. In this sense, the different contributions do not seek to recover an alternative, 'better' history of 1492, but rather to explore its politics of knowledge production: what types of histories it makes visible, what types it precludes, and in what way it partakes in the reproduction of specific hierarchies of knowledge and the power structures that operate through them. In doing so, the Collective Discussion makes visible – and thus opens up for discussion – the historiographical operations performed by periodization and benchmark dating in IR, pointing to a way forward for an international political sociology of knowledge production in the discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last two decades have seen an increase in the intensity and frequency of extreme weather events, placing complex demands on police and emergency services in the UK. Despite the growing recognition of the cascading and multidimensional threats, there is limited understanding of how policing and local governance actors are preparing for the climate crisis. In this paper, we argue that polycentric governance approaches, such as the Local Resilience Forums (LRFs), provide an essential focal point for emergency planning and disaster response activity that is rooted in localised contexts. However, while the LRFs are designed to benefit from the inclusion of a broad range of actors, dominant mentalities, knowledge hierarchies and powerful actors may limit their epistemic potential. We propose that a pathway towards a resilient and adaptive policing agenda for the Anthropocene necessitates acknowledging the limits of policing knowledge, expertise and traditional command-and-control mentalities. We draw on the notion of epistocracy to propose a policy and research agenda for police and partner agencies to harness the epistemic potential of LRFs. By adopting approaches to leverage pluralised forms of knowledge and identifying strategies for co-opting community-based actors in emergency planning and response activities, police and partner agencies can strengthen local capacity-building and better promote local resilience and adaptation efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research has shown that sexual and/or gender minority voters are prone to mobilizing when LGBT+ issues are on the political agenda. This increased level of political engagement is attributed to the experience of discrimination, understood both in legal and social terms, which spurs LGBT+ individuals to participate with the aim of advancing their rights. However, a crucial question remains unanswered: do these gaps in participation persist in contexts where core LGBT+ rights are protected? Drawing from comprehensive and verified data on the population of Sweden, this study finds evidence of a positive and sustained sexuality‐driven voter turnout gap across multiple elections. This gap manifests itself both shortly and a decade after the enactment of same‐sex marriage and shows no tangible signs of abating. In addition to improving our knowledge of political participation patterns among sexual minorities, these findings underscore the potential role of minority rights protection as a mechanism to ensure enduring inclusion of social minority groups within democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comprehensive promotion of ideological and political construction in universities requires the integration of ideological and political education throughout the entire process of talent cultivation. By selecting materials from the development history of nanopore single-molecule analysis technology, this study constructs teaching cases that embody the ideological and political elements of practicality, exploration, and innovation. Through the integration of nanopore electrochemistry knowledge and ideological and political education, students are trained in critical thinking, scientific literacy, and a sense of responsibility through scenario-based teaching. This ensures the realization of the goal of cultivating high-level talents with both professional expertise and ideological integrity through the synergy of professional education and ideological education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Is exposure to false information necessary for misbelief? In this article, we consider the possibility that certain individuals hold misinformed beliefs without encountering misinformation, thus questioning for whom exposure to "fake news" is most deleterious. Using a pre-registered experiment on a diverse sample of 1079 US respondents, we find that the young, those with low information literacy, and those with high trust in government tend to hold mistaken beliefs, even without exposure to misinformation. Because these groups are already misinformed, eventual exposure to fake news does little to influence their misperceptions. Instead, misinformation exposure affects the elderly, those with high information literacy, and those with low trust in mainstream media the most. These results suggest that research focused on correcting misperceptions should avoid studying how certain characteristics correlate with misbelief only in misinformation's presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extensive research investigates the impact of descriptive representation on women's political participation; yet, the underlying mechanisms remain unclear. This article develops a novel theory of descriptive representation, arguing that women politicians mobilize women's political participation by recruiting women as grassroots party activists. Evidence from a citizen survey and the natural experiment of gender quotas in India confirm that women politicians are more likely to recruit women party activists, and citizens report greater contact with them in reserved constituencies during elections. Furthermore, with women party activists at the helm, electoral campaigns are more likely to contact women, and activist contact is positively associated with political knowledge and participation. Evidence from representative surveys of politicians and party activists and fieldwork in campaigns, further support the theory. The findings highlight the pivotal role of women's party activism in shaping women's political behavior, especially in contexts with pervasive clientelism and persistent gender unequal norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Tsinghua Journal of Education is the property of Tsinghua University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social or relational egalitarians try to defend democracy non-instrumentally as a constitutive element of a society where no one stands as inferior or superior to anyone else. However, they face an instrumentalist challenge from within: Why not uphold a non-democratic regime if it outperforms democracy in protecting or promoting egalitarian social relations, for example, by stably producing substantive political decisions that guard against social hierarchies? This article explores the best response to this challenge from the social egalitarian non-instrumentalist standpoint. It argues that the instrumentalist challenge can be accommodated without abandoning the essential non-instrumentalist commitment to democracy; while a nondemocratic regime may be justified under less-than-ideal circumstances as a contingently effective means to realize more social equality, democracy can nevertheless be viewed as a necessary condition for the realization of full social equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, the "Third World" was an expression used to refer to regions seen as lacking prosperity and progress, on the one hand, and as a rallying call for anti‐colonial struggles on the other. The concept evoked the uneven distribution of power and wealth following World War II, replaced the forms of oppression and disparities distinctive of the former colonial world, and fostered liberatory and autonomous projects. In recent discussions on intellectual decolonization, however, the Global South became a popular way of expressing purportedly similar understandings of what I name as "moral geographies of inequality." This article reviews the genealogies, uses, lives and afterlives of these two concepts, discussing whether the "Third World" and the "Global South" refer to one and the same; the contexts in which these terms are most commonly used; why one term has been substituted for the other; and the possible repercussions of this shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the intricate relationship between ideological and political education (IPE), cyber security, and digital literacy within the context of online information warfare, aiming to shed light on strategies for navigating the digital divide. Utilizing a quantitative research approach and convenience sampling, data were collected through a meticulously crafted online survey from a diverse range of participants, including students, professionals, and other individuals. Analysis of the data, conducted using SPSS software and Smart-PLS 3, revealed several significant findings. Firstly, there exists a pronounced disparity in access to diverse online information based on individuals' levels of IPE. Additionally, media literacy skills exhibit significant variation across different levels of IPE. Furthermore, the study elucidates how IPE influences individuals' propensity to engage in online echo chambers and their susceptibility to cyber security vulnerabilities. Finally, it underscores the role of IPE in shaping digital participation and civic engagement. Overall, this research contributes novel insights into the complex dynamics of online information warfare and highlights the pivotal role of ideological and political education in mitigating the digital divide. This study underscores the critical importance of IPE in shaping individuals' digital literacy, cyber security awareness, and engagement with online information environments. By elucidating the impact of IPE on navigating the digital divide, this research contributes valuable insights for policymakers, educators, and stakeholders seeking to foster a more informed, resilient, and inclusive digital society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women of Color feminists have theorized and pointed to the ways that chisme is a resistant practice for Women and Girls of Color. In line with this theoretical and epistemological framing of chisme, the authors explore the ways that gossip is, in fact, an intellectual and political literacy practice that Women and Girls of Color utilize in the face of racist, sexist, and classist structures. In doing so they aim to (1) center Women and Girls of Color as holders and producers of knowledge, (2) acknowledge and honor the literacies of chisme, and (3) center the truths of Women and Girls of Color who draw on chisme literacies in both academic and non-academic spaces. In this article they document the contours of chisme to highlight how it is legitimate, pleasureful, intergenerational, and disruptive of power structures. Through their respective empirical studies, the authors offer examples of chisme as powerful pedagogy with Girls of Color. They conclude with a call to scholars and practitioners to reconsider the role of chisme in their classrooms and research and how they might re-position Women and Girls of Color in their work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study extends the concept of selective exposure by examining different types of selectivity, including topical selectivity (entertainment vs. hard news), information channel selectivity (social media vs. traditional media), and ideological selectivity (like-minded vs. cross-cutting exposure). Drawing on a two-wave panel survey of American netizens (N = 834), this study revisits the debate about the potential of selective exposure to enhance or erode political learning. Results show that both topical and information channel selectivity directly reduce audience's political knowledge while ideological selectivity does not significantly affect political learning. Topical selectivity reduces political knowledge indirectly through decreased offline political discussion, while ideological selectivity enhances political knowledge gain indirectly through increased offline political discussion. Online political discussion fails to mediate the relationships between all three types of selectivity and political knowledge since it does not have a significant relationship with political knowledge. The findings imply that the prevalence of entertainment media and social media use may even enlarge existing political knowledge gaps. In addition, the political knowledge gained by ideological selective exposure is also dangerous because it could be less comprehensive, unbalanced, and attitudinally biased. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates how partisan YouTube use can paint biased evaluations of one's own as well as others' knowledge. Understanding of these relationships is enriched by a fresh theoretical perspective via the Dunning–Kruger effect, suggesting that people, especially those who perform poorly, tend to overestimate their own competence. Using South Korea and the United States as two different contexts, we also attend to how cultures moderate these relationships. Findings based on two independent surveys in these countries shed light on the role of partisan YouTube use in shaping people's hyperbolic self-evaluations and contrasted assessments of in- and out-group members. Furthermore, these trends are more pronounced among those with relatively a low level of actual knowledge. Finally, using partisan YouTube for news is strongly associated with group-based evaluations of knowledge in Korea, whereas it yields significant relationships only with self-evaluations of knowledge in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political readers of Shakespeare often turn to the Tempest as a means of judging Shakespeare's view of the relation between theoretical knowledge and political authority. Both David Lowenthal and Paul Cantor, for example, turn to the character of Prospero as a test-case for understanding the relation between philosophy and politics. Although it receives less attention, Shakespeare's Measure for Measure focuses on the same theme. Considering the two plays together, as Shakespeare apparently did, provides more robust evidence of the author's view of the promise and limitations of guiding political life by theoretical wisdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

People usually refer to individuals with certain forte as talents, while educational technology talents refer to individuals with educational technology professional forte. Only with professional ability can one form professional forte, while educational technology professional ability is cultivated through the educational technology major. Due to the dual structure of logical starting points, the discipline of educational technology inherently exhibits dual attributes, leading to a dual positioning for the corresponding educational technology major. Educational technology personnel must possess professional knowledge and abilities in teaching design, educational information processing, media (resource) development and application, construction and maintenance of material form teaching system, and research and management of educational technology, supported by new technologies. They should have a high level of political literacy, a sound personality, and the awareness and ability to continuously update, supplement, and improve interdisciplinary knowledge structures. They must also possess critical thinking, innovative thinking, and practical abilities to discover and solve problems. The modernization of education requires many composite talents who can innovate in the information environment and the establishment and development of the educational technology major precisely meets the society’s demand for composite innovative talents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GWP: Gesellschaft Wirtschaft Politik is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Civic education fosters societal stabilization and democratic resilience by equipping individuals with the knowledge, skills, and values necessary for active citizenship. This comprehensive review examines the impact of civic education on societal stabilization, synthesizing empirical evidence from diverse disciplinary perspectives. The results show a positive association between civic education interventions and various indicators of civic knowledge, attitudes, and behaviors. Specifically, comprehensive civic education curricula enhance political knowledge, cultivate positive civic attitudes, and promote democratic participation. Challenges such as the marginalization of civic education within educational systems and the politicization of curricula pose significant obstacles. Recommendations for enhancing civic education include integrating comprehensive curricula, professional development for educators, promoting experiential learning, fostering partnerships, and promoting inclusivity and diversity. Addressing these challenges and implementing evidence-based practices can maximize the impact of civic education on society, contributing to social cohesion, democratic governance, and protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

OBJECTIVES: The aim of this article is to analyse the occasions and formats in which social workers holding elected office in Germany use to transfer knowledge from social work into political decision-making processes. THEORETICAL BASE: The knowledge of social work should not only be used to help individuals, but also to initiate social change. There are different routes through which social workers can engage in policymaking, one of which is called "holding elected office". METHODS: This study utilized various methods such as surveys, interviews, and panel discussions to generate knowledge. OUTCOMES: The analysis reveals the different occasions and formats that social workers holding elected office use to transfer knowledge into political processes. However, they also encounter limitations, such as resource constraints and lack of majority support. SOCIAL WORK IMPLICATIONS: Therefore, a stronger political commitment from social workers remains highly desirable and, above all, relevant for shaping social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: The rapid change in artificial intelligence has evaluated ideological and political education ability in colleges and universities as a significant challenge. OBJECTIVES: To assess the level of competence of universities in ideological and political education to determine the effectiveness and efficacy of educational programs and to provide a basis for improving and upgrading academic competence. METHODS: Based on the CIPP model, the author constructed an index system and selected a suitable evaluation model to conduct a study on the evaluation of ideological and political competence of colleges and universities in the context of Artificial Intelligence, which helps to understand the background conditions, resource allocation, teaching activities and quality of teaching of educational programs, as well as the level of ideological and political literacy of the students and their achievements. RESULTS: The evaluation results show that this kind of evaluation research helps to improve and enhance the capacity of ideological and political education in colleges and universities, and at the same time, it can dig into the implementation effect of the educational program, find problems and shortcomings, and promote the continuous improvement of the educational program. CONCLUSION: Through evaluation, the quality and level of ideological and political education in colleges and universities can improve students' ideological and political literacy and sense of social responsibility. In addition, based on this, it makes the development of ideological and political ability in colleges and universities can be better adapted to the era of artificial intelligence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) is the property of Balkan & Near Eastern Journal of Social Sciences (BNEJSS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Accurate estimation of public opinion in diverse countries requires survey questions that operate similarly across languages. We leverage 3,026 bilingual Latinos across four studies to investigate how language-of-administration affects the measurement properties of political science scales. We randomly assign bilinguals to English and Spanish survey forms and uncover item bias, also known as differential item functioning (DIF), across items measuring identity, attitudes, and political knowledge. We examine whether translation errors are the culprit, yet find that perceived translation quality does not predict the magnitude of DIF and questions with minimal text exhibit item bias. Our findings suggest otherwise similar Latinos may be estimated to possess different levels of knowledge, attitude strength, and group identification due to survey language selection. We discuss the implications of our findings on the design of multilingual surveys and the study of racial and ethnic politics more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Trump-era political environment in the United States is characterized by changes to our information environment, specifically discourse surrounding so-called "fake news," and knowledge of political scandals. We explore whether news trust or knowledge of Trump administration scandals impact individuals' levels of internal, information, and external political efficacy. We find significant and surprising relationships between these measures and political efficacy outcomes. Results contribute to our understanding of how political efficacy is responsive to changes in the political environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The most prominent and influential Geography literatures about the Global South are predominantly produced by scholars in the North and less so by intellectuals whose homes are located in the Global South—the 'local scholars'. As a Cambodian scholar, I argue that the challenges of participating in collaborative, English language knowledge production derive not merely from skill disparities between international and 'local' academics, but also from constraints in finding the right platforms for research and academic expression. Constrained conditions for knowledge participation and expansion are rooted in a long history of colonialism in the Cambodian education system and the contemporary political economy of academia. Rather than directly engage with international intellectual and political discussions, in many cases, Cambodian scholars largely supply compelling stories—in the form of ethnographic evidence, data, images and affect to fuel theoretical debates taking place in the North. Beyond emphasising this well established inequity in the political economy of knowledge production, I contend that being 'on the ground' not only equips local scholars with contextual depths but also confines them to think and act locally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]